Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain ;Parliament Elections, 1997'
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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain ;Parliament Elections, 1997"
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BlagoveÅ¡Äenskij, Roman. "Right-wing euroscepticism in the UK: the cases of the uk independence party and the conservative party between 1993 and 2015." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.422.
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The outcome of the 2014 elections of the European Parliament and the results of the 2015 national elections begged the question of whether the parties defending Eurosceptic positions are becoming prominent political forces in the UK. The research question is as follows: what are the similarities and differences between the two main right-wing parties of the UK, namely the Conservatives and the UKIP, in their anti-EU rhetoric in the last two decades? I used public speeches of the UKIP leader which showed that the national identity and national sovereignty are of a great value for the party. In this work, I also used other primary sources: the parties’ manifestos (1997, 2001, 2005, 2010, 2015), the Eurobarometer surveys (in 1999, 2004 and 2015) and YouGov surveys (between 2012 and 2015). They show that the British public is hostile towards Europe and immigrants from Europe. This article draws the similarities between the Conservatives and the UKIP. They both criticize Brussels for over-centralization of power. According to them, the aim of any British government is to reduce the competences of supranational bodies and return certain powers to the state capitals. In addition, the Conservatives and the UKIP pledged to fight against immigration. However they have different approaches towards the same problems: the Conservatives would have Britain renegotiate the membership terms, while the UKIP favors a withdrawal from the EU. The main difference between the parties in question is that the Tories are far more cautious than UKIP. They believe that Britain can renegotiate the terms of membership and returning certain powers back to the national level. For the UKIP, the EU is bad in its nature. The Conservative party wants to be in Europe but not run by Europe while the UKIP argues that it is impossible to be in Europe but not run by Europe.
Keywords: Euroscepticism, UKIP, Conservatives, Britain
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Andreeva, T. "Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.
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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to the European idea. The following questions are answered in the article: Do the anti-European moods exert the crucial and lasting effect on British European policy? Is it better and more profitable for Britain to stay within the organization taking an active part in the integration process, or to withdraw from it?
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Russell, A. T., C. J. Pattie, and R. J. Johnston. "Partisan Preferences, Regional Patterns, and the 1992 and 1997 General Elections in Great Britain." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 28, no. 2 (February 1996): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a280191.
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Prokopov, A. Y. "Communist International in 1920-s: British direction of activity." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(9) (December 28, 2009): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-6-9-54-64.
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In this article the main attention of the author is devoted to the problem of the decisive influence of the Communist International and its tactic “the united workers front” (1921—1928) on the policy of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) towards the Labour Party, the British Congress of Trade-Unions and the first Labour Government (1924). The author also examines the influence of Comintern on the activity of the CPGB before parliament elections of 1922, 1923, 1924 and during the General Strike of 1926.
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Evans, Rachel. "Leopard in kitten heels: The politics of Theresa May’s sartorial choices." Clothing Cultures 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00012_1.
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This article discusses the clothing choices of Theresa May as a female Member of Parliament (MP) and as the second woman prime minister of Great Britain. A Conservative MP since 1997 with a conservative background growing up a Vicar’s daughter and grammar school education, Mrs May’s sartorial choices have evolved to conform with an understanding of female MP’s as proxy men and to reflect British national dress as defined by tradition. However, within this conservative persona, a discordant note is struck by her choice of shoes. Not always neutral, in this article, her choice of fabric is examined as a form of ‘everyday resistance’. Compromised as these choices are, her choice of leopard print kitten heels is suggested as a form of subaltern resistance.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Miners, N. J. "Plans for Constitutional Reform in Hong Kong, 1946—52." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039862.
