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Journal articles on the topic 'Great Britain History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Trevor-Roper, Hugh. "Pietro Giannone and Great Britain." Historical Journal 39, no. 3 (September 1996): 657–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024481.

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ABSTRACTPietro Giannone was a revolutionary thinker who sought in the early decades of the eighteenth century to free Italy from the inveterate, legally entrenched feudal power of the church and then to free Christianity itself from the stifling and corrupting embrace of the political church. This essay tells the improbable story of how his writings were taken up and disseminated in Britain by the non-juring bishop and antiquary Richard Rawlinson, the learned but morally unsound Scottish journalist Archibald Bower, and an odd crew of Jacobites. It is shown that the translations of Giannone got into some very influential hands and represent part of an undervalued Jacobite contribution to the origins of the Scottish Enlightenment and to the thought of Edward Gibbon.

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2

Fisher, Patty. "History of School Meals in Great Britain." Nutrition and Health 4, no. 4 (January 1987): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026010608700400402.

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This paper describes the early origins of the school meals service, their rapid growth in the second world war, their post war development and their recent retrenchment. The factors contributing to their early success and the problems to be overcome are discussed.

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3

Mitton, D., and R. Ackroyd. "History of photodynamic therapy in Great Britain." Photodiagnosis and Photodynamic Therapy 2, no. 4 (December 2005): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1572-1000(05)00111-0.

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4

Goldstein, Erik. "Great Britain and Greater Greece 1917–1920." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012188.

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The First World War saw the collapse of the old order in the Eastern Mediterranean with the disintegration of the Ottoman empire, an event which threatened to create a dangerous power vacuum. Great Britain for the pastcentury had attempted to prevent just such a crisis by supporting the maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state. Britain had a number of crucial strategic concerns in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular the Suez Canal and the Straits. The former was the more critical interest and Britain was determined to keep this essential link to its Indian empire firmly under its own control. As to the Straits Britain, which was concerned about over-extending its strategic capabilities, was content to see this critical waterway dominated by a friendly state. The question inevitably arose therefore as to what would replace the Ottoman empire. One alternative was Greece, a possibility which became increasingly attractive with the emergence of the supposedly pro-British Eleftherios Venizelos as the Greek leader in early 1917.

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5

García Asuero, Agustín. "Chemical Society Y Pharmaceuthical Society Of Great Britain: Parallel Lifes." Anales de la Real Academia Nacional de Farmacia, no. 90(02) (July 1, 2024): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.53519/analesranf.2024.90.02.03.

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This report reviews the creation and beginnings of two important scientific societies, the “Chemical Society of London”, and the “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain”. The similarity is noted in terms of their starting point and establishment of specific objectives, e.g., the practice of chemistry. Differences are observed in the admission criteria, which are more restrictive by the “Chemical Society”. Both societies are the result of the process of differentiation of science, and the reaffirmation of professional sentiment and the rights associated with the practice of the trade. Key figures are reviewed in both cases, highlighting in the case of the “Chemical Society” the German influence on British chemistry. The search for a headquarters that satisfies the material needs and the fulfilment of the entrusted missions involves a long pilgrimage. The “Chemical Society of London” soon became the “Chemical Society” and later became the “Royal Society of Chemistry”. The “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain” became the “Royal Pharmaceutical Society” over the years. Keywords: Chemical Society of London; Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain; history

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6

Richards, Stephen. "The SS Great Britain (review)." Technology and Culture 49, no. 1 (2007): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2008.0017.

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7

Stewart Weaver. "Great Britain and the World." Reviews in American History 37, no. 3 (2009): 352–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.0.0112.

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8

Darwen, Lewis, Donald M. MacRaild, Brian Gurrin, and Liam Kennedy. "‘Irish fever’ in Britain during the Great Famine: immigration, disease and the legacy of ‘Black ’47’." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 166 (November 2020): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.37.

