Relevant bibliographies by topics / Great britain - espionage

Academic literature on the topic 'Great britain - espionage'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Great britain - espionage"

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Holman, Brett. "The Phantom Airship Panic of 1913: Imagining Aerial Warfare in Britain before the Great War." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.173.

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AbstractIn late 1912 and early 1913, people all over Britain reported seeing airships in the night sky, yet there were none. It was widely assumed that these “phantom airships” were German Zeppelins, testing British defenses in preparation for the next war. The public and press responses to the phantom airship sightings provide a glimpse of the way that aerial warfare was understood before it was ever experienced in Britain. Conservative newspapers and patriotic leagues used the sightings to argue for a massive expansion of Britain's aerial forces, which were perceived to be completely outclassed by Germany's in both number and power. In many ways this airship panic was analogous to the much better known 1909 dreadnought panic. The result was the perfect Edwardian panic: the simultaneous culmination of older fears about Germany and the threat of espionage, invasion, and, above all, the loss of Britain's naval superiority. But, in reality, there was little understanding about the way that Zeppelins would be used against Britain in the First World War—not to attack its arsenals and dockyards, but to bomb its cities.
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WRÓBLEWSKA, Angelika. "SELECTED ADVANCED CYBER ESPIONAGE OPERATIONS." Cybersecurity & Cybercrime 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0053.8016.

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The article presents examples of highly advanced cyber espionage operations aimed atthe structures of states and non-state entities with high impact on the economic activity.The attacks took place between 2003 and 2017. The article presents the steps ofOperation Titan Rain and Operation Gh0stNet and also one of the longest espionageoperations revealed to the public, which is Operation The Night Dragon. Anotheroperation is a series of cyber attacks identified by McAfee - Operation Shady RAT. Theyears 2009-2010 belong to Operation Aurora, whose victims were dozens oforganizations, including Google. One of the described attacks is Operation Nitro,targeting entities mostly located in the United States, Bangladesh and Great Britain. Thecourse of Project Raven was based on a Reuters investigation. The spy campaigntargeting various victims around the world, monitored by a team of BlackBerryResearch and Intelligence specialists, was named as CostaRicto.
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HILEY, NICHOLAS. "Counter-espionage and security in Great Britain during the First World War." English Historical Review CI, no. CCCC (1986): 635–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ci.cccc.635.

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MADEIRA, VICTOR. "MOSCOW'S INTERWAR INFILTRATION OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, 1919–1929." Historical Journal 46, no. 4 (December 2003): 915–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003352.

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The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.
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Totten, Robbie. "National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy, 1776–1790." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no. 1 (July 2008): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.37.

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An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.
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Manchester, Margaret Murányi. "The Corporate Dimension of the Cold War in Hungary: ITT and the Vogeler/Sanders Case Reconsidered." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 2 (2021): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00983.

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Abstract In 1949, two executives at the Hungarian subsidiary of the U.S. conglomerate International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT), Robert Vogeler of the United States and Edgar Sanders of Great Britain, along with five Hungarian nationals, were arrested, tortured, given peremptory trials, and imprisoned for espionage and economic sabotage. This article reexamines the case in light of the diplomatic efforts to secure their release. The case needs to be understood in the context of U.S. intelligence agencies’ policies during the early Cold War. Numerous organizations that were not necessarily well coordinated embarked on intelligence-gathering and a variety of covert operations, some of which were undertaken with the cooperation of multinational corporations such as ITT. Vogeler and Sanders were indeed guilty of many of the charges leveled against them, and their ordeal was significant because it revealed the ineffectiveness of Cold War policies to influence behavior behind the Iron Curtain during the Stalin era.
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Faustino, Paulo. "Foreword - The iron curtain, geopolitics and the cultural exception." Journal of Creative Industries and Cultural Studies 8 (2017): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56140/jocis-v8-1.

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As I write this editorial, the war going on the air space and on the field and over communication (invasion or the special military intervention, in the words of the Russian government in Ukraine by Russia continues. A situation that would be unthinkable to happen in the 21st century where humanist values seem to follow a path of increasing strength; at least in most continents, although the democratic political system is largely a minority in the world; dictatorships or autocracies are dominating the political landscape, especially in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. We must not forget this! I believe that even analysts and experts in international relations, including the ones in the countries with sophisticated espionage systems like USA or Great Britain, would be far from predicting a conflict of this intensity and negative impact on humanity: more than three million refugees and thousands of deaths (both amongst military and civilians) in both countries.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "British Intelligence Ambassadors at the Court of Anna Ioannovna." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020235-6.