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Hong Kong has never taken the path of constitutional development towards democratic self-government followed by the rest of Great Britain's colonial empire. In 1984 the Legislative and Executive Councils were still composed entirely of officials and unofficials nominated by the Governor without a single elected member, just as they have been for the past 140 years. This anomalous position has commonly been justified in two ways: the official explanation is that there have been no demands for democratic institutions voiced by the people of Hong Kong; unofficially ministers and officials have claimed that the People's Republic of China objects to free elections and Britain has found it expedient to give heed to China's views. This has never been publicly and unambiguously admitted by any Minister of the Crown while in office to avoid diplomatic embarrassment, but a large number of comments and replies to parliamentary questions can be quoted which leave little doubt that this is in fact the case. It seems that the Chinese People's Government has always equated democratic constitutional advance in Hong Kong with moves to grant independence to the territory and so has imposed her veto on any changes which might preclude the future resumption of Chinese sovereignty. But now that Britain has formally declared her intention to restore the whole of Hong Kong to China in 1997 China has in turn declared that after 1997“The legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by elections,” and is apparently prepared to waive her longstanding objections to democratic developments in the intervening 12 years before Hong Kong reverts to Chinese sovereignty.
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Balliu, Henris. "Comparative Review of Tax Systems in the Republic of Albania and Great Britain." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 4, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 166–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejes-2018-0049.
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Abstract The taxation system is most certainly one of the main pillars of economic development towards sustainable growth.The aim of this paper is to critically assess the importance of an effective Tax System, its impact on the Albanian economy. Furthermore we shall outline a comparison of the Albanian Tax system to that of the United Kingdom. At this time a number of very important reforms are being undertaken by the government of Albania in light of future integration towards the European Union.The overview on the United Kingdom has the aim to enlighten the path on what should be our focus while building a Tax System that can help economic growth, to that effect Great Britain as a country of a stable and strong economy can be of example.Many differences can be noticed between the United Kingdom tax system and the Albanian one. This fact is simple to be accepted as Britain is one of the world superpowers, while the Albanian economy is a developing one. The tax systems in these two countries, the development history, application of VAT or Income Tax have had very different processions.The United Kingdom has one of the most voluminous Tax Acts in the world. The international company of legal research “LexisNexis” discovered that the Acts of Parliament on Taxation in the United Kingdom have more than doubled since 1997. The annual amendments to taxation are part of the Finance Act which has the power to change norms and principles of taxation as previously defined. Taxation in the United Kingdom usually includes payments for central government agencies called Her Majesty’s Revenues and Incomes and local councils. Local Councils collect a tax called business norms from businesses. The Albanian Taxation System consists of a packet of laws, regulations, guidance and tax agreements, on the procedure of application, measure, amendment and removal of taxes.Taxes are the main source of income in the state budget and the local government budget and the foundation of the whole Albanian tax system. In conclusion, we shall analyze the impact of the frequent changes to Taxation Law within the Albanian system and the challenges faced in light of this changes in terms of implementation and application.
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Williamson, Robert. "The International Fur Ban and Public Policy Advocacy: The Significance of Inuit Cultural Persistence." Practicing Anthropology 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 2–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.21.1.q277u6q561523748.
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In mid-July of 1997 a significant event occurred when a first ministers' meeting of the European Union abrogated the legislation of the European Parliament, which, in 1989, had voted to ban importation of trapped fur products into Union countries from Canada and the United States. For eight years the representatives of the Aboriginal people and some anthropologists had worked against the implementation of this legislation, which threatened the life-way of a substantial proportion of the North American trappers, 70% of whose product is marketed in Europe. More than half of these trappers are Aboriginal in ancestry and contemporary cultural lifestyle. The marketing ban issue was heated and inflated in a manner disproportionate to the extent of North American European trade that the fur market comprises. This emotional climate was largely generated by animal rights organizations, often employing shock techniques openly anti-Aboriginal in tone. The campaigns have been conducted with growing public support all over Europe, and to some significant degree in the urban United States—but most particularly so in Great Britain. The activities of the International Fund for Animal Welfare and its fraternal groups have been well documented by George Wenzel (Animal Rights, Human Rights: Ecology, Economy and Ideology in the Canadian Arctic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991) most notably, and also by such responsible people as the Greenlandic diplomat, ex-European Parliament Member and writer Finn Lynge.
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Butorina, O. V. "EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS: DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-71-81.
