Journal articles on the topic 'Great Britain – Colonies – Defenses'
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Clark, F., and D. A. C. McNeil. "CLIFF-NESTING COLONIES OF HOUSE MARTINS DELICHON URBICA IN GREAT BRITAIN." Ibis 122, no. 1 (April 3, 2008): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1980.tb00869.x.
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STANZIANI, ALESSANDRO. "Local Bondage in Global Economies: Servants, wage earners, and indentured migrants in nineteenth-century France, Great Britain, and the Mascarene Islands." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (February 28, 2013): 1218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000698.
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AbstractThis paper compares the definitions, practices, and legal constraints on labour in Britain, France, Mauritius, and Reunion Island in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It argues that the way in which indentured labour was defined and practised in the colonies was linked to the definition and practice of wage labour in Europe and that their development was interconnected. The types of bondage that existed in the colonies were extreme forms of the notion, practices, and rules of labour in Europe. It would have been impossible to develop the indenture contract in the British and French empires if wage earners in Britain and France had not been servants. The conceptions and practices of labour in Europe and its main colonies influenced each other and were part of a global dynamic.
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Contogouris, Ersy. "Gender, Race, and Nation in Tableau Representing Great Britain and Her Colonies." RACAR : Revue d'art canadienne 44, no. 2 (2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068318ar.
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Storey, Kenton Scott. "Colonial Humanitarian? Thomas Gore Browne and the Taranaki War, 1860–61." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2014): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.210.
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AbstractThe New Zealand Wars of the 1860s have traditionally been associated with the popularity of antagonistic racial discourses and the growing influence of scientific racism. Building upon recent research into the resonance of humanitarian racial discourses in this period, this article reconsiders the experience of Governor Thomas Gore Browne during the Taranaki War, 1860–61. The Taranaki War was a global news event that precipitated fierce debates within both New Zealand and Great Britain over the war's origins and the rights of indigenous Maori. This article reveals how both Browne and his wartime critics defined themselves as the true defenders of Maori rights. This general usage of humanitarian racial discourses was encouraged by perceptions of metropolitan surveillance, New Zealand's prominence within networks of imperial communication, and an onus to administrate Maori with justice.
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McConnel, Katie. "The Centrepiece of Colonial Queensland's Celebration and Commemoration of Royalty and Empire: Government House, Brisbane." Queensland Review 16, no. 2 (July 2009): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005080.
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Her Majesty's birthday was right royally celebrated last evening by His Excellency the Governor on the occasion of the annual birthday ball at government house.‘Royalty’ and ‘Empire’ were, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. of supreme significance to all the Australian colonies. While each colony was well integrated within the Imperial framework, they remained largely reliant on the economic and geopolitical management of the British Empire. Though different colonial/national identities developed in Australia, the colonies' economic, military and diplomatic dependence on Britain strongly orientated them towards the Queen and ‘home’. Colonial Governors served as the vital link between the colonies and both the Imperial government and the Queen of the British Empire. Appointed by Britain and entrusted with the same rights, powers and privileges as the Queen, the role of Governor was one of great influence and authority.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Schwanda. "The Protestant Reception of Jan Hus in Great Britain and the American Colonies." Journal of Moravian History 16, no. 2 (2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.16.2.0065.
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Holman, Brett. "The Phantom Airship Panic of 1913: Imagining Aerial Warfare in Britain before the Great War." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.173.
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AbstractIn late 1912 and early 1913, people all over Britain reported seeing airships in the night sky, yet there were none. It was widely assumed that these “phantom airships” were German Zeppelins, testing British defenses in preparation for the next war. The public and press responses to the phantom airship sightings provide a glimpse of the way that aerial warfare was understood before it was ever experienced in Britain. Conservative newspapers and patriotic leagues used the sightings to argue for a massive expansion of Britain's aerial forces, which were perceived to be completely outclassed by Germany's in both number and power. In many ways this airship panic was analogous to the much better known 1909 dreadnought panic. The result was the perfect Edwardian panic: the simultaneous culmination of older fears about Germany and the threat of espionage, invasion, and, above all, the loss of Britain's naval superiority. But, in reality, there was little understanding about the way that Zeppelins would be used against Britain in the First World War—not to attack its arsenals and dockyards, but to bomb its cities.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Shevchenko, E. E. "Transformation of the Anglo-Saxon legal culture in the former colonies of Great Britain." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 8 (2021): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2021_8_41.
