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1
Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.
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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and N. A. Lagoshina. "Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.
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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (April 17, 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Kolesnikov, Ilya, Marianna Dahrendorf, and Inna Ovanesyan. "Diplomatic relations between the Russian Empire and Great Britain in the first half of the 18th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2019, no. 12_2 (December 1, 2019): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii201912statyi30.
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LINKOVA, Elena. "“CHARLEMAGNE’S EUROPE” AND “PETER THE GREAT’S EUROPE”: RUSSIAN CONSERVATIVE THINKERS’ PERSPECTIVES ON RUSSIA’S INTERNATIONAL POSITION IN THE EARLY 18th CENTURY." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4 (27) (2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-4-26-35.
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The international situation of Russia and its foreign policy were a subject of discussions within the framework of various currents of public thought in the 19th century. However, Russian conservatives, concerned about the future of the country in a changing world, paid special attention to these issues. The conservative concept emerged and evolved in the course of reflections and polemics on Russia's place in the world and the relationships between foreign policy and domestic development. The emphasis in such discussions was placed on the era of Peter the Great, when Russia had become part of the system of international relations, declared its geopolitical interests and begun to implement them consistently. In fact, in Peter's time, the Westphalian system, in which Russia was assigned a clearly peripheral role, was replaced by a new European order based on the Congresses in Utrecht, Rastatt and BadenЯ(1713-1714), on the results of the Great Northern War (1700-1721) and the Treaty of Nystad (1721). Under these new conditions, Peter the Great showed not only continuity with his predecessors' policies but also outlined the main foreign policy vectors, which Russia followed throughout the 18th century and, as conservative thinkers pointed out, the whole of the 19th century.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. "Warfare in Livonia at the beginning of the 18th century in relations of English ambassador Philippe Plantamour from Berlin." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-40-46.
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An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Bristol-Alagbariya, Edward T. "Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, 1884/85 Negative Sovereignty Treaties, Positive International Law, British Colonization & Good Governance towards the Advancement of Civilization in Nigeria." International Journal of Developing and Emerging Economies 10, no. 2 (February 15, 2022): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijdee.13/vol10n23461.
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This socio-legal study examines the 1884/85 imperialistic vis-à-vis negative sovereignty treaties of friendship, commerce and protection, simply called treaties of protection, which were entered into by Great Britain and the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, so as to maintain and strengthen the cordial relations that were existing between the parties. However, positive international law altered the hitherto proto natural law-based equal and cordial relations between the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and the Western European nations, from the 15th Century AD, when the Portuguese explorers and merchants were dominant in the Niger Delta region, before the arrival of Great Britain and France in the region about the 18th Century AD. Positive international law, enhanced by British gunboat diplomacy associated with it, promoted Western imperialism and thereby enabled Great Britain to achieve her imperialist ambition of transforming the erstwhile naturally sovereign Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and their mainland and hinterland ethnic nationality areas into the 1885 British Protectorate of the Niger Districts. Based on British imperialist protectionism over the Niger Districts and the rest of pre-colonial Nigeria, the entire ethnic nationality areas of pre-colonial Nigeria became a single British colonial possession called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, otherwise called modern Nigeria, in 1914. The British colonial government eventually granted political independence to modern Nigeria in October 1960. From the background of the aforementioned 1884/85 negative sovereignty treaties and continuing agitation of separatist groups in post-colonial Nigeria for improvement of their lots, the study makes a case for good governance, boosted by ethos of natural law and the social contract of governance, towards the advancement of civilization in the country.
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Schvéd, Brigitta Kinga. "The Concepts of Universal Monarchy and Balance of Power in Charles Davenant’s An Essay Upon The Ballance of Power (1701)." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 10 (April 27, 2022): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2019.10.13.
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In the 17th century – especially in the period after the Peace of Westphalia (1648) – more and more treatises were published about the European balance of power, which clearly appeared against the concept of universal monarchy (monarchia universalis) by this time. The balance of power principle became a prominent element of 18th-century state politics and political journalism, as well as one of the key concepts of the emerging theory of interstate relations. The term became part of the official language of diplomacy with the Peace of Utrecht (1713), becoming part not only of political thought, but also of the official political practice, and developed into one of the fundamental milestones of English foreign policy and political thought in the 18th centuries. This paper analyses the contemporary incorporation of the balance of power concept into English political thought with the analysis of English economist and political writér Charles Davenant’s (1656–1714) An Essay Upon The Ballance of Power (1701). The analysis is trying to point out how the principle of balance of power began to play an increasingly important role in European great power politics as well as in English domestic and foreign policy in the decades before the Peace of Utrecht (1713), and how Charles Davenant’s political pamphlet can fit in this context.
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Maria M., Koskina. "The Main Directions of Russian Policy in the Struggle for Spheres of Influence in the North Pacific Ocean at the Beginning of the 18th Сentury." Humanitarian Vector 17, no. 3 (October 2022): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2022-17-3-17-26.
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The article is devoted to the study of the origins of the colonial struggle of European powers for spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region in the late 17th ‒ first half of the 18th century. The international situation around the process of opening and developing the northern Pacific Ocean, the fear of metropolises to lose their spheres of influence stand out as one of the main reasons for the advancement of countries in the region. The reasons for the study of the North Pacific Territories are systematized, economic, political and scientific prerequisites are noted. In the first half of the 18th century, the Pacific Ocean became the arena of geopolitical interests of leading powers. On the one hand, this period was characterized by an Anglo-French colonial confrontation. On the other hand, the interest of these countries in the north of the Pacific Ocean was not so pronounced in comparison with the positions of Russia and Spain in the region. Nevertheless, at the intersection of Asia and America, there was a clash of interests of several countries, expressed in direct and potential expansion. It was in the first half of the 18th century that the formation of international relations on the study of the North of the Pacific Ocean and the emergence of the struggle of powers for spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region were traced. The article examines the view of Spain, France, Great Britain and Russia on the course of colonization of North America. The Russian Empire seems to be the main participant in geopolitics in the north of the Asia-Pacific region. The main directions of Russia’s policy in the struggle for spheres of influence in the region are systematized and analyzed. The development of Russian-British, Russian-French and Russian-Spanish relations on the study of these territories in the first half of the 18th century is studied, the interaction of countries on the process of studying the North Pacific region and the further development of the west coast of North America is analyzed.
