Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Foreign relations – European Union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – European Union countries"
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Поветкина, Наталья, Natalya Povetkina, Семен Янкевич, and Semen Yankevich. "CONCEPT OF FINANCIAL STABILITY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES: LEGAL ASPECT." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14309.
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This article is the research of the legal nature of the concept of “financial stability” with respect to the financial (public) relations. The paper comprises analyzes of the legal regulation of the concept at the international level — in the program documents of the United Nations and at the supranational level — in the treaties of the Member States of the European Union, the treaty of the Member States of the Eurasian Economic Union and the decisions of the Eurasian Economic Commission. The article presents a description of the concept of “financial stability”, provided for in the legislation of Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Sweden. The authors note that the concept of “financial stability” in the legislation of foreign countries has universal meaning: absence of instability of the financial system of the country, measures to prevent financial crises and minimization of their negative effects.
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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KUZMINA, Violetta M., and Arina V. SVETIKOVA. "THE REACTION OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY AND THE ECONOMIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE EU TO BREXIT." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-147-157.
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Introduction. Today Brexit is one of the most pressing issues of world politics, due to the acquisition of global proportions. Of course, this process is a phenomenon at the regional level, but the very fact of the voting and the efforts being made to exit the UK economy from the EU created many questions around themselves, thereby giving rise to the idea in the minds of the population of other countries that the EU cannot cope with the main functions there is the possibility of holding a referendum and a decision to leave the union. The UK and the European Union have never been partners for each other from a historical perspective. Multiple prerequisites, which originated in the last century almost immediately after the signing of the decision on the accession of the Kingdom to the EU, tended to develop and grow. Disputes among members of parliament have always existed, but were not as pronounced as today. In this sense, the country's policy was divided into 2 camps: those who spoke and advocate for the measures of “tough” Brexit, and those who believed and believe that the exit process should be smooth and measured in order not to spoil relations with the EU point of no return.Methods. As the materials of the study were taken data presented in monographic studies and journalistic articles of domestic, but mostly foreign experts in the field of international law, the General modern history, the history of the UK, macroeconomics. The article is written on the basis of sociological research conducted by Western European agencies and Brexit research centers using the analytical type of research and its forms: sociological and expert surveys. The analysis of statistical economic information regarding the real GDP of the EU countries is presented using a comparative historical research method.Results and conclusions. Economic consequences for the European Union from Brexit will become noticeable after some time has passed since the date of the official UK secession from the European Union. Also a minus will be the reduction of anti-crisis programs that the European Union is trying to implement. Attention is deserved by the attitude of other European countries to the membership in the European Union. In this case, more and more we are talking about opposition movements, parties that develop the theme of Euroscepticism. This is especially true in drawing a parallel with the critical eurodirection, which has been traced in EU policy lately.
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Tetiana, Tomniuk. "UKRAINE'S FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE EU AND BRITAIN: PECULIARITIES OF IMPLEMENTATION UNDER MARTIAL LAW." BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS III, no. 87 (September 30, 2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2022-3.87.02.
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The article examines current trends in foreign trade relations between Ukraine, the European Union and Great Britain in the context of the implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. The publication examines specific features of the Agreement, providing trade facilitation by improving the efficiency of customs procedures and gradual approximation of Ukrainian legislation, rules and procedures (including standards) to EU law, the abolition of most customs tariffs. However, the study found that after the entry into force of the Free Trade Agreement in 2016, trade relations between Ukraine and Europe have not become equal. Analysis of the EU and Ukraine’s foreign trade turnover indicates a constant disproportion between the volume of exports and imports in favor of the EU. This is due to the continued application of both tariff and non-tariff restrictions on Ukrainian goods. Changes in the foreign trade policy between the countries caused by the Russian war in Ukraine have been identified. On the one hand, Ukraine needs support in the fight against the aggressor (including economic), and on the other hand, it showed limited opportunities for food exports from Ukraine due to port blockade and disruption of logistics, and Ukraine's significance as a partner in food security both for Europe and the world. This was an accelerating factor in the abolition of customs and tariff restrictions by European countries. Factors that may limit Ukraine’s export opportunities (continued use of non-tariff barriers by Europe, logistics problems) are identified, and opportunities to minimize their negative impact are identified.