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Taylor, James. "A social history of company law: Great Britain and the Australian colonies, 1854–1920." Business History 52, no. 5 (August 2010): 857–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2010.500167.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (April 17, 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Gao, Jie. "Compromise and Defence: Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.
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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.
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PICKARD, JOHN. "Wire Fences in Colonial Australia: Technology Transfer and Adaptation, 1842–1900." Rural History 21, no. 1 (March 5, 2010): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990136.
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AbstractAfter reviewing the development of wire fencing in Great Britain and the United States of America in the early nineteenth century, I examine the introduction of wire into Australia using published sources only. Wire was available in the colonies from the early 1850s. The earliest published record of a wire fence was on Phillip Island near Melbourne (Victoria) in 1842. Almost a decade passed before wire was used elsewhere in Victoria and the other eastern colonies. Pastoralists either sought information on wire fences locally or from agents in Britain. Local agents of British companies advertised in colonial newspapers from the early 1850s, with one exceptional record in 1839. Once wire was adopted, pastoralists rejected iron posts used in Britain, preferring cheaper wood posts cut from the property. The most significant innovation was to increase post spacings with significant cost savings. Government and the iron industry played no part in these innovations, which were achieved through trial-and-error by pastoralists. The large tonnages of wire imported into Australia and the increasing demand did not stimulate local production of wire, and there were no local wire mills until 1911.
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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
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Goncharenko, A. V. "GREAT BRITAIN AND COLONIAL CONTRADITIONS IN THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR 1914-1918 (BACKGROUND IS THE DOCUMENTS OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.4.
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The article investigates Britain’s position in colonial contradictions during World War I, based on the use of documents from Russia’s foreign policy department. The causes, course and consequences of the intensification of British politics in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s foreign policy initiatives in the colonial issue during the study period is examined. There are analyzed the role of Great Britain in the intensification of the colonial struggle between the great states during the First World War (1914-1918) and its perception by diplomatic representatives of the Russian Empire. During the First World War of 1914-1918, a set of problems and approaches to them were crystallized, which had a serious impact on the colonial contradictions between the great states in general and the position of Great Britain in this problem in particular. There is a considerable contrast between the methods of politics and the aspirations of the leading countries of the world at that time - Japan and Russia - on the one hand, and the United Kingdom and France - on the other. France is increasingly convinced that close co-operation in these matters with London is the only guarantee of the success of its colonialism. In addition, during the First World War, the new industrial states (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to capture the colonies for the sake of confirming their new status in the world, and the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands) - to hold on to the rest for the sake of preservation of ephemeral international prestige, Russia - to expansion. The largest colonial empires - Great Britain and France were interested in maintaining the status quo. Whitehall’s policy on the colonial issue, at the time, can be traced to a very definite line, confirming the message of Russian diplomats linked to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not get involved in conflicts and expensive measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government has shown some flexibility and foresight - the relative weakening of the empire’s military and economic power about of the emergence of new, rapidly developing industrial powers and the achievement of colonies of certain selfsufficiency, made it necessary to revise traditional foreign policy. London was already unable to fully control the situation at sea, as well as to ensure the security of its vast possessions. Therefore, block cooperation with countries with close geopolitical interests comes to the fore, and policy in the colonies is gradually transformed from an expansionist one to a stabilization one aimed at reducing the costs of the metropolis and preventing potential conflicts in strategically important areas. In addition, Britain’s interests in the colonial issue largely coincide with the position of the United States, which also seeks to ensure “open doors” and “equal opportunities” instead of military-political contest. Key words: the Great Britain, First World War, international relationships, foreign policy, colonialism, colonial contradictions.
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van der Eng, Pierre. "Exploring Exploitation: The Netherlands and Colonial Indonesia 1870–1940." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007138.
