Academic literature on the topic 'Great britain, maps'

A. Maitland Emmet (ed.) 1996: The moths and butterflies of Great Britain and Ireland. Volume 3. Yponomeutidae-Elachistidae. - Harley Books, Martins, Great Horkesley, Colchester, Essex C06 4AH, England. 452pp. (11 colour plates, 8 duotone plates of larval cases, several hundred text figures and 240 maps). ISBN 0-946589-56-9 £75.00 net; P/B ISBN 0 946589 56 9 £37.50 net.

LEINSTER AND THE CITY OF DUBLIN. By Richard Hayward. Arthur Barker, Ltd., London, 1949. 256 pp., 65 illustrations. 15 /‐.THE LAGAN VALLEY, 1800–1850. A Local History of the Industrial Revolution. By E. R. R. Green. Faber & Faber, Ltd., London, 1949. 188 pp. 16/‐.AN ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY OF GREAT BRITAIN. By Wilfred Smith. Methuen, 1949. 747 pp., with 124 maps and diagrams. 32 /6.MAPS, TOPOGRAPHICAL AND STATISTICAL. By T. W. Birch. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1949. 240 pp. 15s.

Prior to arriving in Kuala Lumpur, I was in charge of organising the geographical data on Indonesia. including hydrographical or topographical survey reports and maps of neighboring States showing the location of islands and delimitation constructions. I asked the Head of theGroup for the opportunity to collect abroad those informations for a last check of Indonesian territory and delimitation lines based on foreign maps . Malaysian maps were made by the British who had been using datum that were different from those of the maps of tile former Netherlands East-Indies. In this connection, I was aware of numbers of foreign maps which showed the international boundary between Indonesia and Malaysia running due east from the Island of Sebatik along the 4° 10'N parallel established by the 1891 Convention between The Netherlandsand Great Britain.

History of the Museum of Marian Fathers, founded at the college for boys in Bielany, the district of Warsaw, reconstituted in the Fawley Court at Henley-on-Thames, Great Britain, and finally moved to the Shrine of Our Lady of Sorrows in Licheń Stary, is the key to understanding the content and organization of this collection. Patriotic, religious and educational aspects of the museums, its role for the Polish diaspora in Great Britain, and its depletion in the results of historical changes. Presentation of the collection content” museum objects – sidearm, sculptures, artistic fabrics, drawings and watercolors, paintings, graphics, commemorative items; book collection – books from the 19th and 20th centuries, journals, music prints, maps, and cityscapes. A more detailed presentation of the collection of early printed books, ephemera, and journals from the 19th century.

AbstractThis paper presents an overview of a provisional lithostratigraphical framework for the Quaternary and Neogene deposits of Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) (onshore). The objective is to provide a workable framework to aid future Quaternary mapping and research, and a stratigraphical scheme capable of use in a wide variety of applications. Using the full hierarchy, a supergroup, group and subgroup lithostratigraphy, based upon the primary mapping unit, the formation, is proposed. It is recommended that some classes of lithogenetically-defined deposits which, at present cannot be accorded formational status, should be assigned informally to one of the proposed groups or subgroups. The framework distinguishes one superficial deposits supergroup within which seven groups are defined: i) Crag Group, marine deposits (Late Pliocene to Early Pleistocene); ii), Dunwich Group, fluvial deposits (pre-Anglian/pre-Elsterian); iii) Residual Deposits Group; iv) British Coastal Deposits Group, coastal and marine deposits (Anglian to Holocene); v) Britannia Catchments Group, fluvial, organic and mass movement deposits (Anglian to Holocene) within broadly defined catchment areas related to Late Devensian to present-day physiography; vi) Albion Glacigenic Group, glacigenic deposits (pre-Devensian/pre-Weichselian), and vii) Caledonia Glacigenic Group, glacigenic deposits (Devensian/Weichselian). North of the Devensian (Weichselian) ice-sheet limit, a series of glacigenic subgroups are defined geographically for the two glacigenic groups on the basis of mappable formations of till. The subgroups include associated formations of glaciofluvial and glaciolacustrine deposits. Consequently some of the glacigenic water-lain units may extend beyond the Devensian limit. Catchment subgroups of the Britannia Catchments Group are proposed for formations and lithogenetic units defined within broad present-day physiographic regions by major river drainage systems that have developed since Middle Pleistocene time. Lithostratigraphical description and correlation of formations will aid the refinement of the proposed framework and enable the development of lithostratigraphical maps and three-dimensional models. As well as offering a unified framework for onshore Quaternary and Neogene deposits the proposed supergroup, group and subgroup structure may prove useful for a wide range of regional applications (e.g. hydrological, hydrogeological, engineering).