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Ankhimiuk, Mstislav Yu. "Foreign Policy in Programs of Czech Political Parties at Turn of the 21th Century: Historiographical Essay." Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 65 (2022): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2022-65-128-141.
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The paper presents a historiographical overview of the evolution of foreign policy concepts of Czech political parties at the turn of the 21st century in terms of cardinal geopolitical changes and formation of a new system of international relations in Europe. After the emergence of the independent Czech Republic, scholars from different countries began to show interest in the foreign policy of the new state in the region of Central and South-Eastern Europe. The present research groups academic papers according to the centers of study of the topic in Russia, the Czech Republic, Great Britain and the USA, also following chronological order, starting from the 1990s and ending with the end of the 2010s. For the first time the author designates a “watershed” in the history of the issue, when in the scientific literature the study of Czech foreign policy in general turns to a narrower range of topics. Many researchers specializing in international relations turned from studying general issues of Czech foreign policy to specific topics, such as the positions of parties regarding further European integration, military cooperation with NATO, relations with Russia, etc. This fact allows us to talk about the growing interest of the scientific community in deep processes shaping the foreign policy of the Czech Republic.
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Smirnova, Galina Evgen'evna. "Russian-speaking community of Great Britain today: stereotypical perception, new realities, and development prospects." Человек и культура, no. 4 (April 2021): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2021.4.36213.
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The subject of this research is the Russian-speaking community of Great Britain in the modern sociocultural context, which is traditionally characterized by distinct national, cultural and social disunity. The object of this research is the Russian world of Great Britain within the framework of modern Russian-British relations and sociocultural context of the country of residence. The attitude towards Russian-speaking immigrants from the former USSR republics was affected by multiple stereotypes. The current changes in foreign policy, deterioration of relations between the two countries, amendments to British legislation, Brexit, on the one hand, while economic cooperation and cultural exchange between the countries on the other hand, influence life of the community, forming a new context of being in a foreign cultural environment. The novelty of this research lies in the attempt to assess the impact of the ongoing social processes upon the image, public perception, and quantitative indicator of the Russian community in Great Britain, which is extremely relevant due to the absence of such data in the research literature. Based on the historical and analytical analysis of media materials, sociological surveys, legislative and diplomatic documents, it becomes evident that the number of Russian-speaking citizens who are ready to make Britain their place of residence has significantly reduced compared to the end of the previous century, and there are no prospects that this number would increase. The lifestyle these people is also undergoing changes due to the introduction of new laws in Great Britain. In the conditions of the overall deterioration of political situation, the contacts in economic and cultural spheres remain unchanged, creating a positive image of Russia in the eyes of the British people, as well as the presence of initiatives to improve cooperation between the two countries.
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Levin, Yaroslav A. "Image of Ally." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.267.
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World War II was a time of increased rapprochement between the United States and Great Britain. After a long rivalry and outright hostility in the XVIII-XIX centuries, by the beginning of the 20th century, these two countries began to get closer with time, which was reflected in the gradual design of the concept of “Special Relations” between the United States and the United Kingdom. The rapprochement required strong propaganda support to explain political changes to the population. Due to its accessibility, clarity and brightness, cinema has become one of the main tools for promoting the new paradigm of US foreign policy. In this study, we examined the problem of constructing the image of Great Britain in American cinema in 1942. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features and stereotypes of perception used by American filmmakers and propagandists in building the image of an ally. Based on an analysis of 1942 films, a number of specific features were identified that were used in cinema to form the image of Great Britain as an ally.
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Tepkeev, Vladimir T. "«Прежде по Вашей милости я жил спокойно. Как быть? Рассудите, Ваше Светлейшество». Начало внутриполитического кризиса в Калмыцком ханстве в 1723 г." Oriental studies 15, no. 3 (October 17, 2022): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-3-491-500.
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Introduction. The article publishes one of the last letters submitted by Khan Ayuka of the Kalmyks to the Russian Emperor Peter the Great. Goals. The work aims at introducing newly discovered correspondence dealing with Russian-Kalmyk relations in the first quarter of the 18th century. Materials. The document analyzed is contained in Collection 119 (‘Kalmyk Affairs’) of Imperial Russia’s Foreign Policy Archive that houses quite a number of written sources in Kalmyk history. The never-published document is the first Kalmyk letter from the mentioned archive to be made available to the public. Results. The paper provides a brief historical review of the events described in Khan Ayuka’s letter. The most precious document sheds light on multiple circumstances to have preceded the outburst of the internal Kalmyk conflict in 1723. Conclusions. The examined 1724 letter is an invaluable source in the history of Kalmyk Khanate that shall essentially add to further understanding of 18th-century Russian-Kalmyk relations. So, the text clarifies Khan Ayuka’s stance on the emerging internal crisis. Having been one of those who wrecked the negotiation process between Chakdorjab’s sons, Ayuka turns to the Russian Emperor for assistance in his letter. The domestic conflict not only significantly weakened his positions as Khan but also resulted in external threats to Kalmyk Khanate at large.
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Tepkeev, Vladimir T. "«Прежде по Вашей милости я жил спокойно. Как быть? Рассудите, Ваше Светлейшество». Начало внутриполитического кризиса в Калмыцком ханстве в 1723 г." Oriental studies 15, no. 3 (October 13, 2022): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-61-3-491-500.
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Introduction. The article publishes one of the last letters submitted by Khan Ayuka of the Kalmyks to the Russian Emperor Peter the Great. Goals. The work aims at introducing newly discovered correspondence dealing with Russian-Kalmyk relations in the first quarter of the 18th century. Materials. The document analyzed is contained in Collection 119 (‘Kalmyk Affairs’) of Imperial Russia’s Foreign Policy Archive that houses quite a number of written sources in Kalmyk history. The never-published document is the first Kalmyk letter from the mentioned archive to be made available to the public. Results. The paper provides a brief historical review of the events described in Khan Ayuka’s letter. The most precious document sheds light on multiple circumstances to have preceded the outburst of the internal Kalmyk conflict in 1723. Conclusions. The examined 1724 letter is an invaluable source in the history of Kalmyk Khanate that shall essentially add to further understanding of 18th-century Russian-Kalmyk relations. So, the text clarifies Khan Ayuka’s stance on the emerging internal crisis. Having been one of those who wrecked the negotiation process between Chakdorjab’s sons, Ayuka turns to the Russian Emperor for assistance in his letter. The domestic conflict not only significantly weakened his positions as Khan but also resulted in external threats to Kalmyk Khanate at large.