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Studies of the economic relations between Great Britain and its colonies, such as Hopkins (1988) and O'Brien (1988), have revitalised controversy about the relevance of economic factors in the history of imperialism. Some have denigrated the relevance of the Hobson-Lenin thesis that capitalists required new overseas investment opportunities to postpone the collapse of capitalism, and the argument that colonies were a paying proposition. This article assesses the economic relations between the Netherlands and its colony Indonesia. It aims to raise the profile of this connexion in the controversy mentioned above, and to explore whether and to what extent the economic relationship may be crucial to explaining «metropolitan» economic development and «peripheral» underdevelopment.
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Charles, Doris D. "Rob McQueen, A Social History of Company Law: Great Britain and the Australian Colonies 1854–1920." Law Teacher 44, no. 1 (February 10, 2010): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069400903541500.
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Varis, A. L., B. V. Ball, and M. Allen. "The incidence of pathogens in honey bee (Apis mellifera L) colonies in Finland and Great Britain." Apidologie 23, no. 2 (1992): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/apido:19920205.
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Ehrhardt, John D., and J. Patrick O'Leary. "The Rise of the Surgeon in the Seventeenth Century Virginia Colony." American Surgeon 84, no. 6 (June 2018): 763–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481808400615.
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Life in the early American colonies presented unique challenges to the British colonists. There was an acute need for health-care providers in the early Virginia colony at Jamestown. Many of the medical men who first arrived at Jamestown were surgeons who adapted themselves to fit the medical needs of the community. These men trained in the British system where they sat beneath physicians in a hierarchy that did not consider surgeons to be doctors. Through their service to the colonists, early surgeons earned the reputation traditionally given to physicians in Great Britain. The colonists in Virginia respected the surgeons and viewed them as doctors, which allowed surgeons to stand on equal ground with physicians as the colonies grew to eventually become the United States of America.
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Murison, Barbara C. "Roads Not Taken: Alternative Views of the Empire." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, no. 1 (May 2018): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0231.
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This article explores the work of the Scot Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope and his The true interest of Great Britain, Ireland and our plantations. The article deals with his conceptualization of empire–the idea of the integration of Ireland and of the colonies into the metropolitan structure on the same basis as Scotland had been integrated in 1707, and their role at the centre of the empire. Other competing visions of the constitutional structure of the empire – strengthening of metropolitan authority at the expense of the colonies, and another which saw the union of the colonies themselves as crucial, with perhaps some overarching control from London – will also be explored. The place of Ireland in these debates will be discussed, as will the place of native populations in these schemes. Consideration is given to the motivation behind these kinds of suggestions; in Murray's case it was the opportunity to counter the threats posed by foreign powers and domestic factions.
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Makarov, Egor P. "The Historical Meaning of the Molasses Act 1733 in the Political and Economic Life of Virginia in the XVIII Century." History of state and law 5 (May 20, 2021): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2021-5-61-67.
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The article is devoted to the study of the Molasses Act, adopted by the British government in 1733. Analysis of the political and economic context of the adoption of this normative act makes it possible to study the features of the formation and development of the economy of the American colonies of Great Britain. Historical example of Virginia in the middle of the 18th century helps in studying the characteristics of the region and examining the practice of enforcement of British law in the colonies. The study of historical events related to the reaction of the American colonial community to the adoption of the designated law allows us to detail the organizational and legal forms of British government policy at the local level. This issue is also important from the point of view of studying the growth of radical sentiments in the colonies, strengthening the tendencies of separatism and joining the struggle for independence.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Saul, Samir. "Les pouvoirs publics métropolitains face à la Dépression: La Conférence économique de la France métropolitaine et d’Outre-Mer (1934–1935)." French Colonial History 12 (May 1, 2011): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938215.
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Abstract With the Depression eroding France’s foreign trade, government authorities felt compelled to convene an imperial conference in order to seek solutions based on the consolidation of economic ties with the Empire, Inspiration came partly from the conference held in Ottawa in 1932 by Great Britain and its Dominions. The aim of the Paris gathering was to promote increased exports to the colonies as a substitute to foreign markets lost during the downswing. Likewise, importers were encouraged to buy from the colonies, rather than from foreign countries, thereby raising the purchasing power of the colonial population and its ability to import French goods. Although the program to institute a coordinated imperial economy appeared logical in principle, its implementation was complicated by economic realities and the non-complementary character of the metropolitan and the colonial economies.