Abstract The paper discusses selected maps of rock strata which exemplify the evolution stages of presentation methods of cartographic data concerning the geological structure of selected countries (France, Great Britain and Germany) which in the first half of the nineteenth century constituted the leaders of the field. The results of geologists’ work are used to present the content of maps, provide explanations and showcase the methods and techniques chosen by the maps’ creators. The analysed maps are accompanied by geological writings which contain descriptions of the chronological order within rock formations and strata defined on the basis of fossils, methods of recreating the geological history of individual regions, and attempts of compiling the acquired knowledge and using it to describe larger areas. The author discusses also two maps of Europe published in the mid-nineteenth century, which are the result of cooperation and research achievements of geologists from different countries.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Dr. Christine Skwiot, committee chair; Denise Z. Davidson, committee member. Electronic text (186 p. : col. ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed August 5, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-186).

This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.

Since the early 1990s, regulators in the UK and in many other countries have faced increasing pressure from media industry participants to liberalise media and cross-media ownership restrictions. Many countries, including the UK, have responded to this pressure by amending their domestic legislative frameworks in such ways as to remove at least some restrictions which had previously been established in order to protect pluralism. The main aim for this study has been to assess the 'economic' case in favour of de-regulating media and cross-media ownership in the UK. The principal method of investigation has been to analyse the relationship between, on the one hand, the size and vertical or diagonal structure of a selection of UK media firms and, on the other, their recent economic performance. Findings suggest that, although factors other than size will affect performance, there is generally a strong and positive correlation between the market share and the operating profitability of firms who are involved in either television or radio broadcasting, or national newspaper publishing. This correlation reflects efficiency gains through economies of scale and scope and, also, revenue advantages arising from increased market power. On the other hand, there is little evidence that previous monomedia ownership restrictions represented a threat to the economic viability of the industry or that developments in the late 1990s have introduced significant 'new' gains for enlarged monomedia enterprises. Nor is there evidence that de-regulation of monomedia restrictions would have any positive impact on the exports performance of traditional UK media firms. With regard to diagonal expansion, there is no evidence that cross-ownership between radio and television or between television and national newspapers yields important economic benefits. This thesis would argue that, taken as a whole, the de-regulation of UK media ownership in 1996 has delivered relatively few enhancements to the economic efficiency or prospects of the UK media industry while, at the same time, has engendered a considerable welfare loss through lower safeguards for pluralism. This outcome reflects serious systemic problems at the national UK level in the policymaking mechanism which is supposed to curb the political influence of media owners. This study finds that the scope - via a shift in responsibility for policy-formulation to the transnational European level - for overcoming such problems will be limited, not least because the protection of pluralism remains outside the official competence of the European Commission.

