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Journal articles on the topic 'Great Britain Economic history'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

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1

Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.

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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.

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2

Turner, Ian. "Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.

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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.

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3

Peden, G. C., Alan Booth, and Melvyn Pack. "Employment, Capital and Economic Policy: Great Britain, 1918-1939." Economic History Review 39, no. 3 (August 1986): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596365.

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4

Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.

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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.

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5

Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.

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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands rather than social class ones in their activities. During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.

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6

Hoppit, Julian. "Attitudes to Credit in Britain, 1680–1790." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013340.

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The history of economic ideas in Britain is dominated by a great tradition which in its early stages focuses on Adam Smith. For the century before the publication of the Wealth of nations in 1776, economic ideas are most often studied in relation to the ‘arrival’ of Smith and commented on with regard to the degree to which they may be considered precursors of his ideas. Though this imposes a sense of order and establishes some principles with which to select from the vast range of economic writings, the dangers of certain whiggishness in this approach are readily apparent. Writers can appear to be winners or losers depending on the extent to which their ideas were denied, adapted or adopted by Smith and the other classical economists.1 Such problems have been acknowledged by many historians, not least by those who have fruitfully examined the political and philosophical bases of the emergence of political economy, particularly with regard to the Scottish enlightenment. Despite this, the force of the great tradition remains very strong. The authors and ideas that are examined are the ‘major’ ones, that is to say contributions that were, or attempted to be, either comprehensive or clearly attached to what, with hindsight, were the main strands of development. The emphasis has been upon theories or systematic explanations of the economic order. Not surprisingly the unsystematic and more casually formulated reflections of non-economists and ‘amateurs’, such as Defoe, are often swept under the carpet, even if their ideas on economic matters were more widely disseminated (and perhaps more influential) at the time. Consequently, our perception of economic ideas between the Restoration and the Wealth of nations continues to be highly and perhaps atypically selective.

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7

Allen, Robert C. "American Exceptionalism as a Problem in Global History." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 2 (May 16, 2014): 309–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071400028x.

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The causes of the United States’ exceptional economic performance are investigated by comparing American wages and prices with wages and prices in Great Britain, Egypt, and India. American industrialization in the nineteenth century required tariff protection since the country's comparative advantage lay in agriculture. After 1895 surging American productivity shifted the country's comparative advantage to manufacturing. Egypt and India could not have industrialized by following American policies since their wages were so low and their energy costs so high that the modern technology that was cost effective in Britain and the United States would not have paid in their circumstances.

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8

Pamuk, Şevket. "Economic History, Institutions, and Institutional Change." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 532–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000475.

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Until recently the discipline of economic history was concerned mostly with the Industrial Revolution and the period since. A large majority of the research and writing focused on Great Britain, western Europe, and the United States. There has been a striking change in the last three decades. Economic historians today are much more interested in the earlier periods: the early modern and medieval eras and even the ancient economies of the Old World. They have been gathering empirical materials and employing various theories to make sense of the evolution of these economies. Equally important, there has been a resurgence in the studies of developing regions of the world. Global economic history, focusing on all regions of the world and their interconnectedness since ancient times, is on its way to becoming a major field of study. Even the Industrial Revolution, the most central event of economic history, is being studied and reinterpreted today not as a British or even western European event but as a breakthrough resulting from many centuries of interaction between Europe and the rest of the world.

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9

HALE, MATTHEW, RICHARD HAWKINS, and MICHAEL PARTRIDGE. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland." Economic History Review 43, no. 4 (November 1990): 697–734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1990.tb00552.x.

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10

Salisbury, Richard V. "Great Britain, The United States, and the 1909–1910 Nicaraguan Crisis." Americas 53, no. 3 (January 1997): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008030.