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Kryuchkov, Igor V., Natalia D. Kryuchkova, and Ashot A. Melkonyan. "Внешняя торговля Британской Индии на рубеже XIX–XX вв. (по материалам дипломатических представительств России)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 200–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-200-213.
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Introduction. The history of British Raj’s foreign economic activity development at the turn of the 20th century remains somewhat understudied both in Russian and foreign historiography. Since the 1880s, India significantly increased foreign trade to become Asia’s leader in this regard. Goals. The paper aims at examining dynamics of India’s export-import operations and foreign trade by countries. Materials and methods. The article analyzes reports and accounts of Russian diplomats to have worked in British Raj, the Near East, and Great Britain. The employed research methods include the historical/genetic, comparative historical, and historical/typological ones. Results. Britain had been India’s dominating trading partner. However, gradually other states also increased trade operations with the latter, especially import ones. The paper emphasizes Russia failed to become a key foreign trade partner of British Raj (except for export of kerosene and import of tea). The identified reasons are contentious British-Russian relations in Central Asia in the 1860s–1890s, poor knowledge of the Indian market, and geographical remoteness. British Raj turned an outpost of Great Britain’s economic strength in the Persian Gulf. At the same time, Indian goods displaced products from other countries — including Britain manufactured ones — in many ports of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. The article stresses that the bulk of India’s foreign economic relations were maintained via maritime transport. This was due to complicated natural and climatic factors along land borders, instability in frontiers (Afghanistan and Persia). Nonetheless, British Raj was increasing its economic presence in Afghanistan, Persia, Nepal, Ceylon, Siam, and western provinces of China. An important place in India’s foreign trade was occupied by transit trade and re-export of goods from other states, which makes it difficult to accurately determine the actual volume of its foreign trade. Conclusions. The specifics of India’s national economic development can thus be traced in the structure of its foreign trade. The exports were dominated by raw materials and foodstuffs; manufactured products were only making their way to foreign markets. The difficulties were largely associated with the Great Britain’s colonial policy in India since the former sought to keep using the latter as a market for industrial products produced in the British Isles. On the eve of WW I, British Raj was building up its economic potential through strengthening its positions in world trade.
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Berlova, Maria S. "Court theatre as a proven source of the europeanization of Russia during tsar Alexei Mikhailovich’s reign." ТЕАТР. ЖИВОПИСЬ. КИНО. МУЗЫКА, no. 1 (2022): 204–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35852/2588-0144-2022-1-204-213.
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Russia’s Theatrical Past: Court Entertainment in the Seventeenth Century (2021), written by Claudia Jensen, Ingrid Mayer, Stepan Shamin, and Daniel C. Waugh, focuses on the Russian court theatre of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, which existed from 1672 to 1676. The book analyzes this theatre within the context of Russian culture and diplomatic relations between Russia and Western Europe from the middle of the 16th to the beginning of the 18th century. The study of intercultural exchange and how Russia assimilated Western European theatrical and musical traditions is based on unique documents, such as European newspapers, diplomats’ reports, foreign travel accounts, witness accounts, and payment records, that were found in Russian and Western European archives. In tracing the transmission and spread of Western performance traditions on Russian soil, the authors use the concept of intertheater. Intertheatrical processes were largely conditioned by diplomatic contacts. The book presents the Alexei Mikhailovich’s court theatre as a proven source of the Europeanization of Russia, which began before the reforms of Peter the Great.
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Shchepkin, Vasilii V. "Reforms by Peter the Great as a Model for Japan in the Writings of the Late Edo Period." Vestnik NSU. Series: History, Philology 20, no. 10 (December 20, 2021): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-10-82-91.
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The first knowledge about Peter the Great seems to penetrate into Japan during the lifetime of this Russian emperor, as early as the beginning of the 18th century. However, it was only after first attempts of Siberian merchants to start trade relations with Japan’s northernmost domain of Matsumae when Japanese intellectuals began to study Russia and its history. By the end of the century, the image of Peter the Great as an outstanding ruler had formed in Japan, with his main achievement being the expansion of the country’s territory, after which European Russia suddenly shared a border with northern Japan. Katsuragawa Hoshu, a court physician and the author of one of the first descriptions of Russia, might be the first Japanese who implied Peter the Great’s activities as a model for Japan, pointing out his politics in spreading the foreign trade. Japanese intellectuals of the first half of the 19th century continued to use Peter the Great’s reforms as a possible model for Japan. Watanabe Kazan (1793–1841) in his “Note about the Situation in Foreign Countries” used the Russian emperor as evidence of a leader’s role in winning nature-based and geographical obstacles in a country’s development. Aizawa Seishisai (1782–1863) and later Sakuma Shozan (1811–1864) pointed out Peter’s leadership qualities and personal involvement in reforms. Based on the study of Peter’s activities, Aizawa managed to create the program of Japan’s reforming known as the “New thesis” (“Shinron”, 1825), while Sakuma promoted the necessity of Western learning, especially the development of navy and artillery. This allows to assume a great influence of the study of Peter the Great and Russian history in formulating the ideas of a “rich country and strong army” that became a cornerstone of national ideology in Meiji Japan.
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Morrison, James Ashley. "Before Hegemony: Adam Smith, American Independence, and the Origins of the First Era of Globalization." International Organization 66, no. 3 (July 2012): 395–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000148.
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AbstractWhile extensive scholarship has shown that it is possible to maintain global economic openness after hegemony, economic liberalization is still thought to be unlikely prior to hegemonic ascent. This assumption is based on the conventional narrative that Great Britain began lowering its trade barriers in the 1820s as it began its hegemonic ascent. This article shows that Britain began pursuing an open trading structure in the 1780s—in precisely the multipolar world that hegemonic stability theorists claimed would be least likely to initiate the shift. This change in commercial strategy depended crucially on the intellectual conversion of a key policymaker—the Earl of Shelburne—from mercantilist foreign economic policy to Adam Smith's revolutionary laissez-faire liberalism. Using the case of “the world's most important trading state” in the nineteenth century, this article highlights the importance of intellectuals—as well as their ideas—in shaping states' foreign policy strategies. It also provides further evidence of key individuals' significance and their decisions at “critical junctures.”
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich. "Methodological features of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling studying." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 2 (June 15, 2018): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201872216.