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Eska-Mikołajewska, Justyna. "Znaczenie relacji z Australią i Nową Zelandią w ramach pobrexitowego zaangażowania Zjednoczonego Królestwa w regionie Indo-Pacyfiku." Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie 37, no. 1 (2023): 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230107.
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In the geopolitical situation in which Great Britain found itself after its withdrawal from the European Union in 2020, it was necessary to develop a new foreign and security policy strategy. The flagship concept of ‘Global Britain’ assumes the reorientation of the United Kingdom outside Europe and greater involvement in the security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region. The article examines to what extent the intention to strengthen relations with as likeminded partners in the Indo-Pacific region coincides with the assumptions of Australian and New Zealand policies. It has been shown that the former British dominions, which are part of the so-called Anglosphere, have been given a vital role in securing the UK’s position as a world leader. From the perspectives of the national interest of both countries, rebuilding ties with the former empire is considered an important strategic element, although giving it a priority in the current geopolitical realities is not possible. Australia and New Zealand put special emphasis on developing cooperation with the Indo-Pacific countries.
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Khakhalkina, E. V. "E.V. From ‘Greater’ to ‘Global Britain’: The New and the Old in the Foreign Policy of the United Kingdom." Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no. 3 (December 4, 2023): 160–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-160-184.
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The UK withdrawal from the European Union forced the country to reevaluate its relations with the outer world. These political and ideological searches culminated in the concept of Global Britain. At the same time, they have drawn attention of the academic community to similar intellectual endeavors at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, when British politicians also faced the need for a qualitative reassessment of the empire’s place in the world. In this context historical references can both help to place the concept of Global Britain within a broader ideological and political framework and shed light on some of its less obvious aspects. And it is particularly interesting to compare it with the concept of Greater Britain, which was extensively discussed during that period. The first section of the paper identifies the origins of the Greater Britain concept, as well as its key provisions. The author notes that the idea of ‘Greater Britain’, aiming to create a sort of federation that would bring together the metropole and the dominions, emerged as a response to growing centrifugal tendencies within the British Empire and intensification of colonial rivalry between the great powers. The second section outlines the conceptual core of the ‘Global Britain’, which involves expanding the scope of the UK foreign policy opportunities after leaving the European Union by establishing a more active interaction with countries and regions that were once part of the empire. The paper emphasizes the migration factor, which served as a fundamental element of the British statehood in various periods of its history and became an integral part of the British political identity. The author argues that there is a certain continuity in the ideological and philosophical content of the two concepts, which were both formulated in similar conditions, both originated from the search for new guidelines for the UK policy in a changing world. However, these concepts shouldn’t be confused. Whereas ‘Greater Britain’ was aimed at consolidating the crumbling empire, ‘Global Britain’ is intended primarily to bridge various divides across the society, which in turn implies re-examination of the UK national identity in general. The author concludes that the concept of Global Britain in its current form cannot address these issues, on the contrary, it rather epitomizes the lack of innovative ideas and solutions among contemporary British elites.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.)." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – European Union countries"
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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.
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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In
many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the
ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception
of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should
become ‘unimaginable’.
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Xia, Yue. "Brexit's influence on China's investment in Europe." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953561.
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Faber, Pierre Anthony. "Industrial relations, flexibility, and the EU social dimension : a comparative study of British and German employer response to the EU social dimension." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:959fa1ee-cd08-450b-8e94-68b9858dd9e3.
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This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.
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KNOPF, Hans-Joachim. "Britain and European integration between 1950 and 1993 : towards a European identity? : continuity and change in the constructions of British nation-state identity with regard to European unity and British visions of European political order." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5306.
