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1
Koybaev, Boris G. "The Allied Powers in Iran during World War II: the fight against German agents." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-44-49.
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On the eve of the Second World War, Iran’s relations with Germany in the field of political, trade, economic, military and cultural relations significantly increased. At the same time, Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and Britain were deteriorating. Many attempts to enter Iran, especially to gain access to Iranian oil, have also been made by the United States. They were actively opposed by the USSR and Great Britain, and the latter acted more decisively and persistently, which caused the anger of Washington. All this prompted Tehran to search for a “third force” that could protect Iran from the encroachment of the USSR and Great Britain on its interests. And such a” third force “ Iran found in the person of Germany, which after Hitler came to power began to develop intensively in military and economic terms. Reza Shah was impressed by Hitler, who, in turn, expressed interest in cooperation with Iran, as a large state in the Middle East, which occupied an important place in the plans of Nazi Germany to conquer world domination. As you know, the fascist leadership after the implementation of the Barbarossa plan intended to defeat Great Britain, but first to capture its pearl-British India. Berlin hoped to implement these plans in alliance with Iran, using its territory for subversive and aggressive actions against India. It was also intended to seize the AIOC oil fields, because the Axis powers did not have their own sources of oil.
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ONEA, TUDOR A. "Between dominance and decline: status anxiety and great power rivalry." Review of International Studies 40, no. 1 (February 8, 2013): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000563.
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AbstractThis article investigates the role of status considerations in the response of dominant powers to the rise of emergent states. Accordingly, the hypothesis explored is that dominant actors are prone to fear that they will lose their upper rank, and, due to this status anxiety, resist the efforts of emergent powers to match or surpass them. The article begins by explaining why political actors deem status important and puts forward a theory of status anxiety in world politics. The more pronounced is this anxiety across status dimensions (economic and military capabilities as well as prestige), the higher the likelihood of conflict. This argument is then tested against competing theories of dominant power behaviour in two cases: the relations between France and Britain from the 1740s to Napoleon and those between Britain and Germany from the 1880s to World War One.
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Gajownik, Tomasz. "Podpułkownik dyplomowany Andrzej Czerwiński i jego raport z 1933 roku o sytuacji polityczno-wojskowej w Czechosłowacji oraz warunkach i możliwościach pracy attachatu w Pradze." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 11 (November 6, 2018): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7228.
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In 1933 geopolitical situation in Europe had been changed. The leaders of four countries: Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany tried to make some agreement of ruling on the continent. For such countries like Poland and Czechoslovakia this agreement could be very dangerous. Both of them had a very difficult mutual relations. But potential threat could bring them closer. In a spirit of those thinking, polish military attache lt. Col. Andrzej Czerwiński had prepared a short report of political and military situation in Czechoslovakia, especially in the face of German’s pressures. He was writing about possibility of closing between two countries, chances of development of military forces and mutual cooperation.
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Pavlov, Nikolay. "Germany in the Middle East: from Bismarck to Hitler." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019238-0.
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Germany has always been interested in expanding its influence in the Middle East where the strategic interests of the main imperialist powers competing among one another met. For a long time this region was for Germany a territory that provided access to sea, played the role of the military and political bridgehead, was a source of raw materials and a market for German goods. Having embarked on the path of colonial conquests much later than Great Britain and France, Germany was forced not to conquer but to win back its share of the “colonial pie”. Nevertheless, Germany managed to take a leading place in relations with the countries of the Middle East, which considered it as a central European power capable of becoming a conductor of their interests in Europe. However, Germany’s defeat in two world wars led to the fact that it lost its positions in the region and two new German states needed one decade to start a new dialogue with the countries of the region in the conditions of Cold war and bloc confrontation.
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Dudaiti, Аlbert K. "Problems of Iran’s relations with the leading world Powers in the initial period of the Second World War (1939–1941)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 3(2021) (September 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-3-12-19.
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The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia.
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Fomin, A. M. "British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941: Three Wars ‘East of Suez’." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.
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After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Tkachuk, T. "The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II.
During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation.
The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.
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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Batum Subsystem of International Relations: Problems of Formation and Inter-Imperial Competition, June-August 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021032-3.