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The following paper deals with methodological features of studying of empires legacy role in policy of the leading powers in the countries of the third world through a prism of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling. The author pays special attention to the role of Great Britain and the USA foreign policy course defining after World War II during Cold War in the second half of the 20th century and Global War on Terror at the beginning of the 21st century. The author pays attention to methodological traps (such as the probability of the research problem on the given variable and terminological confusion) as well as to research opportunities which are opened by such approach in the field of the historical and political analysis (for example, evolution of the international relations theory and practice in the conditions of the world order transformation after World War II). Special attention is given to the value of such methodological reception as asymmetric conflicts historical modeling in expert estimates of the leading powers foreign policy. The paper also deals with the role of expert community and academic expertize as an important component of that analytical operation which is carried out within historical simulation of the asymmetrical conflicts.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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BROGGI, CARLES BRASÓ, and DAVID MARTINEZ-ROBLES. "Beyond Colonial Dichotomies: The deficits of Spain and the peripheral powers in treaty-port China." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (September 28, 2018): 1222–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000154.
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AbstractThe semi-colonial character of China during the treaty-port era brings into question the dichotomy between the colonizer and the colonized. China's foreign trade had an overall negative balance, and Great Britain, Japan, and the United States of America benefited from it. However, dozens of minor powers suffered a negative balance with China, despite the favourable conditions set in the treaty ports. This article examines the presence of Spain in China during the first decades of the twentieth century, focusing on trade, population, and issues of self-representation. Through a comparative analysis of the Sino-Spanish trade with that of other smaller powers in China, this article shows both the diversity of colonial formations in China and the existence of colonial relations that, although peripheral and complementary, pose a doubt on the adequacy, not only of the colonizer/colonized dichotomy, but also of the representation of colonialism in China.
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Dorofeev, D. V. "THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2021): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-81-93.
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The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.
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Smirnova, Irina. "“Athos” Course of Lord Bulwer-Lytton: about the History of British-Russian Diplomatic Relations in the Balkans in the 1860s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022289-6.
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The article discusses the goals and objectives of the British diplomats on the “Athos” track in the context of the diplomatic confrontation between Great Britain and Russia which relied extensively on the Church contacts in their Balkan politics. It explores such a little-studied aspect of the Athos problem as the role of Russian and British diplomats in addressing the issue of the Athos monasteries’ properties sequestrated by Alexandru Cuza, prince of the United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, through the lens of the activities of Sir George Bulwer-Lytton, ambassador to Constantinople, in the 1860s. It uses Lord Bulwer's participation in the work of European commissions and conferences, to illustrate the methods and practices of British diplomats aimed at forcing Russia out of the Balkan region (and even out of the Middle East): such as erosion of the credibility of the Russian Empire, defamation of its representatives in Greek communities and their displacement from principle foreign-policy objectives, and indoctrination into endless conflicts in the multinational environment of Orthodox monasticism on the Holy Mount. It shows that from the mid-19th century one of the primary instruments of British politics not only on Mount Athos, but also in the Orthodox East, as a whole, was the right of British subjects (Ionian Greeks in the case of Athos) to official support and protection of British diplomats, while Russian Athonites were deprived of that right due to the lack of official Russian patronage over Russian subjects in the Ottoman Empire. The confrontation between Great Britain and Russia in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean played a prominent role in the development of Russian-Greek relations and the occurrence of such a phenomenon as “Russian Athos”.
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Martin, Vanessa, and Morteza Nouraei. "The Role of the Karguzar in the Foreign Relations of State and Society of Iran from the mid-nineteenth century to 1921. Part 1: Diplomatic Relations." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 15, no. 3 (November 2005): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005286.
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AbstractThe foreign relations of Iran from 1800 to 1921 have on the whole been discussed in terms of diplomatic relations between states, of ‘Great Power’ policy, and of the impact of the world economy upon a comparatively weak and traditional society. A brief survey of the existing literature reveals that Iran's lack of progress has been attributed among other factors to her form of government, foreign interference and to her predicament as a buffer state between the British and Russian empires. The traditional power structures of Iran, as dominated by an absolute monarchy intent on personal interest with a concomitant lack of realism when engaging in war, was, in Ramazani's view, the origin of the country's weakness. Kazemzadeh saw the subject from the point of view of Anglo-Russian rivalry at the highest levels, and argued that both powers sought to impose hegemony on Iran by a variety of means, including, putting pressure on the Shah and chief ministers, using commercial concessions and exercising intimidation. The competition of Britain and Russia was so intense that each was determined to undermine any plan of development proposed by the other, opportunities were numerous, as, for example, in the introduction of railways. Yapp, to some extent, questioned this argument by pointing out that British interests were more complex than those of the Russians; on the one hand a stronger Iran was a more efficient buffer-state, but on the other hand it could undermine British influence in Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf. Yapp also noted that the British and Russian presence gave advantages to Iran in terms of the development of international trade, the control of internal disorder and in the imposition of regional security. Greaves saw Britain's diplomatic connections with Iran as dominated by her preoccupation with the defence of India, and believed that its attitudes to Iran were neither consistent nor strong. Issawi, in his study of economic development, also presented a more complex picture which emphasises the variety of the factors involved, and also the fluctuations in the economy over the period. He pointed out that trade did grow steadily, that the country benefited from new technology, for example the telegraph and the construction of the Suez Canal, and that it lived within its means. On the other hand, involvement in the international economy from 1890–1914 led to rapidly increasing foreign financial and political factors, which undermined the county's independence. Wright provided a different approach in that, while acknowledging the baleful effects of aspects of Anglo-Russian rivalry on Iran, he was more concerned with the experiences of a variety of ‘English’ amongst the Iranians, and thus offered a study of interaction between foreigners and Iranians at a level below that of international politics.