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Defence date: 2 May 2003Examining board: Prof. Thomas Risse (Free University of Berlin / EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Helen Wallace (EUI) ; Prof. Simon Bulmer (University of Manchester) ; Prof. Roland Sturm (University of Erlangen-Nuremberg)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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WESTON, Alison E. "Britain and European political cooperation 1973-1992 : a national role in collective diplomacy." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5433.
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Defence date: 20 January 2003Examining board: Prof. Roger Morgan (EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Thomas Risse (EUI/Free University of Berlin - co-supervisor) ; Prof. Christopher Hill (LSE) ; Simon Nuttall (College of Europe, Bruges)
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GEARY, Michael J. "Enlargement and the European Commission : an assessment of the British and Irish applications for membership of the European Economic Community, 1958-73." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12001.
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Defence date: 20 February 2009Examining Board: Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI/Monash University, Supervisor); Prof. N. Piers Ludlow (London School of Economics, Co-supervisor); Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI); Prof. Jan van der Harst (University of Groningen)
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The thesis examines how the European Commission responded to the challenges posed by Britain’s and Ireland’s attempts to join the European Economic Community (EEC) between 1958 and 1972.1 The part played by the Commission in the enlargement process of the 1960s is one that has received little critical attention by scholars dealing with the history of European integration. Each chapter examines the enlargement question largely from the Commission’s perspective intertwined with British and Irish views. It therefore moves beyond the more traditional focus of scholarly research that has to date been almost exclusively based around national accounts of how the Community went from six to nine members in January 1973. This dissertation aims, in part, to fill this void in the history of the early years of the EEC.
Books on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – European Union countries"
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Paul, Jervis, ed. Resolving the European crisis. London: Middlesex University Press, 2005.
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Barbara, Lippert, ed. Britain, Germany, and EU enlargement: Partners or competitors? New York: Pinter, 1999.
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May, Alex. Britain and Europe since 1945. New York: Longman, 1998.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2016.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2016.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2016.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2017.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2007.
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Jones, Alistair. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press, 2007.
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Gowland, David. Britain and the European Union. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – European Union countries"
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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The Continental Republic, 1815–1865." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 74–112. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0004.
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In the four decades leading up to the Civil War the United States maintained peaceful relations with Great Britain, the European power of greatest importance to Americans because of its maritime supremacy. At the same time, it increased its power in three ways. Its population grew. It expanded its territory all the way to the Pacific Ocean, incorporating Florida, Texas, and Oregon. Under the leadership of President James K. Polk it waged a victorious war against Mexico that ended with the acquisition of the territories that became the American Southwest. Meanwhile, the country’s economy grew rapidly. The dispute between the Northern and Southern States over slavery, which had been building since independence, culminated in the Civil War of 1861 to 1865. Led by President Abraham Lincoln and General Ulysses S. Grant, the North won the war, thereby not only preserving the federal Union and abolishing slavery but also determining that the United States would be an industrial rather than an agrarian country and thus capable of becoming a great power.
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Forró, Lajos, and Srđan Cvetković. "The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
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Wight, Martin, and DAVID S. YOST. "Switzerland, the Low Countries, and Scandinavia in The World in March 1939." In History and International Relations, 308–22. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0014.
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Abstract In 1939 the main neutral European states were Switzerland, the Low Countries (Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands) and the Scandinavian countries (here defined as Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). They were all successful parliamentary democracies; and in their foreign policies, Wight observed, “the elements of prestige and competition for power had perhaps a smaller part than in any other states in the world.” They complemented their traditional reliance on neutrality with efforts to promote collective security and disarmament in the League of Nations. Both approaches failed. For example, “At the military conference of 23 May 1939 Hitler declared that the Dutch and Belgian air bases must be occupied by force: ‘declarations of neutrality must be ignored.’” Small Powers such as Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, and Portugal were incapable of defending their colonial holdings. “The disproportion between their weight in the world and their possessions marked them down for attack.” Discussions between Hitler and high-level British officials on colonial matters raised concerns among European neutral states. “The Western neutrals had to trust that Britain, being traditionally more sensitive to disturbances of the balance of power in Africa and the Indian Ocean than in Central Europe, would thenceforward recognize in her policy that the great empires overseas were reciprocally dependent upon the security of the smaller.”