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AbstractDuring the worst year of the Great Irish Famine, ‘Black ’47’, tens of thousands of people fled across the Irish Sea from Ireland to Britain, desperately escaping the starvation and disease plaguing their country. These refugees, crowding unavoidably into the most insalubrious accommodation British towns and cities had to offer, were soon blamed for deadly outbreaks of epidemic typhus which emerged across the country during the first half of 1847. Indeed, they were accused of transporting the pestilence, then raging in Ireland, over with them. Typhus mortality rates in Ireland and Britain soared, and so closely connected with the disease were the Irish in Britain that it was widely referred to as ‘Irish fever’. Much of what we know about this epidemic is based on a handful of studies focusing almost exclusively on major cities along the British west-coast. Moreover, there has been little attempt to understand the legacy of the episode on the Irish in Britain. Taking a national perspective, this article argues that the ‘Irish fever’ epidemic of 1847 spread far beyond the western port of entry, and that the epidemic, by entrenching the association of the Irish with deadly disease, contributed significantly to the difficulties Britain's Irish population faced in the 1850s.

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9

Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.

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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time. The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.

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10

Pichkov, O. B. "HISTORY OF POVERTY REDUCTION INITIATIVES IN GREAT BRITAIN." RUDN Journal of Economics 25, no. 2 (2017): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2017-25-2-199-208.

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11

Mares, Detlev. "Too Many Nazis? Contemporary History in Great Britain." Soudobé dějiny 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51134/sod.2007.004.

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12

Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.

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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.

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13

Podolsky, Vadim. "History of the social policy in the United Kingdom." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.

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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.

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14

Lowry, Bullitt, and J. M. Bourne. "Britain and the Great War, 1914-1918." Journal of Military History 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986146.

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15

Valdés, Juan Núñez. "WOMEN IN THE EARLY DAYS OF PHARMACY IN GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research And Studies 04, no. 12 (October 1, 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.1.

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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull and Agnes Thompson Borrowman.The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been the usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated

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16

Wallace, Ian. "GDR Studies in Great Britain." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00025.

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17

Martill, David M. "The early history of pterosaur discovery in Great Britain." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 343, no. 1 (2010): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp343.18.

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18

Eisner, H. S. "A history of mine safety research in Great Britain." Journal of Occupational Accidents 9, no. 2 (August 1987): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0376-6349(87)90032-0.

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19

Murphy, M. J. "Differential family formation in Great Britain." Journal of Biosocial Science 19, no. 4 (October 1987): 463–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000017107.

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SummaryDifferentials in variables concerned with the timing, number, and distribution of fertility by a wide range of socioeconomic, attitudinal, inherited and housing characteristics from the British Family Formation Survey are reported. Variables associated with the couple's housing history and the wife's employment career are becoming more strongly associated with demographic differentials among younger cohorts than traditionally-based ones such as religion or region of residence. Cluster analysis techniques show which groups of family formation variables are strongly associated with particular types of non-demographic ones, and a natural grouping of explanatory variables is derived. The implications of these conclusions for data collection in demographic surveys are discussed.

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20

Costu, Mehmet Davut. "Little Turkey in Great Britain." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 1 (September 23, 2018): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1507434.

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21

Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.

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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.

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22

Kiernan, Kathleen E. "Transitions in Young Adulthood in Great Britain." Population Studies 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000145916.

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23

Cronin, James E., and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206176.

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24

Buick, A. "The Socialist Party of Great Britain Centenary." History Workshop Journal 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbi029.

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25

Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address: Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: I, Reshaping the Empire." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679286.

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By the end of the eighteenth century Britain was a world power on a scale that none of her European rivals could match. Not only did she rule a great empire, but the reach of expeditionary forces from either Britain itself or from British India stretched from the River Plate to the Moluccas in eastern Indonesia. Britain's overseas trade had developed a strongly global orientation: she was die leading distributor of tropical produce diroughout die world and in the last years of the century about four-fifths of her exports were going outside Europe. Britain was at die centre of inter-continental movements of people, not only exporting her own population but shipping almost as many Africans across the Atantic during die eighteenth century as all the other carriers put together. It is not surprising therefore that British historians have searched for the qualities that marked out eighteeth-century Britain's exceptionalism on a world stage. Notable books have stressed, not only the dynamism of die British economy, but developments such as the rise of Britain's ‘fiscal-military state’ or die forging of a sense of British national identity behind war and empire overseas.

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26

Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.

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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands rather than social class ones in their activities. During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.

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27

Syroezhkin, Aleksey M. "Administrative Procedures of Licensing in Great Britain." Administrative law and procedure 2 (February 9, 2023): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2071-1166-2023-2-54-59.