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The implementation of the Treaty of Batum on 4 June 1918 signalled the hegemony of the Ottoman Empire in the macro-region between the Black and Caspian Seas. From the very first days it provoked opposition from other imperial actors, including Germany, an ally of Turkey. In June–July 1918, all the contenders for control of the post-imperial spaces of the former Ottoman Empire were forced to combine coercive and diplomatic means to strengthen their positions, recruiting allies and amassing forces. Due to a number of objective reasons, none of the great powers had the necessary resources to achieve their goals, facing a shortage of both military means and the necessary technical conditions. Their interest in the transformation of the region was extremely high: Germany and Soviet Russia sought to incorporate Transcaucasia into the space of the larger Brest system, while the Entente and the Central Powers were still engaged in a decisive campaign of the Great War, and the Young Turks saw their only chance of implementing their nationalist projects. The hostages of these aspirations were the newly emerged limitrophe states, which were in various stages of formation, on both sides of the Caucasus range. The German mission to Georgia, the Ottoman assistance to Azerbaijan and the Mountainous Republic, and Armenia's hopes for assistance from Britain, Soviet Russia or Austria-Hungary all played a decisive role in their fate. The policy of the great powers was complicated by problems of coalition interaction and systemic trends towards the formation of a coherent geopolitical space following the victory of the Central Powers over the disintegrating Russian Empire and Romania. The peace conference in Constantinople failed to resolve the problem, and the Entente's efforts to re-establish the Eastern Front in parts of the former Russian Empire were growing. Interaction and competition between various actors led to the active integration of the macro-region into the logic of the Great War, so that attempts to diplomatically formalise or revise the Batum subsystem were soon replaced by military confrontation between all the imperial claimants around Baku. The article draws on the diplomatic archives of the former Central Powers to reconstruct the formation of a new subsystem of international relations.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. "Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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Vonog, E. A. "CONTEMPORARIES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA AND REPRESENTATIVES OF ALBION: THE NATURE OF RELATIONS, REFLECTED IN THE FILM AND PHOTO DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH INTERVENTIONISTS IN THE PERIOD 1918–1919." Siberian journal of anthropology 06, no. 5/2 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31804/2542-1816-2021-5-2-19-35.
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Despite the British support of the Russian White movement during such events as the intervention and the Civil War in Russia, the effective actions of Albion towards the anti-Bolshevik forces can hardly be considered friendly. For centuries, Great Britain acted as an opponent of Russia, and only in the first half of the 20th century because of Kaiser and later fascist Germany threats Great Britain and Russia established short-term allied relations. The study of assessments connected with Great Britain standpoint of certain historical events in our country, as well as the historical experience of relations with this long-standing opponent of Russia made this article topical. In the article the author attempts to convey the nature of the difficult relationship between the contemporaries of the Russian Civil War and the British interventionists, based on visual history and such sources as film and photo documents of the British Expeditionary Forces in the period of 1918–1919. In order to understand the contradictory nature of relations with the British, Russian Republic (earlier the Russian Empire) previous allies, the author aims at showing the prerequisites for the invasion of the Entente countries and changes in the strategy of British political forces in relation to Russia. The study was carried out within the framework of such an interdisciplinary branch of science as «military anthropology», where the object of study is «a man in war». The article presents not only an overview of British film and photo documents, but also their attribution made with the definition of copyright holders, places and time of filming, accompanied with identifying the authors of the film and photo documents involved in creating a visual image of the Civil War in Russia. The study is based on the historical-comparative method, which made it possible to determine the differences between Russian-British relations during the Civil War in all territories of the presence of British interventionists — in the North, South and East of Russia.
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Kazakova, Oxana, and Yuliia Samoilenko. "MUTUAL RELATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR THROUGH THE PRYSM OF THE WAR CABINET ACTIVITY (BASED ON THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH NATIONAL ARCHIVES)." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 3 (11) (October 27, 2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2021-03-6-16.
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The article reveals mutual relationships between Great Britain and Poland on the verge of the Second World War based on the British National Archives documents. The authors acknowledge principles of the British foreign policy towards Poland and the activity of its diplomatic corps along with the War Cabinet. The paper determines that diplomatic and military-political relations between Great Britain and Poland have been multidimensional with deep historical roots.
The article represents the analysis of the main misunderstandings and challenges that determined British-Polish relations before and at the beginning of the Second World War. Sequentially, the British position and interest regarding the establishment of the strategic military partnership with Poland are shown. The authors examined British-Polish agreements that were signed during the spring-summer period of 1939 in order to designate the nature of the negotiation process between the states.
The publication also reveals the reasons for a weak practical element of the negotiation process, emphasising the difficulties concerning the Royal force on the European continent deployed on the Polish border. Also, the authors analyse scenarios of the counteractions towards the aggressive steps of Germany and search for the mechanisms of the aggression deterrence considering different dynamics of the events. It is stated that along with the British influence regarding the situation in Poland, either France took an active part in the decision-making process.
Based on the documents from the British National Archives, the authors established that diplomatic commentaries and reports written by ambassadors and state officials with regards to German actions on the Polish territories on the verge of the Second World War. Emphasising the cruel legacy of the Nazi regime, the rapid nature of German army attacks and brutal treatment towards the Polish population in the first days of September 1939 are described.
The authors concluded that actions of the British political and military circuits concerning aid to Poland at the start of the Second World War seem to have been inconsistent, unconfident and did not bring strategic effect.
After the Nazi occupation of Poland, British authorities had to change their approaches to the realisation of British-Polish relations. London accepted the idea of recognition of Polish emigrated government officials headed by V. Sikorsky, providing them with substantial empowerment to the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Tkachuk, Taras. "JAPANESE INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR II (1931 – 1940)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 13 (2022): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.13.6.
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The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.
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Naumov, Aleksandr O. "Moscow's Position on the Remilitarization of the Rhineland." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.410.