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Victory over Spain in 1898 provided the United States with the opportunity to pursue the various options that imperial status now offered. Indeed, under the influence of the strategic precepts of an Alfred Thayer Mahan, the messianic expansionism of a Josiah Strong, the extended frontier concept of a Frederick Jackson Turner, and the now seemingly obtainable economic aspirations of a James G. Blaine, North Americans looked to their newly established imperial arena with anticipation and confidence. It would be the adjacent circum-Caribbean region, for the most part, where the United States government would attempt to create the appropriate climate for the attainment of its strategic, economic, and altruistic goals. Acquisition of the Canal Zone in 1903 served in particular to focus U.S. attention on the isthmus. Accordingly, whenever revolutionary violence erupted in Central America, the United States government more often than not took vigorous action to ensure the survival or emergence of governments and factions which were supportive of North American interests.

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11

Schwartz, Robert, Ian Gregory, and Thomas Thévenin. "Spatial History: Railways, Uneven Development, and Population Change in France and Great Britain, 1850–1914." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, no. 1 (June 2011): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00205.

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A comparative spatial history combining historical narrative, geographical thinking, and spatial analysis of historical data offers new perspectives on railway expansion and its effects in France and Great Britain during the long nineteenth century. Accessible rail transport in the rural regions of both countries opened new economic opportunities in agriculture, extractive industries, and service trades, helping to revitalize rural communities and decrease their rates of out-migration. In France, long-standing economic disparities between the developed north and the less-productive south gradually reduced. These conclusions are based, in part, on the use of historical geographical information systems (hgis) and spatial statistics, illustrating a component of spatial history.

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12

Tashtamirov, Magomed, Natalya Kuchkovskaya, Irina Avdeeva, and Olga Burova. "The history of economic methods of assessing social capital." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 5-2 (May 1, 2022): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi36.

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The problem of measuring group social capital is primarily related to the difficulty of determining its indicators and collecting and processing the necessary statistical data. The systematization of statistical information is secondary to the justification of indicators, since it is initially important to specify “What?”, and then - “How to measure social capital?”. There is no unified position on this in academic circles. In the 21st century, thanks to special research by individual national governments and groups of scientists under the auspices of the World Bank and the OECD, a significant breakthrough has been made in elucidating indicators for measuring social capital. The Governments of Australia, Great Britain, Canada and New Zealand have been the most active in developing a methodology for assessing social capital.

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13

Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.

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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.

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14

Wrigley, E. Anthony. "Reconsidering the Industrial Revolution: England and Wales." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 1 (June 2018): 9–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01230.

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In the mid-sixteenth century, England was a small country on the periphery of Europe with an economy less advanced than those of several of its continental neighbors. In 1851, the Great Exhibition both symbolized and displayed the technological and economic lead that Britain had then taken. A half-century later, however, there were only minor differences between the leading economies of Western Europe. To gain insight into both the long period during which Britain outpaced its neighbors and the decades when its lead evaporated, it is illuminating to focus on the energy supply. Energy is expended in all productive activities. The contrast between the limitations inherent to organic economies dependent on the annual round of plant photosynthesis for energy and the possibilities open to an economy able to make effective use of the vast quantity of energy available in coal measures is key both to the understanding of the lengthy period of Britain’s relative success and to its subsequent swift decline.

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15

Eley, Geoff. "Culture, Britain, and Europe." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 4 (October 1992): 390–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386016.

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We are in the midst of a remarkable moment of historical change, in which the very meaning of “Europe” — as economic region, political entity, cultural construct, object of study—is being called dramatically into question, and with it the meanings of the national cultures that provide its parts. While perceptions have been overwhelmed by the political transformations in the east since the autumn of 1989, profound changes have also been afoot in the west, with the legislation aimed at producing a single European market in 1992. Moreover, these dramatic events — the democratic revolutions against Stalinism in Eastern Europe, the expansion and strengthening of the European Community (EC) — have presupposed a larger context of accumulating change. The breakthrough to reform under Yuri Andropov and Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union, the Solidarity crisis in Poland, and the stealthful reorientations in Hungary have been matched by longer-run processes of change in Western Europe, resulting from the crisis of social democracy in its postwar Keynesian welfare-statist forms, capitalist restructuring, and the general trend toward transnational Western European economic integration.Taken as a whole, these developments in east and west make the years 1989-92 one of those few times when fundamental political and constitutional changes, in complex articulation with social and economic transformations, are occurring on a genuinely European-wide scale, making this one of the several great constitution-making periods of modern European history.