This thesis investigates the ways in which British and French imperial heroes involved in the exploration, conquest or administration of Mrica between 1870 and 1939 were selected, packaged and promoted to the various sections of the public of their respective countries. It seeks to unveil the commercial, political and personal interests that lay behind the imperial hero-making business. This research analyses the hidden mechanisms, as well as the reasons that led to the appearance of a new type of hero in the context of the 'new' T Imperialism and the 'Scramble for Mrica': private connections, political lobbies (especially colonial advocates and nationalists), commercial interests (journalists, writers, biographers, hagiographers, publishers, film-makers) and personal ambition, the combination of which underpinned the creation and success ofheroic reputations. The first part of the thesis investigates the process through which imperial heroes progressively became widely known in their homelands, and how it was facilitated by the technical and social improvements of the Second Industrial Revolution. Drawing upon a wide variety of printed and manuscript sources, it shows the ever-increasing commercial success of imperial heroes throughout the period, analyses how they could serve political ends, and explains the values for which 'they were held up as examples. The second part examines the case studies of two military commanders in times of Anglo-French rivalry in Africa (the Sirdar Kitchener and Major Marchand before, during and after the Fashoda confrontation of 1898), in order to compare the modalities of the development of these legends, and the different backdrops against which they took shape. This thesis is the first to combine quantitative evidence (such as print run figures) and qualitative sources (such as police records) to demonstrate conclusively the prevalence and complexity of the hero-making process brought about by the conquest of Mrica, and to evaluate the reception of these heroic myths among the public.

This study examines how working women are represented in the news media, and its main aim is to determine to what extent ‘social class’ figures in the representations of women in news content. Using language, visual and narrative analysis, the thesis comprises four case studies each focusing on portrayals of different women from different socio-economic backgrounds determined by their occupation. The first two case studies examine portrayals of low paid working women through coverage of the National Minimum Wage introduction into Britain in April 1999 and the Council Workers’ Strike in England and Wales in 2002. The latter two case studies focus on women in particular professions: elite businesswomen, military women and women war reporters. The study concludes by noting that multiple voices occur in news texts around the key contrasting themes of progress/stagnation and visibility/invisibility and which can give contradictory discourses on the intersection of gender and class. From the massification and silencing of working class women, to the celebrity and sexualisation of the business elite, and the professional competency news frames of middle class women, class was shown to be a determining factor in how women figure in news content. However, these class determinants combined with other news frames pertaining to gender, whereby powerful and established myths of femininity can come to the fore. These myths can be particularly powerful when women enter non-feminine work ‘spaces’ such as business and the military, and class, particularly in the latter case, can tend to slip out of view, as sexist coverage is commonplace and debates are formed about the right and wrong behaviour for women.

This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.

This thesis resituates the Community Development programme as the key social intervention attempted by the British Colonial Office in Africa in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A preference for planning, growing confidence in metropolitan intervention, and the gradualist determination of Fabian socialist politicians and experts resulted in a programme that stressed modernity, progressive individualism, initiative, cooperative communities and a new type of responsible citizenship. Eventual self-rule would be well-served by this new contract between colonial administrations and African citizens. The thesis focuses on the implementation of the Mass Education programme in Nyasaland, and, more specifically, on a small but significant Mass Education scheme at Domasi, that operated between 1949 and 1954 in Nyasaland??s south. The political and social context in which the Mass Education scheme was implemented in Nyasaland is important. The approach taken by the government of the Protectorate before the mid-1940s is discussed, and previous welfare interventions described and critically assessed. The initial approach to Mass Education in Nyasaland is also dwelt upon in some detail. The narrative concentrates upon the scheme itself. Three themes emerge and are discussed successively ?? the provision of social services adapted to the perceived needs of Africans, the enforcement of environmental restrictions and inappropriate social and agricultural models, and the attempted introduction of representative local government. All three interventions were intended to promote the precepts of Mass Education, but instead resulted in the extension of state administrative power. The manner in which this occurred is explored throughout the thesis. Mass Education at Domasi did not result in the creation of a new form of citizenship in Nyasaland. It contributed instead to a breakdown in the narrative of social development and eventual self-rule that had legitimised British rule. The riots that occurred in 1953 tore at the precepts that underpinned the Mass Education programme. The immediacy of self-rule and independence resulted in a shift in emphasis within the Colonial Office and the colonial government in Nyasaland from social intervention and to constitutional reform and political development. There simultaneously emerged a new rural transcript, one that privileged open opposition to the colonial social prescription over subtle and hidden rural resistance. At a time when nationalist politics was in disarray in Nyasaland, rural Africans spoke back to colonial power.