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The article examines the problem of the remilitarization of the Rhineland by Nazi Germany in March 1936 through the prism of the perception of this event in the Soviet military and political-diplomatic circles. Special attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time, allowing a new look at the position of the USSR during the development of crisis trends in the Versailles system of international relations. The author comes to the conclusion that the Rhineland crisis played a crucial role in changing the balance of power in Europe, dramatically strengthening the position of Nazi Germany and weakening the position of France. Great Britain, after the remilitarization of the Rhineland, embarked on the path of appeasing the aggressors. In fact, this event was the starting point of the crisis of the interwar order, which eventually led to the outbreak of World War II. Surrendering one position after another and making concessions to Hitler’s Germany, Great Britain and France were unable to achieve their main goal – to prevent a new world war, only strengthening the confidence of European dictators in the expediency of achieving their goals by force. In these difficult conditions, as archival documents show, there was a clear understanding in Moscow how dangerous the development of destructive events in European politics was. When forming its own foreign policy line, the Kremlin objectively assessed both the true intentions of the Hitler regime and the essence of the foreign policy maneuvers of Western democracies.
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Middeke, Michael. "Anglo-American Nuclear Weapons Cooperation After the Nassau Conference: The British Policy of Interdependence." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 2 (May 2000): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032318.
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The Anglo-American summit at Nassau in December 1962 did not strictly separate Britain's deterrent from the proposed Multilateral Force (MLF). As a result, Conservative governments in the 1960s tried to safeguard maximum British independence in nuclear relations with the United States. The British tried to thwart American initiatives on the mixed-manned MLF; some British officials even hoped to preserve an “independent British deterrent” through nuclear cooperation with France. For the United States, the British deterrent had political value in an intra-alliance or East-West context, but no military or political significance in itself. The MLF idea of bilateral nuclear cooperation with Britain and France was a means to contain French and German nuclear ambitions and to settle Cold War disputes with the Soviet Union. In London, however, leading officials believed that Britain's future as a great power was inextricably linked to the possession of an independent nuclear deterrent. When nuclear independence was lost, the appearance of independence became more important.
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Golson, Eric. "THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000314.
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ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.
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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Lukic, Reneo. "Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408309.
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“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.
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Savinova, Anna. "The problem of security of Mediterranean communications in French policy in the spring of 1938." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33296.
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This article explores the representations of French diplomats and military chiefs on the methods of ensuring security of Mediterranean communications against the background of unfolding Austrian crisis in the spring of 1938. Although national and foreign researchers discusses the existence of a threat to French communications in the Mediterranean, Paris’ position on this problem alongside the change of its approach, have not previously become the subject of separate research. The author attempts to elucidate why Paris resorted to the questions of military cooperation with London in the Mediterranean Region precisely in the spring of 1938. The author relied on the achievements of the realist school of the theory of international relations in defining the concept of security. The conclusion is formulated that consolidation of Italy and Germany in the strategically important areas of the region – Spanish Morocco and Balearic Islands, which took place during the Spanish War, posed a serious threat to French communications in the Mediterranean. French military officers believed that particular danger to Paris’ positions in the region came from Italy. In the course of escalation of the Austrian crisis, the stance of Paris on the defense of communications varied. If in February 1938, the French military chiefs were assumed that security of communications could be ensured by signing an agreement, after the Anschluss they considered conducting military operations in the Mediterranean Region in the instance of the beginning of war. Paris was concerned about consolidation of “axis” powers in the region, and a year ahead of London raised the question on conducting combat operations in the Mediterranean. However, without the support of Great Britain, France was incapable of achieving full protection of its Mediterranean interests.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Kondratieva, Natalia. "STATE AID TO THE EU ECONOMY BEFORE AND AFTER THE PANDEMIC." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620225260.
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The article gives an idea about the volume of companies subsidizing in the EU. The characteristics of the last decade are revealed: stable growth, which led to a doubling of government aid spending, then a huge surge at the end of the period under review due to the COVID-19 crisis. The types of assistance are described, as well as the conditions under which it can be provided from state budgets according to the Temporary Anti-Crisis Program of the EU, put into effect in March 2022 in connection with Russia’s Special Military Operation in Ukraine and allowing additional state subsidies. Significant differences between EU countries in the level of state support of the national economy are shown. It shows also the active use of state support as a tool for influencing the economy by large European countries: Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy, Spain, as well as a noticeable increase in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Against this background, the forecast of further deepening of cross-country imbalances in the EU is given. The modern role of the European Commission in the control of state support is revealed: once the guardian of fair competition, which does not recognize state interference in market relations, and now the conductor of state subsidies to the economy, distorting the normal course of competition.
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Mustafa, Aram Ali. "The Relationships between the Soviet Union and the Turkey (1920-1930) and its impact on the Kurdish issue." Journal of University of Human Development 5, no. 4 (October 6, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v5n4y2019.pp25-40.
