Relevant bibliographies by topics / Great Britain – Politics and government – 1558-1603

Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Politics and government – 1558-1603'

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Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Politics and government – 1558-1603"

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Snyder, Amanda J. "The politics of piracy : pirates, privateers, and the government of Elizabeth I, 1558-1588 /." Electronic version (PDF), 2006. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/snydera/amandasnyder.pdf.

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Culberson, James Kevin. "Obedience and Disobedience in English Political Thought, 1528-1558." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278873/.

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English political thought from 1528 to 1558 was dominated by the question of obedience to civil authority. English Lutherans stressed the duty of obedience to the prince as the norm; however, if he commands that which is immoral one should passively disobey. The defenders of Henrician royal supremacy, while attempting to strengthen the power of the crown, used similar arguments to stress unquestioned obedience to the king. During Edward VI's reign this teaching of obedience was popularized from the pulpit. However, with the accession of Mary a new view regarding obedience gained prominence. Several important Marian exiles contended that the principle that God is to be obeyed rather than man entails the duty of Christians to resist idolatrous and evil rulers for the sake of the true Protestant religion.
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Vaughan, Jacqueline D. "Secretaries, statesmen and spies : the clerks of the Tudor Privy Council, c. 1540-c.1603 /." Thesis, St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/440.

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Cramsie, John R. "Crown finance and governance under James I : projects and fiscal policy, 1603-1625." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14268.

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This thesis is a fundamental reassessment of Jacobean crown finance and its importance in the early-modern English polity. The concurrent focuses are the Jacobean conceptualization of crown finance in terms of projects and the analysis of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy was dominated by attempts to balance the consumptive demands of the patronage culture with the fiscal needs of meeting the state's responsibilities of governance. The introduction describes the origins of projects and their relationship to the Jacobean patronage culture; it also discusses the importance of fiscal policy as a jumping-off point for a reassessment of the Jacobean polity. The structures of policymaking are examined in Chapter 1 with special emphasis on the process of counsel and the central role of James I in the responsibilities of governance. The conceptualization of crown finance in terms of entrepreneurial-like projects is fully explored in chapter 2 as is the importance of the doctrine of necessity in fiscal policy. Chapter 3 examines the nature of projects using a case-study of fishing fleet initiatives. The most significant challenge to the project basis of finance occurred in the parliament of 1621; the consequences of these events, long misunderstood as an attack on monopolies, are re-examined in Chapter 4. Origins of opposition to projects in popular culture, among James' ministers, and in parliament preface this chapter. The three chapters making up section II of the thesis seek to rehabilitate fiscal policy with a focus on policymaking and governance. Robert Cecil's project for fiscal refoundation would have established a precedent of public taxation to support the crown. Its collapse is subjected to a reinterpretation in Chapter 5 which challenges Revisionist orthodoxy on Jacobean parliamentary politics and political philosophy. Chapter 6 examines a number of attempts through conciliar policymaking (1611-1617) to meet ongoing financial challenges which ultimately influenced fiscal policy for the rest of James' reign. The concluding chapter recreates Lionel Cranfield's formulation and application of the abstract ideal of the public good in fiscal policy. Cranfield represents the sharpest Jacobean example of a minister seeking to balance the demands of serving the king and the state in their own rights; and the challenges of so doing. The conclusion places the thesis into a wider perspective of early- modern governance and our understanding of the Jacobean polity.
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Drummond, Charles Robert. "Military power and political thinking in later Stuart Britain, 1660-1701." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709194.

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Alford, Stephen. "William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560s." Thesis, St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/641.

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St, John-Smith Christopher. "The judiciary and the political use and abuse of the law by the Caroline regime, 1625-1640." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cf332e84-3b73-4e0b-86e8-b3ea55e41ced.

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In December 1640 the Long Parliament brought accusations against Lord Keeper Finch and six judges of the three main Westminster courts. These asserted the illegality of decisions and opinions given by these judges. This thesis examines those accusations and argues that the government of Charles I engaged in a defensible process of political management of the law and the judges to legitimate its policies particularly after the suspension of parliament in 1629. This policy emerged as a response to the government's difficulties in enforcing the payment of the Forced Loan caused by its dubious legality. The policy took advantage of important features of the contemporary relationship between the law and the government and it had five features. The most senior and able lawyers were recruited as government law officers and counsel. They amassed and used a substantial and well researched body of legal authority to support royal rights. The chief justices were appointed from amongst the government lawyers and were used as political managers of their courts. New incentives were offered as rewards for the most senior judges. Judicial views on aspects of government policy were sought in advance and the Privy Council was used to by-pass the judges if necessary. These features are examined in relation to government revenue policies including distraint of knighthood fines and the forest laws, and religious policies in relation to the application of the writ of prohibition to the economic condition of the Church and High Commission. The application of this analysis to the Ship Money Case is considered. It is concluded that the judges were manipulated rather than coerced and often successfully avoided the pressure by technical stratagems. Most importantly the government showed that it generally had the law on its side. That had serious political implications but went a long way towards exonerating the judges.
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Williams, Mark. "The King's Irishmen : the roles, impact and experiences of the Irish in the exiled Court of Charles II, 1649-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669983.