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In the first third of the eighteenth century, relations between Russia and Britain remained strained. Although Russia, under Empress Anna Ioannovna (1730–1740), welcomed Britain, restoring the diplomatic relations it had severed under Peter I and concluding a trade treaty favourable to the British in 1734, official London continued to pursue a policy far from friendly towards the Russian Empire. The intelligence activities of the British official diplomats at the Imperial Court were a vivid illustration of this. King George II of Great Britain, when he sent his ambassadors to their destination, urged them to gather information on everything they would see in Russia. He specifically listed those the diplomats were to focus on: the Russian Empress, her ministers and other high-ranking officials, as well as courtiers and favourites. The British authorities were particularly interested in the state of the nation's armed forces. On their return home, the ambassadors were expected to give a detailed account of everything they had seen and heard at Court. Drawing on an analysis of the ambassadors' diplomatic correspondence with the British Secretary of State, as well as some of their essays, the author examines the problem of British ambassadors' intelligence activities at the court of Anna Ioannovna. As it turns out, the ambassadors collected information on the high-ranking dignitaries close to the Tsarina, their predilections and weaknesses; on the alignment of political powers at court, as well as on the state of the army and navy. Attention is drawn to the fact that the informants of diplomats were often not only Britons in Russian service, but more often high-ranking officials themselves, ready to defend British interests for the sake of monetary rewards or gifts. Few of them realised that by revealing secret information to British ambassadors, they were committing a high crime and harming their homeland. The history of British espionage in Russia in the first third of the eighteenth century, which has not previously been the subject of a special study in historical scholarship, reveals the real purpose of British diplomacy, namely to study the potential enemy, as it viewed the Russian Empire at that time.
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Custură, Ştefania Maria. "Ion Valjan: With the Voice of Time. The Hypostasis of a Romanian Belle Epoque." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2015-0003.

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Abstract Ion Valjan is the literary pseudonym of Ion Al. Vasilescu (1881-1960), famous lawyer, playwright, writer of memoirs, publicist and politician. Dramatic author in the line of Caragiale, he was the manager of The National Theatre in Bucharest between 1923 and 1924, and general manager of theatres between 1923 and 1926. He wrote drama, he collaborated with Sburătorul, Vremea, Rampa, being appreciated by the exigent literary critique of the inter-war period. After the war, in 1950, he was involved in a political trial, accused of high treason, espionage for Great Britain, and got sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, where he died. Valjan is the author of the only theatrical show, played in a communist prison, Revista Piteşti 59. Ion Valjan’s memoirs, With the Voice of Time. Memories, written during the Second World War, represent a turn back in time, into the age of the author’s childhood and adolescence, giving the contemporary reader the chance to travel in time and space, the end of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the past century projecting an authentic image, in the Romanian version of a Belle Epoque, interesting and extremely prolific for the Romanian cultural life. Also, evoking his childhood years spent in cities by the Danube (Călăraşi, Brăila, Turnu-Severin), Valjan unveils the harmonious meeting of different peoples and their mentalities, which transform the Danube Plain into an interethnic space of unique value.
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Żurawski, Damian. "Implementation of intelligence and diplomatic tasks by the military attache office of the legation of the republic of poland in berlin in 1928-1932." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 189, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0724.

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The article presents the origins and functioning of the Military Attaché Office in Berlin in the years 1928-1932 led by Lieutenant Colonel Witold Dzierżykraj-Morawski, who carried out the intelligence activities under the guise of a military diplomat. Within the scope of his operational activities, Lieutenant Colonel Morawski established contacts with other military attachés and gathered and transmitted information on the country of residence in order to identify its military potential as well as internal and external political situation in the Weimar Republic. In his work, Lieutenant Colonel Morawski did not conduct intelligence activity of a purely operational nature, however, he managed to obtain a wide range of contacts for intelligence work, in which he used the meetings with military attachés of foreign countries, people from various circles from German pacifists and the Union of Poles in Germany as well as the environments related to the armaments industry. From 1929 to 1932 he expanded his activity to include open sources, i.e. the official press and announcements of the Ministry of the Reichswehr that gave him knowledge about the dates of the next maneuvers and detailed information about their course, which he received in a wider range from Japanese or Spanish military attachés. Moreover, he obtained information about the cooperation between Germany and the USSR, which was to serve to devalue contacts between the military attaché of Great Britain and the German military authorities. One of such information was obtained in 1931 from the military attaché of Sweden through the Finnish military attaché office. In spite of quite secretive action, in November 1931 he was accused of espionage and was expelled in March 1932. He also gave a lecture at the Center for Higher Military Studies in Warsaw (February 1932) where he presented the possible directions of attack of the German Army and the entire doctrine of combat activity of the Reichswehr.
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Books on the topic "Great britain - espionage"

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1961-, Aldrich Richard J., ed. Espionage, security, and intelligence in Britain, 1945-1970. Manchester, [England]: Manchester University Press, 1998.

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2

Souza, Corinne. Baghdad's spy: A personal memoir of espionage and intrigue from Iraq to London. Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2003.

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3

Richard, Deacon. 'C': A biography of Sir Maurice Oldfield. London: Futura, 1985.

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Richard, Deacon. 'C': A biography of Sir Maurice Oldfield. London: Macdonald, 1985.

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5

West, Nigel. Molehunt: Searching for Soviet spies in MI5. New York: William Morrow & Co, 1989.