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Relations between Russia and Turkey have gone through five centuries at different stages, sometimes in difficult wars and conflicts, sometimes in harmony and good relations. However, conditions changed in the eighteenth century, when the Ottoman Empire was weakened and disintegrated. Russia played an important role in cutting down parts of the Caucasus and Central Asia, as well as in reducing the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, which was considered a great nation for centuries.
At the end of the First World War, after the victory of the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Russian troops withdrew from the war fronts. The Bolshevik government exposed the secret clauses of the Sykes-Picot Agreement and concluded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918, with the Quadruple Alliance, led by Germany and the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman Empire, like its German ally, took advantage of the withdrawal of Russian troops from the war fronts. In contrast to the agreement, attacks were launched on the Caucasus regions controlled by Russian Russia. However, following the emergence of the Turkish National Movement, led by Mustafa Kemal and the signing of the Sevre Treaty and there were changes in the war fronts, as in the political arena. Russia, which became Soviet Russia at that time, found a new friend and ally, which had common interests with Soviet Russia, against the Ottoman Empire, on the one hand, and Britain and France on the other. Both countries have benefited from this friendship and alliance.
But at a time when the Kurds, especially in the Ottoman Kurdistan, had a chance to move towards achieving their goals and national rights, and at least making some progress in accordance with the provisions of the Sovereign Convention on the Rights of the Kurds. As the first country to recognize and establish diplomatic relations with Turkey with the help of the Kemalist Movement in various ways, Russia, as well as economic, industrial and mining assistance, became a great supporter of Turkey in international and diplomatic forums.
All this, along with many other factors, helped the Republic of Turkey stand on its own feet. When the revolutions and movements against the injustice and tyranny of the Turks occurred in Northern Kurdistan in the 1920s and 1930s, Soviet Russia sided with all possible means, military and political, as well as the Turkish Republic. Which brutally suppressed these uprisings and every move of a Kurdish nationalist nature.
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Borisov, A. Yu. "The Anti-Hitler Coalition: From Enmity to Military Alliance — A Formula for Success." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-7-44.
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It is unfortunate to note again today that World War II did not end, it continues in the form of the war of memory. Politicians and scholars who stand as ideological successors of collaborators are trying to rewrite the history of those tragic days, to downplay the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over fascism. They try to revive certain political myths, which have been debunked long ago, that the Soviet Union and the Nazi Germany bear equal responsibility for the outbreak of World War II, that the Red Army did not liberate Eastern Europe but ‘occupied’ it. In order to combat these attempts it is necessary to examine once again a turbulent history of the inter-war period and, particularly, the reasons why all attempts to form a united antifascist front had failed in the 1930s, but eventually led to the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition.The paper focuses on a complex set of political considerations, including cooperation and confrontation, mutual suspicions and a fervent desire to find an ally in the face of growing international tensions, which all together determined the dynamics of relations within a strategic triangle of the Soviet Union — the United States — Great Britain in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The paper shows how all attempts to establish a collective security system during the prewar period had shattered faced with the policy of appeasement, which allowed the Nazi Germany to occupy much of Europe. Only the Soviet Union’s entry into the war changed the course of the conflict and made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascist aggressors. The author emphasizes that at such crucial moment of history I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill raised to that challenge, demonstrating realism, common sense and willingness to cooperate. Although within the anti-Hitler coalition there was a number of pending issues, which triggered tensions between the Allies, their leaders managed to move beyond old grievances, ideological differences and short-term political interests, to realize that they have a common strategic goal in the struggle against Nazism. According to the author, this is the foundation for success of the anti-Hitler coalition and, at the same time, the key lesson for contemporary politicians. The very emergence of the anti-Hitler coalition represented a watershed in the history of the 20th century, which has determined a way forward for the whole humanity and laid the foundations for the world order for the next fifty years.
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Romanova, E. V. "Soviet Russia/the USSR and transformation of the international relations system in the first half of the 1920s." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 11–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-11-52.
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The paper examines the formation of the Soviet state and its place within the European international relations system in the first half of the 1920s both in the context of new principles of interstate interaction, the character of economic relations between countries, and geopolitical transformations triggered by the First World War. The first section covers the political and ideological aspects of relations between Soviet Russia/the USSR and Western countries. The author shows that, despite the prominence of ideological conflict in the development of the IR system that emerged after the First World War, continuous tensions both between the defeated and the victors and among the latter urged the political and military elites of Western states to consider the Soviet Russia as a situational partner even under the Bolsheviks rule. The difference in the assessments of the ideological conflict with Soviet Russia, and then with the USSR by Western statesmen stemmed from the difference in their assessments of the prospects for the evolution of the Soviet regime, as well as of the commitment of the Soviet leaders to the idea of the world revolution. The second section of the paper focuses on the role that was assigned to the Soviet state in various plans for the European economy reconstruction after the First World War. While the largest European states, Great Britain and Germany in particular, were interested in involving the Soviet state in the system of trade and economic relations (to get access to its resources in order to restore their own economies, and to open up the prospect of transforming the Soviet system towards capitalism), the Soviet leaders considered access to the European market as a necessary condition for the industrialization which was seen as the key to survival of the first socialist state in a hostile capitalist environment. In this regard the author notes that although Soviet Russia advocated for the revolutionary transformation of the entire IR system, she was unable to enforce it and eventually turned into a status quo power. However, the awareness of hostility by the Western world and the desire to preserve its unique socio-economic order, kept Moscow from attempts to integrate deeply into the Versailles system. In turn, the Western leaders, for all the differences in their approaches towards the Eastern European region and despite de facto recognition of the USSR demonstrated the growing alienation towards the Soviet regime as they became disillusioned with the prospects for its possible transition. This inability to predict the future development of the USSR, as well as to control the situation in Eastern Europe in general were among the factors that instigated the leading European power — Great Britain — to devise a scheme of the European security system without the USSR, which was embodied in the Locarno agreements of 1925.