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Krokosz, Paweł, and Karol Łopatecki. "The Military Revolution of Peter I – Quantitative Measurement." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (June 2022): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.3.14.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the processes related to the modernization of the Russian army in the times of Peter I. Owing to the magnitude and historical momentousness of these changes, we have introduced the term “revolution” in lieu of the term “reform” used hitherto in historiography. It is significant and noteworthy that these processes took place during the regular frontline military operations of the Great Northern War (1700–1721), when the tsarist army faced the perfectly organized Swedish army. Methods. So far, theories of military revolution and neo-institutional revolution have been deployed to show the transformations taking place at the time. Without denying the previous research findings, we have presented the modernization of the Russian army in the first quarter of the 18th century in quantitative terms. Hence, we have chosen three issues – recruitment, armament, and the number of officers in the army. Not only is there a sufficient source base for these issues, but they also allow for the time function in the ongoing transformations. Results. The figures under scrutiny indicate that the success of these military transformations was largely based on the recruitment system, which was superbly adapted in Russia. This made it possible not only to establish a regular national army of more than 100,000 soldiers, but also to maintain its headcount during the war despite the losses that the army suffered. In this way, almost half a million soldiers were recruited in Russia in the first quarter of the 18th century. The article emphasizes the conditions that had to be met to establish an army that could match the Swedish adversary. A key element was arming the military with modern firearms. Thanks to foreign purchases, primarily in the Netherlands, the rearmament was completed before 1709. The organizational structure of regiments, battalions, and rotas was also reorganized, so that the appropriate number of officers, non-commissioned officers, and military musicians was adjusted to the total number of soldiers. With the introduction of military discipline, it was possible to reduce the group of officers and musicians from 18.25% (1699/1700) to 10.15% (1711).
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Ermolov, Arseny Ju. "Foreign Trade as a Means of Overcoming Environmental Problems in the Early Modern Era: the Possible Application of the Concept of Kenneth Pomeranz to Trade Relations between Western and Eastern Europe." Economic History 15, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.046.015.201903.219-240.
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Introduction. The article discusses the impact of trade with Eastern Europe on the British industrial revolution. The author uses the concept of K. Pomeranz described in the book “The Great Divergence”. But the author does not agree with his assessment of the role of Eastern Europe. Discussion and Conclusion. The author proves that the dynamics of trade between Eastern and Western Europe in the Early Modern era was not always stagnant. The hundred-year period of stagnation was not caused by bad Eastern European institutions, but was part of the global crisis of the XVII century. Trade with Eastern Europe was important as a source of “phantom acres” that reduced the environmental burden. It provided Britain with more “phantom acres” and did so during the critical period of the beginning of the industrial revolution. The importance of trade with America was also critical, as it provided the precious metals and colonial goods needed to trade with Eastern Europe. Both these regions were important for saving the West from falling into the Malthusian trap.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Nguyen, Duy Phuong. "Missionary Activity and Civilization of Western Missionaries: a Case of Cochinchina (Vietnam) During the XVI and XVII Centuries." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080010743-4.
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As in many other religions, missionary activity is seen by Catholics as a self-fulfilling mission, a sacred act to expand the scope of God’s kingdom. The geographical discoveries, along with the progress of the maritime industry in the 15th–16th centuries, opened a great prospect for “spreading the Gospel” to faraway lands, including Cochinchina (Vietnam). Along with missionary activities, Western civilization also followed the missionaries, who introduced it into the indigenous social life, contributing to the creation of the West–East connection, and the world integration of this land. Based on the many sources, such as the memoirs and correspondence of the missionaries themselves in Cochinchina and the works on the Catholic history of some Vietnamese and foreign researchers, especially the latest studies of Vietnamese historians, the article focuses on studying about missionary activities along with the introduction of Western civilization by missionaries in Cochinchina from the 16th century to the 18th century. The resusts show that the activities of the missionaries under the encouragement policy of the Cochinchina government are the basic factors promoting the process of spreading Western civilized values in Vietnam. This is an inevitable result of the spread of Catholicism which is an important role in the cultural exchange between East and West in Cochinchina in the 16th and 17th centuries. The paper contributes to clarifying the history of the development of Catholic doctrine in Vietnam and affirm the merits of Western missionaries as a bridge to bring European scientific and technical knowledge to Cochinchina.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Bredikhin, A. V., and A. O. Babik. "THE “FOLKLAND ISSUE” EVOLUTION: FROM THE ORIGINS TOWARD BRITISH COLONIZATION (1740s - 1843)." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-1-93-100.
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The article is devoted to the origins and evolution of the “Falkland issue” in the system of international relations, which is discussion about the nationality of the eponymous archipelago, as well as the islands of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands with adjacent marine areas. According to the study, the “Falkland issue” is a term of the equation, where the numerator contains the territorial ambitions of Great Britain and Argentina, and the denominator shows the value of the resources access to which is represented by the archipelago of the same name. It is argued that the foundation for the “Falkland issue” was laid half a century before the appearance of Argentina on the political map of the world- in the 1740s, when the creators of British foreign policy for the first time in practical terms raised the question of creating a military base in the Southern Atlantic. The British Empire, which had the imperative of constant territorial expansion, needed a bridgehead to strengthen its influence in the Latin American region, which was subordinate to the Spanish and Portuguese crowns competing with the Windsor.
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Valentinovich Pilipchuk, Yaroslav. "Kabarda between Turks and Russians." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/37-63.
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of the East Circassians ancestors of the Kabardinians to the territory of the former Western Alanya can be dated to the time after the invasion of Timur 1395-1396. The design of Kabarda as a principality can be dated to the first half of the 15th century. The division of Kabarda into Idarey, Kaitukoi, Tlachtostan, Dzhelyakhstan can be dated to the first half of the XVI century. Kabarda in this era becomes one of the leading forces in the North Caucasus. Kabardinians competed with the Great Nogai Horde for control of the Astrakhan Khanate. Temryuk Idarov in 1563 attracted Nogais and Russians in his confrontation with the Ingush. Kabardians of Idarey to confront the Crimean Tatars and Kumyks in the XVI century. They were allies of Russians. The Idaroviches use the Russians in the confrontation with the Kumyks and Crimean Tatars, and they themselves take part in the Livonian War and the Russian campaigns against various Caucasian rulers. Ties of Kabardians and with Nogais are made. Kabardinians of Kaitukoi are guided by the Crimean Khanate and the Small Nogai Horde. Circassian expansion to the east leads to the fact that the Karachais, Balkars, part of the Ossetians and Chechens are under the control of the Kabardinians. In the struggle for hegemony in the North Caucasus, the Kabardinians in the 16th –17th centuries face with the kumyks. None of the parties managed to win a convincing victory and they mutually exhausted each other. Kabardinians were the guides of Russian influence in the 17th century in the North Caucasus and their helped Russians in the Russian-Qizilbash conflict in 1651–1653. Kabardinians actively support the Russians against the Crimean Tatars in the 17th century. The significance of the Battle of Kanzhal is greatly exaggerated in Kabardinian historiography. We can talk about the participation of 20 thousands of Crimean Tatars in the battle and the death of a fourth of them in the battle. The defeat of 1708 only temporarily weakened the Crimean Tatars. Crimean Tatars make revenge hikes to Kabarda and devastate the region in the 10-ies and 20-ies of XVIII century. The Kabardinians victories under Baksan (1729) and Chеrеshty (1731) helped to stop the Crimean Tatar advance. Kabarda there were the Baksan and Kashkatau parties oriented to the Russians and Crimeans in the 18th century. They sought to win over external forces in order to secure subjectivity in foreign policy relations. The anti-Russian position of the Kabardinians set up the construction by Russians of the Mozdok fortress. Key words: Kabarda, Lesser Kabarda, Great Kabarda, Idarey, Kaitukoi, Crimean Khanate, Russian state, Great Nogai Horde, Lesser Nogai Horde, Ottoman Empire
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KUZMINA, Violetta M., and Arina V. SVETIKOVA. "THE REACTION OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY AND THE ECONOMIES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE EU TO BREXIT." Historical and social-educational ideas 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2019): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-147-157.