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The article deals with the legal regulation of administrative procedures of licensing in Great Britain. The feature of licensing is the stipulation of the duty of obtaining several permits to lawfully conduct the licensed activity under the concept of dual licensing. In Great Britain personal, ethical, qualification and economical requirements are stipulated. Licensing sanctions are variation of licenses, fines, license suspension and revocation.

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28

Power, Gerald. "Education, Culture and the British Position in the Arabian Gulf: Establishing the British Council in Kuwait, 1952–1955." Britain and the World 15, no. 1 (March 2022): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0381.

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Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments.

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29

Carr, W. "Exile in Great Britain. Refugees from Hitler's Germany." German History 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/2.1.67.

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30

NAROVLIANSKIY, Oleksandr. "EDUCATIONAL TOURISM IN GREAT BRITAIN." Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series: Philosophy, Pedagogy, Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023) (December 29, 2023): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-7013-2023-2-17.

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The article is devoted to the organisation of educational excursions in the UK and their role in the educational process of secondary schools. The purpose is to analyze the existing experience of organising school trips and to identify opportunities for using this experience in modern education in Ukraine. The historical origins of educational excursions are identified. The results of surveys and other studies conducted in the UK to determine the attitude of teachers to excursions as an element of the educational process, as well as the problems that arise in their organisation, are highlighted. Current experience of conducting excursions in various subjects - history, geography, natural sciences, mathematics, social sciences, computer technology. The article identifies the most popular educational tourism sites in the UK and highlights the methods used to organise school tours (specially designed tours related to the school curriculum, master classes, workshops, etc.) It is noted that special educational and training centers have been set up at certain facilities to conduct training sessions. It is noted that in Britain, excursions to government facilities such as the Parliament, the Royal Palace, the residence of the head of government, and the court have become widespread. It is determined that most museums and other visitor attractions establish preferential conditions for receiving groups of schoolchildren or provide opportunities for free visits. The problems that hinder the development of educational tourism at the present stage of development, in particular, lack of funding, are identified. The role of charitable foundations in the development and support of school excursions and the directions of their activities are highlighted. The experience of involving business structures, in particular Hyundai, in supporting educational tourism is analyzed. The unique experience of parliamentary support for educational tourism through the development of special bills on outdoor education, which are at different stages of consideration by the parliaments of Great Britain, Scotland and Wales, is indicated. The elements of experience that can be used in domestic education are identified.

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31

Dunkley, Peter, and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171560.

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32

van Roon, Ger. "Great Britain and the Oslo States." Journal of Contemporary History 24, no. 4 (October 1989): 657–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400405.

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33

Tilly, Charles. "Contentious Repertoires in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Social Science History 17, no. 2 (1993): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171282.

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34

Morris, R. J., and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Economic History Review 49, no. 4 (November 1996): 836. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597985.

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35

Williamson, Philip, Kathleen Burk, and Alec Cairncross. "'Goodbye, Great Britain': The 1976 IMF Crisis." Economic History Review 46, no. 3 (August 1993): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598384.

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36

Tilly, Charles. "Contentious Repertoires in Great Britain, 1758–1834." Social Science History 17, no. 2 (1993): 253–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016849.

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A quick comparison of characteristic British struggles in 1758 and 1833 will show how greatly the predominant forms of popular collective action changed during the intervening 75 years. That change sets a research problem that I have been pursuing for many years: documenting, and trying to explain, changes in the ways that people act together in pursuit of shared interests—changes in repertoires of collective action. This interim report has two complementary objectives: first, to situate the evolving concept of repertoire in my own work and in recent studies of collective action; second, to illustrate its applications to the experience of Great Britain from the 1750s to the 1830s. It will do no more than hint, however, at explanations of the changes it documents.

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37

Hoffman, Philip T. "The Great Divergence: Why Britain Industrialised First." Australian Economic History Review 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2020): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12192.

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38

Boyer, George R. "The Evolution of Unemployment Relief in Great Britain." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no. 3 (January 2004): 393–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504771997908.