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Carreck, Norman L., Ingrid H. Williams, and D. J. Little. "The movement of honey bee colonies for crop pollination and honey production by beekeepers in Great Britain." Bee World 78, no. 2 (January 1997): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005772x.1997.11099337.
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Tosatti, Erio. "An eloquent and persuasive Mr. Smee." Journal of Science Communication 05, no. 04 (December 21, 2006): C02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.05040302.
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John Ziman with his old-fashioned ways, was a real British gentleman of the colonies. Born and raised in New Zealand, Ziman belonged to that large group of men and women that went back to their fathers’ land in the last century from the Commonwealth countries. In many cases, they were individuals with an outstanding intellect and, therefore, a real tresure trove for Great Britain, which drew from those remote places not only gems, tea, perfumes and raw materials, but also enlightened minds and reliable personalities.
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Narizny, Kevin. "Anglo-American Primacy and the Global Spread of Democracy: An International Genealogy." World Politics 64, no. 2 (March 21, 2012): 341–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711200007x.
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For the past three centuries, Great Britain and the United States have stood in succession at the apex of the international hierarchy of power. They have been on the winning side of every systemic conflict in this period, from the War of the Spanish Succession to the Cold War. As a result, they have been able to influence the political and economic development of states around the world. In many of their colonies, conquests, and clients, they have propagated ideals and institutions conducive to democratization. At the same time, they have defeated numerous rivals whose success would have had ruinous consequences for democracy. The global spread of democracy, therefore, has been endogenous to the game of great power politics.
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Banyard, Ashley C., Fabian Z. X. Lean, Caroline Robinson, Fiona Howie, Glen Tyler, Craig Nisbet, James Seekings, et al. "Detection of Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza Virus H5N1 Clade 2.3.4.4b in Great Skuas: A Species of Conservation Concern in Great Britain." Viruses 14, no. 2 (January 21, 2022): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/v14020212.
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The UK and Europe have seen successive outbreaks of highly pathogenic avian influenza across the 2020/21 and 2021/22 autumn/winter seasons. Understanding both the epidemiology and transmission of these viruses in different species is critical to aid mitigating measures where outbreaks cause extensive mortalities in both land- and waterfowl. Infection of different species can result in mild or asymptomatic outcomes, or acute infections that result in high morbidity and mortality levels. Definition of disease outcome in different species is of great importance to understanding the role different species play in the maintenance and transmission of these pathogens. Further, the infection of species that have conservation value is also important to recognise and characterise to understand the impact on what might be limited wild populations. Highly pathogenic avian influenza virus H5N1 clade 2.3.4.4b has been detected in great skuas (Stercorarius skua) across different colonies on islands off the shore of Scotland, Great Britain during summer 2021. A large number of great skuas were observed as developing severe clinical disease and dying during the epizootic and mortalities were estimated to be high where monitored. Of eight skuas submitted for post-mortem examination, seven were confirmed as being infected with this virus using a range of diagnostic assays. Here we overview the outbreak event that occurred in this species, listed as species of conservation concern in Great Britain and outline the importance of this finding with respect to virus transmission and maintenance.
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Newman, Simon P. "Freedom-Seeking Slaves in England and Scotland, 1700–1780*." English Historical Review 134, no. 570 (October 2019): 1136–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez292.
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Abstract This essay explores the experiences of enslaved people who sought to escape their bondage in England and Scotland during the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century. It argues that, while the conditions of their servitude in Britain may appear closer to those of white British servants than those of enslaved plantation labourers in the colonies, the experiences of these people were conditioned by the experiences of and the threat of return to colonial enslavement. For some successful Britons an enslaved serving boy was a visible symbol of success, and a great many enslaved men, women, youths and children were brought to Great Britain during the eighteenth century. Some accompanied visiting colonists and ships’ officers, while others came to Britain with merchants, planters, clergymen and physicians who were returning home. Some of the enslaved sought to seize freedom by escaping. Utilising newspaper advertisements placed by owners seeking the capture and return of these runaways (as well as advertisements offering enslaved people for sale), the essay demonstrates that many such people were regarded by their masters and mistresses as enslaved chattel property. Runaways were often traumatised by New World enslavement, and all too aware that they might easily be sold or returned to the horrors of Caribbean and American slavery: improved work conditions in Britain did not lessen the psychological and physical effects of enslavement from which they sought to escape.