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16

Morris, R. J., and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Economic History Review 49, no. 4 (November 1996): 836. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597985.

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17

Williamson, Philip, Kathleen Burk, and Alec Cairncross. "'Goodbye, Great Britain': The 1976 IMF Crisis." Economic History Review 46, no. 3 (August 1993): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598384.

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18

Hoffman, Philip T. "The Great Divergence: Why Britain Industrialised First." Australian Economic History Review 60, no. 2 (February 18, 2020): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12192.

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19

Kryuchkov, Igor V., Natalia D. Kryuchkova, and Ashot A. Melkonyan. "Внешняя торговля Британской Индии на рубеже XIX–XX вв. (по материалам дипломатических представительств России)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 200–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-200-213.

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Introduction. The history of British Raj’s foreign economic activity development at the turn of the 20th century remains somewhat understudied both in Russian and foreign historiography. Since the 1880s, India significantly increased foreign trade to become Asia’s leader in this regard. Goals. The paper aims at examining dynamics of India’s export-import operations and foreign trade by countries. Materials and methods. The article analyzes reports and accounts of Russian diplomats to have worked in British Raj, the Near East, and Great Britain. The employed research methods include the historical/genetic, comparative historical, and historical/typological ones. Results. Britain had been India’s dominating trading partner. However, gradually other states also increased trade operations with the latter, especially import ones. The paper emphasizes Russia failed to become a key foreign trade partner of British Raj (except for export of kerosene and import of tea). The identified reasons are contentious British-Russian relations in Central Asia in the 1860s–1890s, poor knowledge of the Indian market, and geographical remoteness. British Raj turned an outpost of Great Britain’s economic strength in the Persian Gulf. At the same time, Indian goods displaced products from other countries — including Britain manufactured ones — in many ports of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. The article stresses that the bulk of India’s foreign economic relations were maintained via maritime transport. This was due to complicated natural and climatic factors along land borders, instability in frontiers (Afghanistan and Persia). Nonetheless, British Raj was increasing its economic presence in Afghanistan, Persia, Nepal, Ceylon, Siam, and western provinces of China. An important place in India’s foreign trade was occupied by transit trade and re-export of goods from other states, which makes it difficult to accurately determine the actual volume of its foreign trade. Conclusions. The specifics of India’s national economic development can thus be traced in the structure of its foreign trade. The exports were dominated by raw materials and foodstuffs; manufactured products were only making their way to foreign markets. The difficulties were largely associated with the Great Britain’s colonial policy in India since the former sought to keep using the latter as a market for industrial products produced in the British Isles. On the eve of WW I, British Raj was building up its economic potential through strengthening its positions in world trade.

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20

Adas, Michael. "Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter: the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire." Itinerario 14, no. 2 (July 1990): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.

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In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.

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21

Terniievska, Yevheniia. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL CONCEPTOSPHERE IN GREAT BRITAIN." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 53, no. 4 (November 15, 2022): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5316.