This thesis is the result of twenty-five months of ethnographic fieldwork, both online and offline, in the United Kingdom working with London-based fashion bloggers. It aims to examine the ways that bloggers negotiate between style and identity through the presentation of self in online environments, more specifically fashion blogs and corresponding social media websites, as well as offline spaces, including London Fashion Week, industry events, and regular social interactions with other bloggers and blog readers. It also address the relationships between bloggers and members of the fashion industry, as the industry struggles to define a place for them. Furthermore, this thesis hopes to contribute to growing debates regarding the potentiality of media anthropology to influence the creation and production of ethnographic texts.

AbstractIn the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europe experienced labour conflicts, unprecedented in their character, intensity and scope. From the waves of strikes and social conflicts of the pre-war era, through the ordeal of the First World War, and the extraordinary violence of the post-1917 upheavals, the revolutionary potential of mass strikes never ceased to torment those who were assigned, or self-appointed, to protect the threatened order. The purpose of this article is to analyse the repertoire of actions and ideas of right-wing civil defence leagues, vigilante organisations, private police and yellow unions which emerged at the end of the century, and most noticeably in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1905. This phenomenon is considered in a comparative and transnational perspective, with a particular focus on the most industrialised societies of pre-war Europe: France, Germany and Great Britain. The article provides a systematisation and assessment of the different forms, types and characteristics of this process of relative privatisation and realignment in security roles, outlying trends and shared clusters of ideological beliefs in violent activity across various industries and national contexts. The article shows how the pre-war experience of vigilantism, anti-socialism and nationalism would represent a key incentive to the development of governmental strikebreaking schemes as well as an important situational antecedent for citizens’ militias and right-wing paramilitary organisations in the aftermath of the Great War.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

This chapter examines the progress and developments in the study of medieval cartography in Great Britain during the twentieth century. Throughout the twentieth century the study of medieval cartography has been a wholly international activity. The three successive milestones in its development include the six-volume study of medieval world and regional maps by German Konrad Miller, the standard descriptive catalogue of late-medieval world maps edited by Frenchman Marcel Destombes, and the first volume of the History of Cartography. In all, British scholars have made a significant contribution to the study of medieval maps in the twentieth century, both intellectually and at the organizational level.

Maps and mapping are the manifestation of geography for the great bulk of the population. These play a key role in society and underpin many functions of the state. The situation is particularly marked in Britain, both in war and peace, where the Ordnance Survey (the country's national mapping agency) has been central to national mapping for more than two centuries. It is no exaggeration to say that mapping underpins many of the activities of society, especially in Britain. The collation, visualisation and analysis of geographical information through maps are intimately intertwined. Since British geography and British geographers have been involved in all aspects of mapping and its successor, this chapter covers both academic and non-academic aspects of the subject area. This chapter examines the geographical underpinning of British society and its radical transformation, Geographical Information Systems and information technology and non-trivial cartography.

The rare, exotic, and wonderful has been one of the great attractions of geology, often being the ‘hook’ that initially attracted the attention of many a geological enthusiast. Dating back to at least Greek and Roman times, explorers went in search of mammoth and dinosaur bones, and prospectors targeted precious gems and metal ores. ‘Geological fieldwork’ explains, though, that systematically working out the total geology of a landscape requires a very different approach. It outlines the work of William Smith, who from the late 18th century produced the first geological maps of Great Britain, and describes some of the new technology used in modern geological fieldwork.