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Romanova, E. V. "Soviet Russia/the USSR and transformation of the international relations system in the first half of the 1920s." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 11–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-11-51.
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The paper examines the formation of the Soviet state and its place within the European international relations system in the first half of the 1920s both in the context of new principles of interstate interaction, the character of economic relations between countries, and geopolitical transformations triggered by the First World War. The first section covers the political and ideological aspects of relations between Soviet Russia/the USSR and Western countries. The author shows that, despite the prominence of ideological conflict in the development of the IR system that emerged after the First World War, continuous tensions both between the defeated and the victors and among the latter urged the political and military elites of Western states to consider the Soviet Russia as a situational partner even under the Bolsheviks rule. The difference in the assessments of the ideological conflict with Soviet Russia, and then with the USSR by Western statesmen stemmed from the difference in their assessments of the prospects for the evolution of the Soviet regime, as well as of the commitment of the Soviet leaders to the idea of the world revolution. The second section of the paper focuses on the role that was assigned to the Soviet state in various plans for the European economy reconstruction after the First World War. While the largest European states, Great Britain and Germany in particular, were interested in involving the Soviet state in the system of trade and economic relations (to get access to its resources in order to restore their own economies, and to open up the prospect of transforming the Soviet system towards capitalism), the Soviet leaders considered access to the European market as a necessary condition for the industrialization which was seen as the key to survival of the first socialist state in a hostile capitalist environment. In this regard the author notes that although Soviet Russia advocated for the revolutionary transformation of the entire IR system, she was unable to enforce it and eventually turned into a status quo power. However, the awareness of hostility by the Western world and the desire to preserve its unique socio-economic order, kept Moscow from attempts to integrate deeply into the Versailles system. In turn, the Western leaders, for all the differences in their approaches towards the Eastern European region and despite de facto recognition of the USSR demonstrated the growing alienation towards the Soviet regime as they became disillusioned with the prospects for its possible transition. This inability to predict the future development of the USSR, as well as to control the situation in Eastern Europe in general were among the factors that instigated the leading European power — Great Britain — to devise a scheme of the European security system without the USSR, which was embodied in the Locarno agreements of 1925.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.
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Grachov, Artem. "The break-through of “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British Foreign policy." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (October 7, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.113-127.
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The work analyzes the events around cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British foreign policy, and their connection with the broader problems of Foreign Office diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire and neighboring countries. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity, systematics and the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, problem-chronological) methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact the multimethodology is used to the problem of cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” and their connection with the foreign policy of Great Britain concerning the Ottoman Empire, Constantinople, the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and the states of the region. Conclusions. The breakthrough of “Goeben” and “Breslau” is closely connected with numerous British foreign policy issues: the struggle for the Ottoman Empire, the problem of Constantinople and the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, and the confiscation of the British-built “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” ships. We must agree with the generally accepted opinion in historiography that the incident around “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” upset British-Ottoman relations and allowed German diplomacy to seize the initiative and arrange a risking undertaking with “Goeben” and “Breslau.” The result of the latter allowed the Germans to strengthen their control over the political and military affairs of the Ottoman Empire and had a corresponding effect on British foreign policy toward Bulgaria and Greece, as well as the Entente’s ally – the Russian Empire. The Foreign Office’s passivity regarding the “Goeben” and “Breslau” incidents in Russian and Soviet historiography had often been interpreted as deliberate action against Petrograd, which encroached on Constantinople, the Bosporus, and the Dardanelles. However, British sources have convincingly shown the groundlessness of these allegations.
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Vylegzhanin, A. N., Tim Potier, and E. A. Torkunova. "Towards Cementing International Law through Renaissance of the United Nations Charter." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (July 25, 2020): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-1-6-25.