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6

Tessa, Stirling, Nałęcz Daria, Dubicki Tadeusz, and Anglo-Polish Historical Committee., eds. Intelligence co-operation between Poland and Great Britain during World War II. London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2005.

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7

Carriger, Gail. Etiquette & espionage. Etiquette and espionage: Little, Brown, 2013.

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8

Lopušina, Marko. Britanska prevara: MI6 u Srbiji. beograd: Knjiga komerc, 2011.

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9

Bristow, Desmond. A game of moles: The deceptions of an MI6 officer. London: Little, Brown, 1993.

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West, W. J. Spymaster. New York, N.Y: Wynwood Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Great britain - espionage"

1

Boghardt, Thomas. "German Pre-War Espionage in Great Britain." In Spies of the Kaiser, 42–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230508422_4.

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Boghardt, Thomas. "German Espionage in Great Britain, 1914–1917." In Spies of the Kaiser, 89–116. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230508422_6.

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Gaddis, John Lewis. "Intelligence, Espionage, and Cold War History." In The United States and the End Of the Cold War, 87–104. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195052015.003.0005.

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Abstract We have learned a great deal over the past two decades about the impact of the “intelligence revolution” on World War II strategy.’ That knowledge has led, in turn, to a reassessment of the role of intelligence in earlier periods, and to the emergence of intelligence “studies” as a distinct sub-discipline, complete with its own newsletters, journals, organizations, scholarly meetings, and university courses. But this proliferation of scholarship thins out with the conclusion of the war. It is as if the possibilities for serious research on intelligence end with September, 1945, in a manner almost as decisive as President Harry S. Truman’s when in that same month he abolished with the stroke of a pen the first full-scale intelligence organization the United States had ever had, the Office of Strategic Services. The two phenomena are not, of course, unrelated: the very fact that OSS did not survive into the postwar era has made possible the declassification of most of its records. There is little reason to expect comparable openness anytime soon for the records of the Central Intelligence Group, which Truman created only four months after dismantling OSS, or for those of its more famous successor, the Central Intelligence Agency, whose official existence dates from July, 1947.4 Nor does documentation on code breaking activity in Great Britain and the United States-documentation that for the wartime years has largely sparked scholarly interest in intelligence matters-seem likely to be made available soon for the early postwar era.
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Reeder, Tyson. "“A Serpent, in the Shape of a Spy”." In Serpent in Eden, 250–66. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197628591.003.0013.

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Abstract In 1811 and 1812, former British spy John Henry and French con artist Paul-Émile Soubiran convinced President James Madison to purchase documents from Henry’s espionage mission, claiming that they contained proof of a conspiracy between Federalists and Great Britain. Easily convinced that extreme Federalists wanted to subvert the government, Madison used public money to buy the papers, leading Federalists to accuse him of misusing government funds to embarrass their party and benefit his reelection chances. The incident culminated a decades-long cycle that landed Americans on the precipice of war. Foreign meddling bred political distrust, political distrust reinforced partisanship, and partisanship encouraged foreign meddling. Madison plunged the nation into war to eradicate what he viewed as a foreign threat emboldened by internal enemies.
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Mahoney, Ewing. "Surveillance Targets." In MI5, the Cold War, and the Rule of Law, 53–92. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818625.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the targets of surveillance. It examines four groups who were the subject of surveillance during the Cold War: the Communist Party of Great Britain (the CPGB), the peace movement, the trade union movement, and the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL), which might be described today as a non-governmental organization (NGO). It is important to stress that the organizations and individuals subject to surveillance were involved in lawful activity and that the Security Service had no statutory authority to engage in the surveillance in question. It is also important to emphasize that these were not the only organizations to be the subject of surveillance, with the Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers being another notable example, in addition to those already mentioned. Finally, it is important to be reminded that the organizations considered in this chapter were under surveillance by virtue of a mandate that gave MI5 authority to defend the realm, particularly in relation to threats from espionage, sabotage, and subversion.
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Lomas, Daniel W. B. "Wartime apprenticeship: Labour and intelligence during the Second World War." In Intelligence, Security and the Attlee Governments, 1945-51. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099144.003.0002.

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Chapter One examines Labour involvement in the wartime Coalition government and Ministerial access to and use of intelligence. It argues that the Second World War provided an important opportunity for future Ministers in the post-war government to gain knowledge and experience of handling and using intelligence. Within months of the coalition’s formation, Labour Ministers had access to the fruits of British codebreaking. Further, the chapter also suggests that this experience ended any lingering animosity that resulted from the Zinoviev Letter Affair. The chapter places particular emphasis on Attlee’s wartime experiences and provides examples of his use of intelligence and early views on it. It also looks at Labour involvement with the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and Party attempts to add an ideological facet to British special operations in Europe under Hugh Dalton, Minister of Economic Warfare until 1942. Beyond intelligence and special operations, Labour involvement with intelligence and security extended to the domestic front with Herbert Morrison, appointed Home Secretary in November 1940. Already a fierce opponent of British Communists, he received the product of MI5’s surveillance of the Communist Party of Great Britain and provided the Cabinet with information warning of Communist espionage.
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