This chapter turns to the history of racist and anti-racist science as it was expressed in transatlantic performance from the 1830s through the 1850s. It maps a genealogy of overlap and exchange between popular scientific lecture circuits and early black performance in both the United States and Great Britain and chronicles how Frederick Douglass, William Wells Brown, William and Ellen Craft, and Henry Box Brown countered the widespread circulation of racist science in popular culture through dynamic performances of fugitive science in transatlantic spaces.

Abstract Of all the major European powers, Britain’s history between 1914 and 1945 is probably the most exceptional. Alone of these powers she fought in both world wars from their beginning to their end. In 1914 she was one of five (six if we include Italy) European states of roughly comparable power. In 1945 she was one of only two; and much weaker militarily than the other, the Soviet Union. But undefeated she remained. She was the first European state to be affected by mass unemployment; but the international depression of the 1930s struck her comparatively lightly. For a substantial part of the population the 1930s meant steadily rising living standards and ‘modernity’ in social and economic life. Despite real class tension in the early 1920s, the decline of the great Liberal Party, and the rapid growth of a mass working-class party, the Labour Party, Britain’s political institutions— unlike those of the other major European states— retained a high degree of legitimacy and supported a remarkably stable political and social structure.

Abstract This chapter focuses on religious change by looking at the development of religious practice in seventeen Western European countries, from the beginning of the seventies to the present. Church attendance is the variable examined, aiming at introducing the national religious maps that are discussed more thoroughly in each chapter throughout the book. The chapter draws on a number of well-known longitudinal cross-sectional studies (Eurobarometer, ESS, EVS, WVS, ISSP). The results show that, over the past fifty years, patterns of church attendance clearly differ across three clusters of countries. In Ireland, Northern Ireland, and most of Southern European countries, church attendance exhibits a slow decline. In Central European countries together with Great Britain and Spain, the decline is much steeper. Finally, the Scandinavian countries and Eastern Germany have been characterized by very low levels of church attendance since the 1970s.

According to UNSCEAR (United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiations), no less than 10% of lung cancer diseases registered annually are caused by radon radiation. Born in the belly of the earth, the same gas, a class I cancirogen, increases the risk of non-cancerous diseases of the upper respiratory tract and cardiovascular diseases. The radon problem occupies an important place in the radioecological programs of the USA, Japan, Western Europe and Russia. However, the natural radiation varies in the background from location to location. In many countries, survey work is being carried out, including an assessment of the intensity of the radon hazards of sites allocated for construction. In Russia, the Radiation Safety Standards are stipulating that the concentration of radon in the air of residential premises should not exceed 200 Bq/m3; in Sweden, the maximum radon concentration is taken as 100 Bq/m3, in Finland and Canada - 400 Bq/m3, and in Germany and Great Britain - 200 Bq/m3. It is necessary to carefully choose the constructive site, with the minimum concentration of radon in the soil. Our purpose is to carry out a cartographic analysis of radon intake from soil in the territory of Kazan. An important component is the creation of unique maps based on the measurement of radon escalation. The practical significance of the work lies in the application of the results for making management decisions, in engineering and environmental surveys, for conducting hygienic assessments, or simply being used by citizens for informational purposes.

В статье рассматриваются особенности развития партийно-политической системы Велико-британии в XIX в. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентских реформ на формирование партийных структур. Автор подчеркивает роль парламентской реформы 1832 г., положившей начало серьезным преобразованиям парламентской системы государства. В результа-те произошла трансформация двухпартийного тандема «виги – тори» в связку «либералы – кон-серваторы». Утверждается также, что к концу XIX в. в Великобритании были созданы массовые политические партии современного типа. The article deals with the specific features of the development of the party and political system of Great Britain in the XIXth century. The author emphasizes the role of the parliamentary reform of 1832, which marked the beginning of serious transformations of the parliamentary system of the state. As a result, there was a transformation of the bipartisan tandem of “Whig – Tory” into a bunch of “Liberals – Conservatives”. It is also argued that by the end of the XIXth century mass political parties of the modern type were created in Great Britain.