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Introduction. Today Brexit is one of the most pressing issues of world politics, due to the acquisition of global proportions. Of course, this process is a phenomenon at the regional level, but the very fact of the voting and the efforts being made to exit the UK economy from the EU created many questions around themselves, thereby giving rise to the idea in the minds of the population of other countries that the EU cannot cope with the main functions there is the possibility of holding a referendum and a decision to leave the union. The UK and the European Union have never been partners for each other from a historical perspective. Multiple prerequisites, which originated in the last century almost immediately after the signing of the decision on the accession of the Kingdom to the EU, tended to develop and grow. Disputes among members of parliament have always existed, but were not as pronounced as today. In this sense, the country's policy was divided into 2 camps: those who spoke and advocate for the measures of “tough” Brexit, and those who believed and believe that the exit process should be smooth and measured in order not to spoil relations with the EU point of no return.Methods. As the materials of the study were taken data presented in monographic studies and journalistic articles of domestic, but mostly foreign experts in the field of international law, the General modern history, the history of the UK, macroeconomics. The article is written on the basis of sociological research conducted by Western European agencies and Brexit research centers using the analytical type of research and its forms: sociological and expert surveys. The analysis of statistical economic information regarding the real GDP of the EU countries is presented using a comparative historical research method.Results and conclusions. Economic consequences for the European Union from Brexit will become noticeable after some time has passed since the date of the official UK secession from the European Union. Also a minus will be the reduction of anti-crisis programs that the European Union is trying to implement. Attention is deserved by the attitude of other European countries to the membership in the European Union. In this case, more and more we are talking about opposition movements, parties that develop the theme of Euroscepticism. This is especially true in drawing a parallel with the critical eurodirection, which has been traced in EU policy lately.
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Repeshko, E. A. "NATO's approach to the Libyan crisis in the events of the «Arab spring»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-172-176.
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The modern system of international relations more often faces the conflicts of different tension which appear in different regions of the world. Conflicts of the beginning of XXI century are determined by different political, economic, national and confessional reasons. The system of international relations faced the crisis. This system had existed for many centuries and was adopted in the Westphalia Peace. The ending of the Cold War made the world see the new conditions whose distinctive feature was an increasing quantitative index of clashes. A number of political changes at the beginning of the current decade have resulted in changes of political regimes in these countries. On the whole, the process of peaceful political transformation was characteristic of the events of the so-called «Arabic spring». However, similar changes in Libya proved to have a different character causing military changes and NATO's military intervention. If the process of social uprising turned into protest-street disturbances in Egypt and Tunis, in Libya there was an armed overthrow of the authorities by the opposition supported by foreign states. The author touches upon the events of the Arabic spring which resulted in overthrowing Gaddafi's regime. NATO' policy was criticized in the course of military actions in Libya. The author considers NATO's views, particularly, that of the USA, France and Great Britain in terms of the Libyan crisis and its solutions. The study of the conflict mechanism, its nature will allow to estimate taken by the world measures influencing the modern system of international relations.
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Pribicevic, Ognjen. "British diplomacy of money and trade." Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 2 (2019): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902137p.
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Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup]
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Romanova, Natalia G., and Keemya V. Orlova. "PRESENTATION OF THE COLLECTIVE MONOGRAPH “COMINTERN AND THE EAST: TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMINTERN” IN THE INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, RAS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-245-251.
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The collective monograph “Comintern and the East: To the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern” focuses on the activities of the Comintern in the Eastern countries. Based on the newly discovered documents and materials from Russian and foreign archives, the collective of authors proposes to look at the events of the early 20th century from the perspective of the 21st century, and to expand the understanding of the place and role of the Communist International in the context of internal political, geopolitical, economic, national liberation processes as well as the main directions of its policy. Presented monograph is based on the talks of the international academic conference “The Comintern and the East: To the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern”, organized by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The book consists of five sections. The first section opens with the studies on the relationship of the Comintern and the first Middle Eastern Communist Parties in Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Iran. The second section researches the relationship of the Comintern with the countries of the Far East: Japan, China, and Korea. The third section analyzes the role of the Comintern in the history of Russian / Soviet-Mongolian relations in the 1920s — early 1930s. The fourth section extensively covers materials on the liberation movement in India, where M. N. Roy, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and others played prominent roles. The fifth section contains studies about the relationship between the leaders of the Comintern and the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920–1924.
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Shishikin, Vitalii. "Nationalization of the UK Coal Industry in the Middle of the Twentieth Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (June 2022): 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.3.18.
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Introduction. The relevance of studying the activities of the fuel and energy complex, which plays an important role in the modern economy, is supported by the fact that in this sector there is an active interaction between the authorities and private business. In Russia, this issue has not been fully resolved, and therefore the experience of a state such as Great Britain will be important in carrying out transformations. Methods and materials. The key ones in the study of the topic are regulations, statistics and office documentation in English, as well as the works of foreign authors. By nature, the study is historical and implies the use of specialized and general scientific methods of cognition. Analysis. The subject of the study is the British coal industry, which in the interwar period was faced with a structural crisis, related to shifts in the global economy and the impact of domestic market factors. As a response, controversy arose in the ruling circles and the scientific community of the United Kingdom regarding the increased influence of the authorities on economic processes and related measures of support to the population. The nationalization of coal mining, planned even before World War II, was carried out only in 1946–1947 and led to the formalization of a state monopoly that gave stability to the domestic coal market. The multi-level management structure of the association made it possible to quickly respond to emerging problems, and the involvement of members of the public and experts helped to build a system for exchanging information and interaction between the company’s management, industry enterprises and coal consumers. In fact, the authorities took control of the modernization of coal mining and its adaptation to the needs of industry, transport and households, emphasizing not only quantitative but also qualitative indicators of the coal sector. Results. Thus, state regulation of economic processes and transfer of coal industry facilities in favor of the Crown, they did not act as goals in themselves, but were a stabilizing measure during the transitional period for the country.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.