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INTRODUCTION. This year is the 75-th anniversary of the Great Victory of the Allies – Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA – over Nazi Germany. The most important legal result of this victory has become the Charter of the United Nations – the universal treaty initiated by Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA (and later – by China and France) aiming to save succeeding generations from the new world war by establishing United Nations mechanisms to maintain international peace and global security. The UN Charter has since become the foundation of modern international law, respected by States across continents and generations. That seems, however, to begin changing after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, when its former-members «socialist» European countries (including Bulgaria and Poland) became a part of the Western military bloc – North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO seems to demonstrate now a new attitude to fundamental principles of the UN Charter, first of all, to the principle relating to the use of armed force only according to the UN Charter. NATO States-members launched in 1999 an air campaign against Serbia without authorization by the Security Council; then an ad hoc western coalition, led by the United States, resorted to armed force in 2003 against Iraq and organized in the occupied territory of Iraq the death penalty of the President Saddam Hussein. Even some western European States, France and Germany, first of all opposed such military action of the USA for ignoring the UN Charter. The apparent involvement of the USA in the unconstitutional removal of the Ukrainian President Yanukovich from power in Kiev in 2014 and the subsequent local war between those who recognize such a discharge as legitimate and those who do not (both referring to the right of self-defense) – these facts make the problem of international peace especially urgent. In this political environment, the risks of World War III seem to be increasing. This paper addresses such challenges to modern international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. Th background of this research is represented by the teachings of distinguished scholars and other specialists in international law, as well as international materials including documents of the international conferences relevant to the topic. Some of such materials are alarming, noting that the international legal system is in danger of collapse and it is doubtful whether an international legal order will be possible in the coming decades at all. Others are not so pessimistic. The analytical framework includes also suggested interpretations of the UN Charter and other international treaties regulating interstate relations in the area of global security. The research is based on a number of methods such as comparative law and history of international law, formal logic, including synthesis of relevant facts and analogy.RESEARCH RESULTS. It is acknowledged that there is a need for a more coherent international legal order, with the system of international law being at its heart. Within the context of applicable principles and norms of international law, this article specifically provides the results of analysis of the following issues:1) centrifugal interpretations of international law as they are reflected in its sources; 2) the need for increasing the role of the UN Charter in the global international legal framework; 3) modern values of the UN Charter as an anti-confusion instrument; 4) the contemporary meaning of the Principles embedded in the UN Charter; 5) comparison of the main principles of international law and general principles of law; 6) jus cogens and the UN Charter.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. After discussing the issues noted above, this paper concludes that it is in the interest of the community of states as a whole to clarify the normative structure and hierarchy of modern international law. Greater discipline will need to be demonstrated in the use and classification of principles of international law and general principles of law in the meaning of Article 38 of the ICJ Statute. The content of jus cogens norms most probably will be gradually identified, after diffi lt discussions across the international community, both at interstate level and among academics. At the heart of such discussions may be the conclusion suggested in this paper on the peremptoriness of the principles of the United Nations Charter – Articles 1 and 2. Such an approach will further promote international law at the advanced quality of regulation of international relations and, for the good of all mankind, assist in the establishment of an international environment much more dependent on the rule of law.
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Bohomolets, Olha. "Geopolitical Discrimination of Some Countries as Exemplified by Ukraine: Difficulties and Perspectives." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 666–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-40.
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The article studies the history and the current stage of Russia’s aggression to-wards countries with lower military potential. The collapse of the post-war system of international relations and collective security has become apparent: the aggression of Russia against Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine has testified to the fact that there are no longer any tools to protect countries subjected to discrimination from super powers. Today discrimination affects not only people or social groups, but also some countries. Such countries are not capable of pursuing an independent policy as to major centres of international power they have to deal with. Peculiar to these countries are uncompetitive economy, low quality of life and undeveloped civil society, they hence become a target for “vital interests”, namely bidding by so-called super powers. “Giants” are attracted by the geographical location of a possible “victim”, access to the sea, transit facilities, natural resources, especially energy, low-cost labour, etc. It is often that “discriminated” countries become grounds for ignition of burning or frozen conflicts provoked by powerful neighbours’ influence, or are exposed to open aggression and become subject to occupation or hybrid war. This has all started after the Second World War, when super powers of the USSR and China, on the one hand, and the United States, Great Britain, Australia, and others, on the other, have made Korea fall into two states. In addition, there was subsequently a division of Germany, the Caribbean crisis…However, such conflicts then were not that wide-ranging, since the post-war collective security system was quite effective. Things, though, have changed dramatically in recent decades. One of the largest global players − Russia – has decisively begun to create around itself a buffer zone formed of countries, where it fuels frozen conflicts and in such a way keeps them under the radar and hinders their integration into the Western world. Initially, Russia ignited a conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, supporting Armenia and assisting it to invade a considerable part of the territory in Azerbaijan, and then initiated the war in Transnistria by virtually occupying part of Moldova’s territory and asserting itself there on the pretext of deploying a peacekeeping mission. Later, there was a war in Abkhazia and then − in South Ossetia aiming to detach part of Georgia’s territory. And lastly, the turn of Ukraine has come… Regrettably, Ukraine is a typical and another example of a country that has fallen victim of multifaceted interests of the leading global players − Russia, the United States and the EU, and has faced all possible forms of discrimination. Keywords: war in eastern Ukraine, military aggression, geopolitics, conflicts, buffer zones.
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Turner, Ian. "Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.
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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
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Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Chernomorova, T. "Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2012): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.
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United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.