Статья посвящена миграции несовершеннолетних детей из Англии в Канаду, Австралию, Южную Африку. Анализируются причины, указаны основные этапы детской миграции, рассмотрены цели и задачи, которые преследовали организаторы программ переселения, миссии, которые возлагались на юных британцев вне метрополии. Автор приходит к выводу, что выезд был обусловлен потребностями детей и потребностями Великобритании, как метрополии, так и ее заокеанских владений. Начиная с XVII века, несовершеннолетних отправляли в колонии в качестве работников. Депортация из Англии являлась также альтернативой тюремному заключению. В XIX веке прекращается организованный ввоз преступников в колонии. Миграция позволяла сэкономить социальные расходы британского правительства. Филантропы разрабатывали планы массового переселения детей за океан с целью их спасения от голода и преступлений, на которые они были обречены в нищих кварталах британских городов. Доминионы предоставляли большие возможности для повышения социального статуса детей бедняков. Со второй половины XIX века в юных мигрантах начинают видеть большой имперский потенциал. Они рассматривались строителями империи «Великая Британия». Несовершеннолетние работники помогали фермерам осваивать земли. Миграция увеличивала «белое» население колоний и доминионов. Дети укрепляли политические связи между отдельными странами, распространяли политические и культурные ценности европейцев. На них возлагались задачи создания глобальной британской нации, физического и нравственного оздоровления британцев. Потомки британских «домашних детей» составляют значительный процент населения современной Канады и Австралии. The article is devoted to the migration of minors from England to Canada, Australia, South Africa. The reasons are analyzed, the main stages of child migration are indicated, the goals and objectives pursued by the organizers of resettlement programs, the missions assigned to young Britons outside the metropolis are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that the departure reasons were the needs of children and the needs of Great Britain, both the metropolis and its overseas possessions. Since the XVIIth century, minors were sent to colonies as workers. Deportation from England was also an alternative to imprisonment. In the XIX-th century, the organized deportation of criminals into the colonies stopped. Migration allowed saving the social expenses of the British government. Philanthropists developed plans for the mass relocation of children overseas in order to save them from hunger and crimes to which they were doomed in the impoverished quarters of British cities. The dominions provided great opportunities to improve the social status of the children of the poor. Since the second half of the XIXth century, young migrants began to see great imperial potential. They were considered as the builders of the empire "Great Britain". Underage workers helped farmers develop land. Migration increased the "white" population of colonies and dominions. Children strengthened political ties between countries, spread European political and cultural values. They were entrusted with the task of creating a global British nation, physical and moral recovery of the British. Descendants of British "home children" make up a significant percentage of the population of modern Canada and Australia.

В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.

The article studies the most crucial period in the history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) – the emergence of the third Saudi state. This event was one of the immediate results of World War I since the winners – Great Britain and France – redrawn the Middle East map after the Ottoman Empire's dissolution. Its founder, Abdel-Aziz ibn Saud, played a vital role in creating the Saudi state. His personal leadership and diplomatic qualities influenced the success of restoring the Saudi state in the Arabian Peninsula. Nevertheless, the great powers were the main actors in this event and used it to create a political balance in the Middle East and gain their goals and interests in the region. Despite their prominent role in this process, they failed to obtain any significant benefits since the emergence of the Saudi state, and the policy of King Abdel-Aziz opened the door for the infiltration of American oil companies into the Middle East. Competing with British companies, they succeeded and eventually strengthened the political and economic influence of the USA in the Arab world.