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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the process of the national conceptosphere development in Great Britain. It was found that the national conceptosphere is a set of categorized, standardized, processed concepts in the consciousness of the ethnic group. The conceptosphere expands with the enrichment of historical experience, culture of the nation, its art, science and literature. As a result of the analysis of modern linguistic sources it is determined that the main concepts of the British linguistic picture of the world are correlated with the features of the national character of the British. English people usually talk about themselves as quiet, reserved people who are dominated by common sense and who are not inclined to make rash decisions. At the same time, the Scots, Welsh and Northern Irish present themselves as the complete opposite, namely as romantic, impulsive and energetic people. In Victorian era such concept as “Englishness”, or English national identity, arose. In that period new traditions, new educational system, and new standards of the English language were emerging. Thus, the political, economic, cultural events and shifts in the history of the British nation at the turn of the XIX and XX centuries led to the formation of the modern conceptosphere of the people. This period in the life of Great Britain gave new meanings to many culturally marked signs embodying the material and immaterial culture.

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22

Chaboki, Mohammad Ehsan. "Investigate the Exit of the Britain from European Union and Its Impacts on the International Community." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 1 (December 29, 2016): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n1p56.

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Although Europe is not a superpower, but it is a great world power, at least in the economic dimension and it has a decisive effect on many international issues. Means it has much to say in relation to trade, the environment, drug control, natural disasters, and serious illnesses and so on. But in the field of policy passing the restrictive measures that puts on its agenda, in the major and basic issues it inevitably should cooperate with US and follow it. Europe on these types of subjects, considers inevitably a complementary role of America for itself at least for some time. So a sense that at the time was applied in Germany is also true about the current Union: European Union is an economic giant and a political dwarf that lacks the characteristics of a great and perfect power. It seems that no issue had been raised as the importance of exit of Britain from the European Union and the effects that it will leave from the end of the Second World War up to now means more than 70 years. Location and history of Britain add to the importance of this issue. The exit of Britain apart from the business and economic consequences can create a political and psychological shock in European developments. As entering of Great Britain took place loudly within a decade (Eventually, in 1973), leaving this country is associated with a lot of coverage in 4 recent years. This issue has been become one of the concerns of circles of Britain and Europe. America and Canada have also repeatedly warned about the negative consequences of this exit that we will discuss it in this paper.

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23

Goldstone, Jack A. "Urbanization, Citizenship, and Economic Growth in the Long Run." International Review of Social History 65, no. 1 (February 11, 2020): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000048.

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AbstractMaarten Prak argues that urban citizen associations remained vigorous in the West from the Middle Ages through the Industrial Revolution, and that their support for commercial activity helped bring about that Revolution. That is half correct. During the two thousand years from 300 BC to 1750 AD, numerous societies had similar peaks of urbanization, commercial activity, and per capita income (often approaching, but never exceeding, a “peak pre-industrial income” level of roughly $1,900 in 1990 international dollars.) Vigorous urban societies produced repeated episodes of comparably high incomes, not ever-escalating levels of GDP/capita. What produced the breakthrough of the Industrial Revolution was a particular manifestation of urban citizenship that occurred only in Great Britain – the victory of Parliament over royal authority creating exceptional religious and intellectual freedom and institutionalized pluralism. This was not common to urbanized, commercial societies except in rare periods; only in Britain did urban associations and culture blend with scientific culture, producing a broad surge of scientific and technical activity that overcame the prior limits on organic societies.

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SCHUI, FLORIAN. "PRUSSIA'S ‘TRANS-OCEANIC MOMENT’: THE CREATION OF THE PRUSSIAN ASIATIC TRADE COMPANY IN 1750." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005157.

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In 1750 Frederick II of Prussia created a new trade company in Emden. Diplomats, merchants, and other observers in Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Hamburg reacted with great concern to this Prussian bid to join the world of overseas commerce. These concerns were not unfounded. Frederick pursued his goal with great determination. The article explains why Prussia embarked on this ultimately unsuccessful venture and why established commercial powers such as Britain or the Netherlands felt threatened by the new competitor. In this context the article explores an international debate about political economy that was associated with the creation of the Prussian trade company. This debate took place in Britain, the Netherlands, Hamburg, and Prussia. The case of the Prussian Asiatic trade company suggests that the concepts of Oceanic and Atlantic history need to be extended beyond the narrow stretch of coastal regions. In the Prussian case the drive to join the world of overseas commerce originated from the inland and from a country that had traditionally been oriented towards overland commerce and European expansion. The study of the events and debates associated with the creation of the trade company also suggests a partially new perspective on Prussia's economic policies in the period.