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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Korunova, E. V. "Neutrality or Involvement? World War II and Evolution of Foreign Policy Concepts of the Nordic Countries." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 222–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-222-256.
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In the middle of the 20th century a unique subsystem of international relations emerged in the Northern Europe, which has turned it into one of the stablest and most peaceful regions during the Cold War period. Nowadays, rising international tensions bring new relevance to the history lessons of World War II, its origins and aftermaths. The paper examines the evolution of the Nordic countries’ views on the issue of neutrality from mid-1930s to the end of 1940s. The first section considers the approaches of the Scandinavian countries to the establishment of a collective security system in the region in the interwar period. In that regard, the paper focuses on the Swedish project of the Northern defense alliance, which was aimed at deepening military cooperation between the states of the region and strengthening their ability to jointly deter any aggression as the best way to guarantee their neutrality. However, this project had not been implemented, because it faced both cool reactions from the leaders of Norway and Denmark and suspicion from the leading powers. According to the author, the fundamental reason for the failure of that project was that Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland sought support and protection from different, opposing great powers. The latter circumstance had also to a large extent predetermined the fate of the Scandinavian countries during the war years, when almost all of them were in one form or another involved in the conflict. The victory of the anti-Hitler coalition both opened new opportunities and posed new challenges for the states of the region: in the emerging bipolar world they rapidly turned into the subject matter of dispute of the superpowers. In these conditions, Sweden once again put forward the idea that in order to preserve peace in the region, the Nordic countries should be able to defend their neutrality and proposed the establishment of a Scandinavian Defense Union. In the final section, the paper examines the reaction to this project of the Scandinavian countries, the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain. The author shows that although this reaction was more than restrained, and the project was not implemented, Sweden’s initiatives contributed to the creation of a unique security architecture in Northern Europe, where each state of the region had its own role with the neutral Sweden serving as a balancing force.
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Rybachenok, Irina. "Patriarch of Russian Diplomacy Yegor Yegorovich Staal (1822–1907)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022419-8.
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One of the oldest Russian diplomats, Yegor Yegorovich Staal, spent a significant part of his career as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, the Empress of India. He made a significant contribution to the stabilization of Russian-English relations. It was a period of acute conflicts and crises in the international arena in the mid-80s – late 90s of the XIX century. No special studies on Staal have yet been published. The limited scope of the article does not allow us to present a complete picture of his activities in the diplomatic field. The author of the article saw her task in highlighting the main milestones of the diplomat's life and views, professional techniques and methods that he used during the negotiations on the Afghan border in 1884–1885 and as the head of the Russian delegation at the First Peace Conference in 1899 in the Hague. The source base of the study was the publication of diplomatic documents unpublished reports of Staal to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, materials of his personal archive preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as his letters deposited in the GA of the Russian Federation. The awards received by Staal in his native fatherland and those states where he represented the interests of Russia indicate a high appreciation of his fruitful works.
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Byś, Jelena. "Stosunek państwa do kościołów w Rosji od chrztu Rusi do rewolucji październikowej : (od X w. do 1917 r.)." Prawo Kanoniczne 44, no. 1-2 (June 5, 2001): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2001.44.1-2.10.
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The relation ship of the state to the Church in the course of history has always been problematic. This is true especially in Eastern Europe. This article presents the most significant historical events which influenced the relations between the state and the churches in Russia from Russia’s baptism in 10th century till the October Revolution of 1917. The text reveals the gradual emergence of cesaropapism, imported from Byzance and aiming at the full subordination of the churches to the state authorities. Several historical periods can be traced to this development. The first period begins at the end of the first millennium when Russia of Kiev was baptized, and lasts till the 14th century when Russia of Moscow arose. This time is marked by the building up of the church organization and its laws which developed from the beginning in close connection with the state law. The second period embraces the church history in the Moscow Russia, i.e. under Russia tsars, from the 14th till the 17th century. The state authority and the church authority seem to have a certain tendency to be balanced. Later on, however, as the Russian state is strengthened, the tsar began to have a decisive voice as well in church and religions matters. In the third period (18th cent. - 1903) there exists a system of severe control and supervision over the churches in Russia by the absolutist monarchy. The Russian imperium devided all confessions into three categories: the orthodox one, dominant and looked upon as loyal to the state; foreign confessions, Christian including (catholic and protestant) or non-Christian were tolerated. But sects of the orthodox origin were persecuted. The law regarded these sects as dangerous and harmful and a betrayal of the orthodox faith, and prohibited public worship, the faithful were deprived of their civil rights. As late as the end of 19th century, the idea of religious tolerance and freedom was unknown in the Russian law. At the beginning of the 20th century, Russian confessional law made a great step forward when acts guaranteeing religious freedom appeared. This development during the years 1903-1917 is characteristic of the fourth period. For the first time in Russia’s history, freedom of conscience and freedom of confession were stated by the law. The intolerance which ruled in the 17th – 19th centuries was transformed into tolerance of all confessions; even of those which were earlier persecuted. Nevertheless, the Temporary Government of Russia supported the dominant position and privileges of the Russian Orthodox Church.
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Kudryachenko, A. "The Historical Stages of the Resettlement of Germans in Ukraine." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-6.
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The article analyzes the three stages of the migration of the German ethnic group into the territory of modern Ukraine, different in nature, character and orientation, and their features are clarified. The author reveals the geography of the first migratory flows of the Goths in the second half of the II century, which went from the Wisla delta to Scythia, and were divided into the western (settled on the right bank of the Dnieper) and eastern. The latter, having settled down near the Sea of Azov, founded the state of Germanarich, and in the IV century, under the pressure of the Huns, the center of life of Goths moved to the Kerch Peninsula, the mountainous region of Crimea, where their state association Gothia existed until the XVIII century.