Historic-geographical and Typo-morphological assessment of Lefke town, North Cyprus Sanaz Nezhadmasoum¹, Nevter Zafer Comert² Department of Architecture. Eastern Mediterranean University. Famagusta. North Cyprus.Via Mersin 10. Turkey E-mail: sanaz.nezhadmasoum@gmail.com, nzafer@gmail.com Keywords: Historic-geographic approach, Typo-morphology, Urban form, Lefke town Conference topics and scale: Urban morphological methods and techniques Morphological analysis in cities have been employed to conduct the research on the urban form and fabric of the place, that helps to determine the conservation plans or strategies of towns that reveal clues to their own history (Whithand,2001). Such analysis methods are a process that reviews the evolution and evaluation of towns throughout history. This paper focuses on, Conzen’s and Caniggia’s ideas, MRG Conzen’s historic-geographical approaches (1968) on planning level and Caniggia’s typo-morphological process (2001) on architectural level. Those methodologies help to understand the transformation procedure of different regions of city throughout the years and recovering how the city elements and urban hierarchy are interrelated. Additionally, the focus of this paper is to study the town’s morphological transformations, regarding its spatial, geographical and historical combinations. Within this context, Geographical and historical surveys done on the whole town of Lefke, in north-west Cyprus, and a detailed explanation on the typo-morphological analyses of some particular regions will be given in this article. One of the significant character that makes the town unique is its historical background which lay down with an organic urban pattern from Ottoman period. Lefke town was first formed with a medieval character, and through centuries of functional and physical transformations, has been highly influenced by British extensions, which were either prearranged modifications affected by socio- natural, economic, and political situations, or instinctive and spontaneous changes. All these historical factors, along with its geographical features, make Lefke an interesting case to be studied with an urban typo-morphological approach. References Caniggia G, Maffei G., 2001, Interpreing Basic building Architectural composition and building typology Alinea editrice, Firenze, Italy Cömert, N. Z., & Hoskara, S. O. (2013) ‘A typo-morphological study: the CMC industrial mass housing district, lefke, northern cyprus’, Open House International, 38(2), 16-30. Conzen, M. R. G. (1968) ‘The use of town plans in the study of urban history’, in Dyos, H. J. (ed.) The study of urban history (Edward Arnold, London) 113-30. Larkham, P. J. (2006) ‘The study of urban form in Great Britain’, Urban Morphology, 10(2), 117. Moudon, A. V. (1997) ‘Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field’, Urban morphology, 1(1), 3-10. Whitehand, J. W. (2001) ‘British urban morphology: the Conzenion tradition’, Urban Morphology, 5(2), 103-109.

Vegetation essential climate variables corresponding to the black-sky albedo (albedo), the fraction of absorbed photosynthetically active radiation (fAPAR), the fraction of canopy cover (fCOVER) and the leaf area index (LAI), as defined by the Global Climate Observing System, are produced for the United Kingdom at 20m resolution on a monthly basis from 2017 to 2023. Maps correspond to variables estimated from input Copernicus Sentinel-2 satellite imagery using the Landscape Evolution and Forecasting (LEAF) Toolbox implementation of the Simplified Level 2 Prototype Processor. The day of retrieval is also provided with each monthly map. Uncertainty estimates are provided based on validation over North America. These products have not been validated over the United Kingdom and are only available for research use.

Professor M. Zhytaryuk’s review is about a book scientific novelty – a monograph by Professor M. Tymoshyk «Ukrainian journalism in the diaspora: Great Britain. Monograph. K.: Our culture and science, 2020. 500 p. – il., Them. pok., resume English, German, Polish.». Well-known scientist and journalism critic, Professor M. S. Tymoshyk, wrote a thorough work, which, in terms of content, is a combination of a monograph, a textbook and a scientific essay. This book can be useful for both students and practicing journalists or anyone interested in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainian journalism and Ukrainian culture. The author dedicated his work to Stepan Yarmus from Winnipeg, Canada – archpriest, journalist, editor, professor. As the epigraph to the book were taken the words of Ivan Bagryany: «Our press, born under the sword of Damocles of repatriation», not only survived and survived to this day, but also showed a brilliant ability to grow and develop. It was shown that beggars that had come to the West without money at heart can and know how to act so organized. It was also an example of how a modern «enbolshevist» and «denationalized» by the occupier man person is capable of a combined mass action».

Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.