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25

Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.

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Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.

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Smedley, Stuart. "Making a Federal Case: Youth Groups, Students and the 1975 European Economic Community Referendum Campaign to Keep Britain in Europe." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 4 (November 28, 2020): 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz043.

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Abstract To persuade the electorate to vote ‘Yes’ in the June 1975 referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Economic Community, Britain in Europe, the pro-European campaign organization, adopted a pragmatic approach, focusing on the economic benefits of membership and warning about the potentially grave consequences of withdrawal. Importantly, they avoided discussing proposed future advances in European integration. However, this theme was of importance to pro-European youth and student campaign groups—the subject of this article. Through a detailed analysis of their campaign literature, this article further transforms understanding of the 1975 referendum and, especially, the nature of the ‘Yes’ campaign by demonstrating how radical youth groups’ arguments for continued membership were. It argues that young activists yearned to discuss sovereignty and deeper integration in great detail as they offered idealistic visions for how the EEC could develop and benefit Britain. The article also advances knowledge of youth politics in the turbulent 1970s. Greater light is shone on the frustration pro-European youth groups felt towards the main Britain in Europe campaign. Meanwhile, it serves as a case study on the extent to which the perspectives of party-political youth groups and their superiors differed on a specific, highly salient policy issue.

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27

Zherlitsina, Natalia. "French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.

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The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.

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Ryan, Raymond. "The anti-annuity payment campaign, 1934–6." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004491.

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The retention by the Fianna Fáil government of the land annuities in 1932 and the consequent trade dispute with Great Britain, the ‘economic war’, is a subject extensively covered in the existing historiography, both in terms of the diplomatic and economic facets of the dispute. Opposition by the opponents of Fianna Fáil to the collection of land annuities has been well documented in the context of the political conflict between supporters and opponents of the treaty. Another trend in the historiography has emphasised, as the central characteristic of the anti-annuity payment campaign, the opposition by farmers to the payment of annuities on economic and social rather than on political grounds. Paul Bew and others have argued that large farmers supported the Blueshirts during the ‘economic war’ for material reasons; Mike Cronin has argued that the crisis of the ‘economic war’ encouraged opposition to de Valera’s policies among farmers, rather than pro-Treaty political considerations; and Andrew Orridge has also argued that the anti-annuity payment campaign included both a political element, in the form of Blueshirt hostility to Fianna Fáil, and a non-political element, on the part of farmers protesting at how their dependence on agricultural exports to Britain was threatened by Fianna Fáil policies.

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Ferguson, Barry, Simon Langlois, and Lance W. Roberts. "Social cohesion in Canada." Tocqueville Review 30, no. 2 (January 2009): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.30.2.69.

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Canada is a diverse society of almost 34 million people. Its population is about half the size of Great Britain and France, the two nations whose colonization projects strongly shaped Canada’s development. For most of the country’s history, the original or Aboriginal peoples have been marginalized despite the many ways in which they contributed to the nation’s economic, social and political development.

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Gambles, Anna. "Free Trade and State Formation: The Political Economy of Fisheries Policy in Britain and the United Kingdom circa 1780–1850." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 3 (July 2000): 288–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386221.