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The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain ;Parliament Elections, 1997"
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Willis, Jonathan Richard. "Explaining the support of the British National Party (BNP) in the 1999, 2004, and 2009 European Parliament elections." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4722.
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In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP's electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.ID: 030646218; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-71).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
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Political Science; International Studies Track
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Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. "Dealignment Decades on: Partisanship and Party Support in Great Britain, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278532/.
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This dissertation surveys electoral change in Great Britain during the period between 1979 and 1996. It analyzes the long-term factors and the short-term dynamics underlying the evolution of three aspects of the electorate: party identification, voting intentions and party support in inter-election periods. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel data from the British Election Studies and public opinion polls, I investigate the impacts of long-term socialization and short-term perceptions on voters' political decisions. I hypothesize that, over the last four elections, perceptual factors such as evaluations of party leaders and issues, particularly economic concerns, emerged as the major forces that account for the volatility in electoral behavior in Britain. Accordingly, this study is divided into three sections: Part I probes into the evolution in party identification across age cohorts and social classes as illustrated in trends in partisanship. Part II focuses on changes in voting intentions as affected by perceptual factors and party identification. Part III investigates the public's support for governing parties by analyzing the dynamics of aggregate party support during inter-election periods.
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Desrumaux, Clément. "Contes de campagne : sociologie comparée des conjonctures électorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne (1997-2007)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20008.
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Qu'est-ce qu'une campagne électorale ? Entendue tantôt comme une période, parfois comme unecompétition ou encore comme un ensemble de techniques de sollicitation des suffrages, la notion de"campagne électorale" est difficile à circonscrire. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment semodifient les pratiques des agents, leurs interactions et les structures du jeu politique pour former cequi se présente et s’interprète comme étant une "campagne électorale". Il s'agit alors d'analyser uneconjoncture particulière du politique, coproduite par les agents de champs différents (notammentpolitique et journalistique). Cette conjoncture se décline pratiquement en un ensemble de jeuxélectoraux plus ou moins compétitifs en fonction des propriétés sociales et politiques des candidats etdes représentations qu’ils se font du jeu. Ces jeux déterminent en grande partie les mobilisationsélectorales menées, tant dans l’adaptation du programme électoral défendu, que dans les modesd’action mis en oeuvre. Au final, l'espace politique des conjonctures électorales s'analyse comme unensemble de configurations d'agents plus ou moins liées et imbriquées. Cette approcheconfigurationnelle des conjonctures électorales se fonde sur l'analyse empirique des campagnesélectorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne et se concentre sur les candidats de quatrepartis politiques (Parti socialiste, Union pour un mouvement populaire, Parti travailliste et Particonservateur)What is exactly an electoral campaign? Sometimes understood as a period, occasionally as acompetition or as a set of techniques to get out the vote, the notion of "electoral campaign" is hard toclarify. The core of this work is to analyse changes in the practices of social agents, in theirinteractions and in the structures of the political game that, in the end, form what looks like - and isinterpreted as- an "electoral campaign". Thus, a campaign is conceived as a particular politicalconjuncture constructed jointly by agents, belonging to different fields (notably the political and thejournalistic ones). This conjuncture presents itself as a set of electoral games, which are more or lesscompetitive according to the social and political properties of candidates and the representations theyhave concerning the game. These games largely determine how electoral mobilisations are carriedout, both regarding the adaptation of manifestos and the means of action implemented. Eventually, thepolicy space during electoral conjunctures can be analysed as a set of configurations of agents thatare more or less linked and intertwined together. The configurational approach of electoralconjunctures is based on the empirical analysis of parliamentary campaigns in France and GreatBritain and focuses on the candidates of four political parties (French Socialist Party, French Union fora Popular Movement, British Labour Party and British Conservative Party)
Books on the topic "Great Britain ;Parliament Elections, 1997"
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Pippa, Norris, Gavin Neil T, and Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government., eds. Britain votes 1997. Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with the Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government, 1997.
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Lewis, Baston, ed. Politico's guide to the general election. London: Politico's, 2000.