It turns out that in the early Middle Ages there was a second wave of German settlements on modern Ukrainian lands from the West European direction. The expansion of the settlements of Germans and immigrants from other European countries on the lands of Kievan Rus was facilitated by political relations, which were also realized with the help of dynastic marriage unions. The princes of Kiev, pursuing a foreign policy worthy of a great power, have equal relations with the main European states of the medieval world - the Holy Roman Empire (Germany) and Byzantium, they invite priests, German craftsmen and merchants. Starting from the XI century, small German trade colonies appeared in Kiev, Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk and other cities. During the Lithuanian-Polish period, the influx of German settlers to Ukrainian lands is increasing. This was facilitated by various benefits and provision of points to the German immigrants by Lithuanian princes and Polish kings. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Magdeburg law was acquired by large trading cities.
The third period, the most significant resettlement and colonization, that is, large-scale development of the South of Ukraine - the Sea of Azov, the Black Sea region and the lands of Crimea - begins in the second half - the end of the 18th century. The author emphasizes that this most powerful period and the great positive history of the development of our region is largely connected with immigrants of German origin (and representatives of other ethnic groups). This period becomes a powerful colonization and economic development of the entire South of Ukraine, the rich land of the Azov, Black Sea, Crimea. It is noted that then, on the initiative and real support of the government of tsarist Russia, the development of wide steppe spaces took place, which, together with Ukrainian lands, had recently been transferred to the Russian Empire. Since then, the history of immigrants has become part of the history of the Ukrainian people.
The dynamics of the development of German colonies in different provinces of the South of Russia is analyzed separately, the social aspects of the life of settlements, the grave consequences for the colonists associated with the First World War, and revolutionary events in the Russian Empire are indicated. The gains and losses in the national development, in the arrangement, in the administrative division of the German and other settlers, which were the consequences of radical fluctuations in the national policy of the Soviet government in the pre-war period, are revealed.
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Bubalo, Đorđe. "The Era of Dušan’s Code." Slovene 4, no. 2 (2015): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.2.6.
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Drawing on the structure and contents of the extant manuscripts of Dušan’s Code, this paper attempts roughly to outline the history of its application and changes from the time of its promulgation in 1349 and revision in 1353–1354, a process that continued to the end of the 18th century. The scarce evidence about the application of the Code has been preserved in some charters issued by the emperors Dušan and Uroš, but since the 15th century the only evidence about its application is found in new copies or in the changes in its structure and in the phrasing of certain stipulations. The production of copies similar to the original version continued simultaneously with the revisions, with all sharing a single trait: the coalescence of Dušan’s Code with its codicological environment, whose first and fixed layer included the abbreviated Syntagma of Matthew Blastares and the so-called Code of Justinian. Along with these, other ecclesiastical-legal compositions were also copied, which suggests that the extant copies of Dušan’s Code were used in ecclesiastical courts or for the clergy’s everyday service needs. The signs suggesting that the Code was gradually adapted to suit different legal and social conditions are as follows: the exclusion of stipulations which were no longer up to date; a new systematization of stipulations according to subject matter; changes in penalties and sanctions; amendments and clarifications of some stipulations; and the modernization of the document’s language and legal terms. At a point no earlier than the second half of the 17th century, a separate recension of Dušan’s Code was created in order to facilitate the adaptation and use of its legal material for the regulation of those legal relations that the Serbian ecclesiastical hierarchy or the local self-governing authorities had kept within their own jurisdictions under foreign rule. The majority of the copies of this new, younger recension was created and enacted in the circle of the Serbian ecclesiastical hierarchy and the subjects of the Habsburg monarchy after the Great Exodus. Not only did the Code provide positive legal material, but its mere existence and authority also helped the efforts of the Serbian hierarchy in the Habsburg monarchy to emphasize the tradition of Serbian statehood, as well as its tendencies toward a renewal of state independence.
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Чекмарёв, Владимир Михайлович. "RUSSIAN ARISTOCRACY AND BRITISH LANDSCAPE PARKS IN THE 1770S (E. R. DASHKOVA, A. B. KURAKIN, N. A. DEMIDOV)." ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, no. 2(13) (June 5, 2020): 296–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2020.13.2.014.
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Статья посвящена анализу восприятия и оценки британских парков представителями русской аристократии в 70-е гг. XVIII ст. Особый интерес к английскому садово-парковому искусству у представителей русской аристократии на всем протяжении екатерининского, павловского и александровского царствования во многом был связан с намерением крупного заказчика сформировать в собственной усадьбе пейзажный парк, основываясь прежде всего на виденных в Британии самых разных модификациях пейзажного стиля. Следует особо подчеркнуть, что именно Англия уже тогда считалась родоначальником пейзажного планирования, а потому интерес к английским поместьям повсюду в Европе стал неизменно возрастать начиная с середины XVIII ст. в рамках идейно-образных устремлений века Просвещения. В статье освещаются продолжительные ознакомительные поездки в Британию виднейших представителей русской аристократии - Е. Р. Дашковой, А. Б. Куракина и Н. А. Демидова, оказавших существенное влияние на становление и развитие отечественного пейзажного садоводства. Важную роль в повсеместном распространении пейзажного стиля в России сыграло их эпистолярное наследие, опубликованное еще при жизни авторов. Именно в этом контексте было важно проследить, с какими пейзажными парками они смогли лично познакомиться. Еще более важными становятся их непосредственное восприятие и чисто личностная оценка вполне конкретных садово-парковых композиций Британии. Следует подчеркнуть, что вплоть до настоящего времени исследуемая тема не являлась предметом целенаправленного изучения ни в зарубежной, ни в отечественной специальной литературе. The article concerns the analysis of the perception and assessment of British parks by representatives of the Russian aristocracy in the 1770s. That interest could be explained by the fact that the Russian aristocracy wished to create their own parks using as a model the various types of the English landscape garden. England is the country where the landscape garden was born and that is why the interest for English estates started growing in Europe in the epoch of the Enlightenment, that is from the middle of the 18th century. The subject of this article is the long educational trips in Britain made by such eminent figures of the Russian aristocracy as E. R. Dashkova, A. B. Kurakin and N. A. Demidov. Their influence on the development of Russian landscape gardening was great due to their published letters concerning their English trips. In this context, it seems important which English parks they visited and what impression these landscape gardens made on them. This theme has not yet been the subject of special interest, neither to Russian nor to foreign scholars.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 26–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.