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It is striking that historians of the early nineteenth century have been relatively reluctant to consider relationships between economic policy and the consolidation of the British state. In today's context, the economic and political challenges posed by both European integration and resurgent nationalism have generated hotly contested controversies on the political economy of state formation. From the perspective of the United Kingdom, the prospect of political and administrative devolution has forced us to address the implications of political decentralization for regional economic development (and vice versa) and to consider in turn the impact of these dynamics on the political integrity of a multinational state. For Britain, the period between circa 1780 and 1850 was characterized by unprecedented economic growth, imperial crisis and acquisition, and political consolidation. In a metropolitan sense the most dramatic feature of this process was, of course, the creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800. Insofar as historians of early nineteenth-century Britain have examined the relationship between “state formation” and economic policy, however, they have tended to focus on the ideas, politics, and pressures surrounding the retreat of the state from economic intervention. Thus in more general accounts it became axiomatic that the nineteenth-century state shrank progressively from social and economic intervention, liberating commerce, and resting the fiscal system on secure but modest direct taxation.More recently, the relationship between the concept of “laissez-faire” and British state formation has been dramatically revised and refined by Philip Harling and Peter Mandler.

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van der Eng, Pierre. "Exploring Exploitation: The Netherlands and Colonial Indonesia 1870–1940." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007138.

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Studies of the economic relations between Great Britain and its colonies, such as Hopkins (1988) and O'Brien (1988), have revitalised controversy about the relevance of economic factors in the history of imperialism. Some have denigrated the relevance of the Hobson-Lenin thesis that capitalists required new overseas investment opportunities to postpone the collapse of capitalism, and the argument that colonies were a paying proposition. This article assesses the economic relations between the Netherlands and its colony Indonesia. It aims to raise the profile of this connexion in the controversy mentioned above, and to explore whether and to what extent the economic relationship may be crucial to explaining «metropolitan» economic development and «peripheral» underdevelopment.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1996." Economic History Review 50, no. 4 (November 1997): 792–832. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00078.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, Frank Jones, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1997." Economic History Review 51, no. 4 (November 1998): 786–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00114.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1998." Economic History Review 52, no. 4 (November 1999): 766–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00148.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1999." Economic History Review 53, no. 4 (November 2000): 783–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00179.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of Publications on the Economic and Social History of Great Britain and Ireland Published in 2000." Economic History Review 54, no. 4 (November 2001): 734–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00210.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2001." Economic History Review 55, no. 4 (November 2002): 721–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.00238.

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Hale, Matthew, Graham Raymond, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2012." Economic History Review 66, no. 4 (October 9, 2013): 1134–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.12031.

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Claydon, Tim, Michael Partridge, and Simon Ville. "List of Publications on the Economic and Social History of Great Britain and Ireland PUBLISHED IN 1984." Economic History Review 38, no. 4 (November 1985): 597–636. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1985.tb00392.x.

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Hawkins, Richard, Michael Partridge, and Simon Ville. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland PUBLISHED IN 1986." Economic History Review 40, no. 4 (November 1987): 603–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1987.tb00451.x.

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HALE, MATTHEW, RICHARD HAWKINS, and MICHAEL PARTRIDGE. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1993." Economic History Review 47, no. 4 (November 1994): 776–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1994.tb01404.x.

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HALE, MATTHEW, RICHARD HAWKINS, and MICHAEL PARTRIDGE. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1994." Economic History Review 48, no. 4 (November 1995): 778–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1995.tb01446.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 1995." Economic History Review 49, no. 4 (November 1996): 787–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1996.tb00593.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2002." Economic History Review 56, no. 4 (November 2003): 743–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2003.00269.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Michael Partridge. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2003." Economic History Review 57, no. 4 (November 2004): 727–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2004.00294.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2004." Economic History Review 58, no. 4 (November 2005): 797–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2005.00322.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2005." Economic History Review 59, no. 4 (November 2006): 788–838. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2006.00370.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2006." Economic History Review 60, no. 4 (October 18, 2007): 773–826. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2007.00418.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2007." Economic History Review 61, no. 4 (November 2008): 949–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2008.00460.x.

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Hale, Matthew, Richard Hawkins, and Catherine Wright. "List of publications on the economic and social history of Great Britain and Ireland published in 2008." Economic History Review 62, no. 4 (November 2009): 953–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00507.x.

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