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Election rides. London: Faber and Faber, 1992.
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Clark, Ian. Scotland votes: The general election 1997 in Scotland. Dundee: General Election Studies, University of Dundee, 1998.
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Dennis, Kavanagh, ed. The British general election of 1992. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1992.
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Dennis, Kavanagh, ed. The British general election of 1987. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1988.
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David, Butler. The British general election of 1987. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1988.
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Market & Opinion Research International. British public opinion: The British general election of 1997 : final report. London: MORI, 1997.
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Campaign 1997: How the general election was won and lost. London: Indigo, 1997.
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Michael, Thrasher, Craig Fred W. S, and Parliamentary Research Services, eds. British electoral facts, 1832-1999. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain ;Parliament Elections, 1997"
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Game, Chris. "Decentralisation and Devolution in the United Kingdom." In Comparative Studies and Regionally-Focused Cases Examining Local Governments, 1–34. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0320-0.ch001.
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The key to the core of this chapter is in its title. Constitutionally, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is still a unitary state comprising three countries – England, Scotland, Wales – plus the province of Northern Ireland. Since 1998, though, the last three have had their own elected parliaments or assemblies and devolved governments, whose responsibilities naturally include most local government functions and operations. It is arguable, therefore, that in practice nowadays the UK is quasi-federal. England, with 84% of the UK population, doesn't have a separate parliament, but is gradually working out its own form of devolution. The chapter describes all these developments, but its detail is largely reserved for the structure and workings of local government in England – elections and elected councillors, services and functions, and its currently rapidly changing finances – and the impact, particularly on councils' financial and policy discretion, of its having, in population terms, by far the largest scale of local government in Western Europe.
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Webley, Lisa, and Harriet Samuels. "2. Constitutional Organisations, Institutions, and Roles." In Complete Public Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198798064.003.0002.
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Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter describes the UK’s main constitutional bodies or offices and their roles. The state’s institutions and offices are linked to the three main powers at work within it: executive power, legislative power, and judicial power. The Queen is the head of state for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and heads the three branches of the state, although she is a constitutional monarch and her power is subject to constitutional limits. The executive is an umbrella term that describes two different entities: the political executive and the wider machinery of the government. The political executive contains the Prime Minister and government ministers. The wider machinery of government involves the collection of people who keep the country running, which includes the civil service, the police, the armed forces, members of executive agencies such as the Prison Service and the welfare benefits system. Parliament is the body tasked with law-making, the scrutiny of Bills, and holding the executive accountable. The courts oversee the operation of the rule of law by reviewing actions, omissions, and decisions taken by the executive to ensure that they are legal, rational, and procedurally proper, and comply with the terms of the Human Rights Act 1998. The chapter concludes with a discussion of elections to the Westminster Parliament—the mechanism through which MPs are elected and other ways in which those elections could be run.
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Webley, Lisa, and Harriet Samuels. "2. Constitutional Organisations, Institutions, and Roles." In Complete Public Law, 17–48. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198853183.003.0002.
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Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter describes the UK’s main constitutional bodies or offices and their roles. The state’s institutions and offices are linked to the three main powers at work within it: executive power, legislative power, and judicial power. The Queen is the head of state for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and heads the three branches of the state, although she is a constitutional monarch and her power is subject to constitutional limits. The executive is an umbrella term that describes two different entities: the political executive and the wider machinery of the government. The political executive contains the Prime Minister and government ministers. The wider machinery of government involves the collection of people who keep the country running, which includes the civil service, the police, the armed forces, members of executive agencies such as the Prison Service, and the welfare benefits system. Parliament is the body tasked with law-making, the scrutiny of Bills, and holding the executive accountable. The courts oversee the operation of the rule of law by reviewing actions, omissions, and decisions taken by the executive to ensure that they are legal, rational, and procedurally proper and that they comply with the terms of the Human Rights Act 1998. The chapter concludes with a discussion of elections to the Westminster Parliament—the mechanism through which MPs are elected and other ways in which those elections could be run.