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Bishop, Jennifer Jane. "Precious metals, coinage, and 'commonwealth' in mid-Tudor England." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708796.

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Seward, Daniel Edward 1971. "Civic voice in Elizabethan parliamentary oratory: the rhetoric and composition of speeches delivered at Westminister in 1566." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3951.

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The revival of classical rhetoric has come to be seen as a defining feature of the Renaissance, one manifest in a vast body of educational literature and cultural commentary. This discourse borrows and reshapes principles of Greek and Roman rhetoricians for contemporary social purposes. Much of the early scholarship on this cultural trend emphasizes the connection between the revived classical rhetoric and the self-conscious civic humanism apparent in school curricula and learned culture. The figure of the orator played an especially important role in this movement. Scholars have pointed out that the orator was presented by many educators and social critics as a noble vir civilis, one learned in literature, articulate in speech, and active in civil society. While Renaissance reformulations of classical oratory and emphases on the figure of the orator have been studied quite extensively as they appear in written works of the period, much less attention has been given to civic orations actually delivered. This study attempts to redress that gap in our understanding of early modern civic discourse, especially by investigating the triangulated relationship between humanist rhetorical education, Renaissance concepts of the power of eloquence, and civic speech as an institutionalized rhetorical practice. Parliament, often compared by Tudor writers to the Greek Areopagus and Roman Senate, provides an ideal locus of investigation, since the speeches delivered there were categorically civic in nature and regularly addressed the traditional subjects of classical deliberative oratory. Yet close analyses of speeches from Elizabeth I's 1566 session reveal that the common Renaissance images of the orator are unsuitable for characterizing the expressions of civic voice exhibited in actual public speaking, just as the classical codification of civic speech provides an insufficient hermeneutic tool for understanding the rhetorical purposes of orations delivered in Tudor institutions. Parliamentary orators did not see the revived classical rhetoric as the only, or even the primary, tool for composing orations in civic venues, but rather drew significantly upon institutional customs, procedural gestures, and alternative language arts, such as dialectic and sermonic prophesying, in order to establish finely nuanced stances within the rhetorical situation.
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Books on the topic "Great Britain – Politics and government – 1558-1603"

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MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Elizabeth I: War and politics 1588-1603. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994.

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Kishlansky, Mark A. A monarchy transformed: Britain 1603-1714. London: Penguin, 1996.

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1944-, Jones Clyve, and Jones David Lewis, eds. Peers, politics, and power: The House of Lords, 1603-1911. London (UK): Hambledon Press, 1986.

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Peter, Lake, and Sharpe Kevin, eds. Culture and politics in early Stuart England. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1994.

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Shapiro, Barbara J. Political communication and political culture in England, 1558-1688. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2012.

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MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Elizabeth I. London: E. Arnold, 1993.

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MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: Elizabethan Politics, 1558-1572. Princeton University Press, 2015.

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MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: Elizabethan Politics, 1558-1572. Princeton University Press, 2019.

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MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: Elizabethan Politics, 1558-1572. Princeton University Press, 2015.

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Lake, Peter, Jason Peacey, Anthony Milton, Neil Younger, and Alexandra Gajda. War and Politics in the Elizabethan Counties. Manchester University Press, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Politics and government – 1558-1603"

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Questier, Michael. "The Accession of James Stuart and the Kingdom of Great Britain, 1603–1610." In Dynastic Politics and the British Reformations, 1558-1630, 269–333. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826330.003.0005.

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The accession of James VI of Scotland as James I of England and Great Britain triggered a series of negotiations as to what the new British polity would be like and how far the Elizabethan settlement of religion might be subject to alteration. James manipulated the agendas of a range of interest groups in order to remodel both the court and, in some sense, to remake the (British) State. One crucial aspect of that process was the making of peace with Spain and an attempt to shadow the major European royal houses without getting drawn into the political conflicts which replaced the wars which had concluded in 1598. But the attempt to maintain a quasi-nonconfessional mode of politics inevitably encountered a Protestant critique of the king and court which James sought to defuse by tacking his public pronouncements on papal authority to his, arguably, absolutist readings of royal power.
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