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Gipson, Ronnie R. "Signposts Signify Troubled Waters Ahead for Taiwan-U.S. Relations." American Journal of Trade and Policy 9, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v9i2.624.
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The issue of Taiwan's independence and protection is reminiscent of Poland’s position in the late 1930s, facing unbridled aggression from Nazi Germany. Great Britain and France promised to declare war if Germany attacked Poland. However, after Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, neither Great Britain nor France deployed troops to Polish soil to rebuff the attack and restore Poland’s sovereignty. The promise of assistance was an empty promise that the Polish people paid dearly. History teaches us that an ambiguous assistance policy will not stop naked aggression. A firmer stance and a more transparent approach are warranted from a diplomatic standpoint. This article is an essay that sets forth and supports the premise that the United States should clarify and strengthen its position of support for Taiwanese independence.
Preprint (November 18, 2021). Available at SSRN: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3939120
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Hrubinko, A. "The Role of Great Britain in the Military-technical Cooperation of the Countries of European Union." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-7.
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In the article the Great Britain’s contribution to the development of military-technical cooperation between the countries of the European Union is analyzed. It was found that the British leadership conducted ambiguous policies on military-technical cooperation (MTC) of the European integration. The desire to win the priority in the European MTC was combined with the provision of British companies the benefits of cooperation with American partners. British military-industrial complex became a rival of the military-industrial complex of the states of continental Europe. The position of Great Britain has become one of the obstacles to the formation of a single European arms market. The exit of the kingdom from the EU can stimulate the process of creating a single European militaryindustrial complex, in which France and Germany, supported by other influential industrial states (Italy, Spain, etc.) will dominate. The British military-industrial complex will continue to have a significant impact on the European MTC machinery, which relatively successfully operates outside the EU.
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Lungu, E. V. "Constitutional Legal Relations Constructs in the Law of Germany, Great Britain and France." Lex Russica 76, no. 2 (March 2, 2023): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2023.195.2.113-121.
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The science of constitutional law lacks universal theoretical approach to constitutional legal relations; each state independently determines the goals, object and subject of constitutional legal relations. At the same time, the same subjects in different conditions existing in different national legal systems can act as objects and subjects of legal relations. The constitutional legal relations constructs under consideration do not consider a nation as an equal participant in these legal relations. Their role in all of the presented constructs is limited both in terms of the circle of persons and the possibilities to enter into constitutional legal relations as a subject. It can be argued that, despite the difference in approaches to the object and subject composition of legal relations, in Germany, Great Britain and France, such legal relations between public authorities can exist only in a normally developing state (a state that is not under pressure from any crisis or epidemic).The author draws her conclusion based on an analysis of the basic constructs of legal relations, which in Russian legal science are usually referred to as constitutional legal relations. The author’s choice of constructs developed in Germany, Great Britain and France is due to the wide spread in the world of scientific views formed within the framework of the national scientific schools of these states, as well as the influence of the philosophy of law of Germany and France on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Russia.The author pays special attention to the prevalence of Karl Schmitt’s views on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Europe and North America in terms of intolerance of dissent, the assumption of constitutional dictatorship, the strengthening of executive power at the expense of the legislature.
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Datskiv, I. "Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
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This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
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Houweling, Henk, and Mehdi Parvizi Amineh. "VIII. The US and the EU in CEA Relations with Regional Powers." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986389.
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AbstractThe US and the EU are important external actors in the post-Soviet CEA region. One challenge confronting US policymakers is balancing commercial interests in the region with security interests and foreign policy goals. These include a desire to contain Iran, partly because of its support for radical Islamic forces in the Middle East, to prevent regional conflicts, assist NATO-member Turkey—a critical ally in an area that is of top US-security interest, and to normalize its relations with China, whose military potential and alliance with Russia is perceived as a threat to its own security interests. Commercially, the EU is not as involved in CEA as the US. The main powers in the EU—Britain, France and Germany— give priority to other regions over CEA. Britain puts emphasis on the Baltic States, France focuses on North Africa, and Germany has been more preoccupied with the development of Eastern Europe. As a group, the member countries of the EU act mostly in the context of economic assistance and diplomatic contacts. Military agreements have been signed on a bilateral basis mostly with Georgia.
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Harviainen, Tapani. "The Jews in Finland and World War II." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.
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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany: on the Way to June 22, 1941." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.
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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War
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Bidwell, Shelford. "The sources of military doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the world wars." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618405.
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Pierre, Andrew J., and Barry R. Posen. "The Sources of Military Doctrine: France, Britain and Germany between the World Wars." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 1 (1985): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042486.
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Ikenberry, G. John, and Christian Joppke. "Immigration and the Nation-State: The United States, Germany, and Great Britain." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 6 (2000): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049986.
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Katkova, S. "THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE NATIONAL PUBLIC RELATIONS INDUSTRY IN ITALY." East European Scientific Journal 5, no. 4(68) (May 14, 2021): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/essa.2782-1994.2021.5.68.32.