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The history of unemployment relief in Britain from 1834 to 1911 was not a “unilinear progression in collective benevolence,” culminating in unemployment insurance. The combination of poor relief and private charity to assist cyclically unemployed workers from 1834 to 1870 was more generous, and more certain, than the relief provided for the unemployed under the various policies adopted from 1870 to 1911. A major shift in policy occurred in the 1870s, largely in response to the crisis of the Poor Law in the 1860s. Because the new policy—a combination of self-help and charity—proved unable to cope with the high unemployment of cyclical downturns, Parliament in 1911 bowed to political pressure for a national system of relief by adopting the world's first compulsory system of unemployment insurance.

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39

Samusieva, K. V. "THE CONCEPT OF DEVOLUTION IN THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN." Juridical scientific and electronic journal, no. 4 (2021): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2524-0374/2021-4/33.

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40

Thorpe, Andrew, Noreen Branson, and Phil Cohen. "History of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1941-1951." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052801.

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41

Larkin, Steve. "THE ABBE PREVOST AND DAVID HUME'S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 3, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1980.tb00591.x.

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42

Khodarkovsky, Michael. "The Great Game in the North Caucasus." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 384–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902017.

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43

Osipkina, Nadezhda Petrovna. "The problem of immigrants in multicultural Great Britain." Voprosy kul'turologii (Issues of Cultural Studies), no. 7 (June 5, 2012): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-01-1207-10.

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The article is devoted to the problems of immigrants in multicultural Great Britain. Individuality and culture are dynamically linked to place, landscape and localization. Each such locality has its own immigration history, which affects living standards, education, and political views. The article shows that the term "multiculturalism" has been divided into the concepts of "common rights" and "minority rights".

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44

Schmidt, Gustav. "Great Britain and Germany in the Age of Imperialism." War & Society 4, no. 1 (May 1986): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980486790303907.

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45

Lucas, Colin. "Great Britain and the Union of Norway and Sweden." Scandinavian Journal of History 15, no. 3-4 (January 1990): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759008579204.

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46

Turner, Ian. "Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.

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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.

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THORSHEIM, PETER. "Salvage and Destruction: The Recycling of Books and Manuscripts in Great Britain during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000222.

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AbstractAn analysis of Great Britain's campaigns to recycle books and paper reveals the paradoxes of wartime waste policies: destroying history and culture for the sake of reusing materials, and the impact of recycling on the war machinery's own wastefulness. Conscious of systematic recycling in Nazi Germany and its own dependence on imports, the British government established a salvage department only weeks after the outbreak of war. Beginning in 1940, this department required all large towns to collect recyclable materials. Salvage, beyond lessening shortages, served ideological and psychological aims, because reused materials were turned into weapons. This led to a critical redefinition of recycling as the war progressed. People who previously characterised the Third Reich's recycling programmes as typical fascist control now considered compulsory recycling in Great Britain wholly positive. However, protesters claimed the government was causing irreparable harm by salvaging items whose value far exceeded their worth as scrap. The harvesting of books, periodicals and manuscripts as ‘waste’ paper proved particularly contentious, with some arguing that their own government was adding to the destruction that bombs were causing to Great Britain's cultural inheritance.

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Cox, Jeffrey. "Provincializing Christendom: The Case of Great Britain." Church History 75, no. 1 (March 2006): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700088351.

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Redvaldsen, David. "The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History: A Longitudinal Study." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.

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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.

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Rausch, Fabian. "«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-221.

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«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 This article proposes a comparative perspective on the role of constitutions in European political cultures from 1814 to c.1835. Through its analysis of constitutions first as a means to legitimising post-revolutionary monarchies, and secondly as a means to integrating the divided societies in France, Great Britain as well as the German states, this article suggests two major results: 1) Constitutions were a central instrument that was imagined by post-revolutionary European societies in order to open up an «evolutionary» path to political progress and thereby finally «end» or «prevent» further revolutionary changes. 2) The major challenges to constitutional integration were posed by the emergence of competing political groups that often demanded a strengthening of certain parts of the constitutions or their further reform. The problems, which were faced by almost all political actors regarding the acceptance of these new imperatives of party politics and the different constitutional «solutions» that they had developed to meet these challenges, provide explanations for the different constitutional paths that were taken by Great Britain, the German states and France during the early 1830s. In Great Britain, a common constitutionalist language enabled a precarious understanding amongst the competing groups, whereas anti-pluralist constitutional conceptions led to constitutional instability in France and even damaged the very idea of constitutional integration in Germany thus benefitting a «unification first»-approach in the German states.

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