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Brković, Radoje. "Specific of the Civil Service System of Serbia to the Civil Service Systems of the European Union Countries." In Law in the process of globalisation, 553–64. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lawpg.553b.
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In this paper, the author deals with the issues and challenges regarding the general state of civil service of Serbia, analysing it through the most important institutions – fulfillment of free job positions, assessment and promotion of civil servants, realisation and protection of rights of state civil servants, subordination as an element of civil service relation, conflict of interests, disciplinary responsibility, liability for damage etc. There is also a brief comparative presentation of civil service relations in Germany, Great Britain and Slovenia as other examples of civil service systems.
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Wagner, Peter. "The ‘South’ as a Moving Target: Europe’s Debt to the Former Colonies." In The Politics of Debt and Europe's Relations with the 'South', 163–85. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474461405.003.0008.
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Ireland is not normally conceived as being located south of the neighbouring Great Britain, nor of Europe, but this chapter suggests that it could be. Towards that end, the dispute over the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is briefly discussed in light of the difficulties of separating political entities in our time of high global interconnectedness. Subsequently, the UK-EU dispute is compared to the separation of Algeria from France and the exit of South Africa from the British Commonwealth, opening the path towards pluralizing the notion of the “South”. Such pluralization allows the investigation of historically formed asymmetric relations between societies beyond the formal concept of colonialism. Against this background, the transformation of the relation between EU countries and their former colonies from the 1970s onwards is analyzed in terms of attempts to re-regulate the relation between Europe and its South after decolonization. These attempts aim at drawing clear lines of separation, but they keep failing because the South reveals itself as a moving target, impossible to confine to a restricted space. Thus, in conclusion, current Northward migration and climate change are discussed in terms of global social and ecological injustice the significance of which Europe cannot deny.
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Kirchner, Emil J. "NATO or WEU? Security Policy since 1990." In Uneasy Allies, 184–204. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198293835.003.0009.
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Abstract Changes in threat perceptions since 1990, and growing concerns about military and non-military aspects of security provoke questions over the extent to which NATO can or should remain the dominant security provider of the western world. It also raises the question about the extent to which the Western European Union (WEU), either alone or in conjunction with the European Union, can or should be responsible for security. Debate about these questions not only takes place in the US, Britain, France, and Germany, where divided opinions prevail within and between countries; it is also discussed in the Russian Federation where the questions of enlargement of NATO and WEU remain particularly controversial. After all, the eastern enlargement of NATO in March 1999 to include Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic was viewed with great dismay in Moscow. Moreover, NATO’s bombing of Serbia and Serbian positions in Kosovo which began shortly afterwards on 24 March and lasted until 10 June led to the most severe crisis in Russian-NATO relations since the end of the cold war.
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Çandar, Cengiz. "Revisionist, Resurgent Power, Breaking with the West, Sailing with Eurasianist Winds." In A Companion to Modern Turkey's Centennial, 707–18. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474492515.003.0054.
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Included in the Concert of Europe in the mid-nineteenth century along with the rest of the Western powers – France, Habsburg Austria and Great Britain; espousing the Western as its civilisational project in the aftermath of the First World War and founding a secular nation-state in the early 1920s; one of the founding countries of the Council of Europe following the Second World War; a member of the transatlantic alliance since the 1950s; declared a candidate for full membership of the European Union at the turn of the twenty-first century: all this defined what Turkey was. And Turkey, with such historical credentials, set itself on the road to gradually break with the West. It had to adopt, internally, a repressive, authoritarian regime and a revisionist foreign policy to resurrect the imperial glory that it claimed it had in the past. At the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century and on the eve of the centenary of the Republic’s foundation, it emerged as a revisionist power, if not on a global scale but no doubt in very broad geopolitics. Whether or how long such a status will be sustainable remains to be seen.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. "FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN." In Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.
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The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.