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The article notes the main characteristics for different schools of PR (such as schools of the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany), but it is devoted to a retrospective analysis of the institutionalization of the professional public relations industry in Italy in the 1950s-1980s. The formation and development of the professional PR-community is considered through the prism of socio-economic and political conditions in the country.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "United States – United Kingdom military cooperation under Donald Trump’s administration (2017 – 2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.4.
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This article refers to military cooperation between the United States and Great Britain. Their relationship constitutes an important component of the system of the international relations. Both countries have nuclear weapons and the latest military technology. Both states are sending troops to resolve military conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa. The United States and the United Kingdom provide a significant support to Ukraine in its confrontation with the Russian Federation. Methodology. The research is based on chronological, historical-political and comparative methods. The purpose of the article is to study the changes and the development of the US-British bilateral relations in the context of military cooperation. Looking at the results of this study, the US-British military relations under the Donald Trump administration have not changed. The article illustrates that the United States and the United Kingdom are the main partners in the production of weapons and equipment, strategic planning of operations. British ships in the Asian-Pacific and Middle East plying with the US Navy, repeatedly conducted joint exercises. These are the only countries that conduct the bilateral military exercises almost every year. Under the premiership of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, the United Kingdom pursued a foreign policy strategy which is called Global Britain. The main goal is to make the country more powerful in the international arena. At the same time Donald Trump`s main strategy was to «Made America great again». So, sometimes there were some political discussions among political leaders how to react and to solve the problems in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. However, this did not affect the proximity of the military partnership. Both countries work closely together in the military force and in intelligence.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Grimalskaya, Svetlana, Sergey Stepashkin, Nataliya Khromova, Alexander Khudin, and Aleksander Chernyavsky. "International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi15.
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The Nuremberg trial of Nazi criminals, which took place from November 20, 1945 to October 1, 1946, became an important milestone in the history of world civilization. The article is devoted to consideration of the process of developing an agreement on the establishment of an International Military Tribunal and its charter, drawing up an indictment, direct preparation of the process and its progress. The main focus of the article is on the role of the USSR in the preparation and conduct of the Nuremberg trials. The work reveals the relations between the prosecutors from the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and France, their mutual assistance, the contradictions, that arose from time to time, and the course of closed sessions is highlighted.
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Möller, Kay. "Germany and China: A Continental Temptation." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 706–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051766.
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The fact that Reichswehr officers served as advisors to Chiang Kai-shek between 1927 and 1936 and that Hitler, before concluding his anti- Comintern pact with Japan, may have toyed with a Chinese alternative, can only partly be explained by Germany's great power aspirations at the time. Bom powers had been latecomers to global interaction and were rather traditional continental players when compared with Britain or the United States. Both derived their foreign policy claims from a pre-modern and sometimes mythological status.
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Levsen, S. "Constructing Elite Identities: University Students, Military Masculinity and the Consequences of the Great War in Britain and Germany." Past & Present 198, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 147–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtm047.
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Kostyuchenko I.V, Nelga I. A. "Chemical Weapons: History of the Study of Organophosphorus Toxic Agents Abroad." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 2 (2019): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-2-175-193.
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Organophosphorus compounds occupy a unique positon among all chemical warfare agents (CWA's). Since the 1930-s their high toxicity, wide range of physical-chemical properties and complex action attracted close attention of foreign military experts. In 1936 a German chemist, Dr. Gerhard Schrader, synthesized O-ethyl-dimethyl amidocyanophosphate, known as tabun, for the first time. By the beginning of World War II, more than two thousand new organophosphorus and phosphorus containing compounds were synthesized by his laboratory's stuff. Some of these compounds were selected for further study as CW agents and subsequently were adopted as weapons by the German army. In 1938 the same Gerhard Schrader have synthesized the organophosphorus compound, closed to tabun, but more toxic: О-isopropyl methyl fluorophosphate, called sarin. In 1944 the German chemist, the 1938 Nobel laureate in chemistry Richard Kuhn synthesized soman and revealed the damaging effect of organophosphorus CWA's. In 1941 the British chemist Bernard Saunders synthesized diisopropyl fluorophosphate. During World War II the industrial production of organophosphorus CWA's was organized in Germany, Great Britain and in the USA. Germany produced tabun, sarin and soman, the western allies: diisopropyl fluorophosphate. Till the end of World War II the leadership in the sphere of the development of nerve agents belonged to Nazi Germany. After the end of the war the German scientists, many of whom were devoted Nazis, continued their work under the auspices of military departments of the USA and Great Britain. Subsequently phosphorylated thiocholine esters: V-series substances (VG, VM, VR, VX, EA 3148, EA3317 agents etc.) were synthesized with their participation. The wide range of organophosphorus compounds was tested on volunteers in Porton Down (Great Britain) and in the Edgewood arsenal (USA). But after the synthesis of V-series agents the work on organophosphorus CWA's did not stop. In recent years there appeared the tendency of the transformation of real threats connected with the chemical weapons use, to propaganda sphere. The provocation which the «Novichok» agent, arranged primitively by the British intelligence, is the perfect example of such a transformation. But it does not mean that the research in the sphere of new organophosphorus CWA's in the West is stopped