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Rönnbäck, Klas. "Who Stood to Gain from Colonialism? A Case Study of Early Modern European Colonialism in the Caribbean." Itinerario 33, no. 3 (November 2009): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016296.
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Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx considered British colonies to be a net burden on British society. Ever since the issue has been a controversial one and has received a great deal of attention from scholars, not least thanks to the publication of Eric Williams's book “Capitalism and Slavery”. To a large extent the debate has been concerned with the issue of whether the profits from colonialism were large enough to have a decisive effect upon, or at least contribute to, the industrialisation of Britain and/or other countries in Europe.
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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: II, Britons And Americans." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679390.
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In my address last year I tried to offer some explanations for the great change of direction in Britain's territorial empire in the second half of the eighteenth century: the failure of empire over much of North America coinciding with the beginnings of great acquisitions in India. I would like now to look more closely at the American débâcle. In trying to account for it, I stressed the yawning gap between British ambitions as they developed from mid-century and any capacity to realise them in the colonies, where, in the absence of a strong imperial presence or adequate machinery to enforce metropolitan wishes, the effective working of the empire depended on the willingness of local populations to co-operate. In the 1760s the majority of the colonial elites refused to co-operate with what they regarded as new departures from the long-established constitutional conventions of the empire. British attempts to resolve the ensuing crisis by armed coercion were to be frustrated in seven years of unsuccessful war.
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Miles, William R. "Irish Soldiers, Pensions and Imperial Migration during the Early Nineteenth Century." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0098.
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During the Napoleonic Wars the British government implemented a pension scheme for discharged soldiers and after 1816 extended benefits to veterans who chose to remain in various colonies throughout the empire. The Chelsea Hospital kept colonial pension applicant information (most of whom were born in Great Britain and Ireland) within specific admission books, now housed in the UK National Archive. The first admission book covers the years 1817 to 1826 and in addition to detailing the service of individual soldiers, points to a particular method of imperial migration where some soldiers appeared to have employed the army to escape socio-economic conditions at home permanently while continuing their association with the British army and state once abroad. Four case-studies involving Irish soldiers are highlighted in order to demonstrate this point. The Irish soldiers are noteworthy because they are over-represented among those veterans who opted to remain in the colonies.
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Smith, Evan. "National Liberation for Whom? The Postcolonial Question, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the Party’s African and Caribbean Membership." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 283–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000249.
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AbstractThe Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had a long tradition of anti-colonial activism since its foundation in 1920 and had been a champion of national liberation within the British Empire. However, the Party also adhered to the idea that Britain’s former colonies, once independent, would want to join a trade relationship with their former coloniser, believing that Britain required these forms of relationship to maintain supplies of food and raw materials. This position was maintained into the 1950s until challenged in 1956–1957 by the Party’s African and Caribbean membership, seizing the opportunity presented by the fallout of the political crises facing the CPGB in 1956. I argue in this article that this challenge was an important turning point for the Communist Party’s view on issues of imperialism and race, and also led to a burst of anti-colonial and anti-racist activism. But this victory by its African and Caribbean members was short-lived, as the political landscape and agenda of the CPGB shifted in the late 1960s.
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Leitner, Jonathan. "Classical World-Systems Analysis, the Historical Geography of British North America, and the Regional Politics of Colonial/Revolutionary New York." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (August 14, 2018): 404–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.693.
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A less-appreciated aspect of earlier or “classical” works of world-systems analysis (WSA), in particular that of Braudel, Frank, and Wallerstein in the 1970s-80s is the examination of why the thirteen North American colonies that became the United States split from Great Britain. Specifically, why did some of Britain’s North American colonies revolt in the mid-1770s, but not others? Why were some colonists pro-independence while others preferred remaining within the empire? Classical WSA suggested regional differentiation among colonists, and later works in the WSA tradition have examined these divisions in British North America, particularly within individual colonies, based on both larger divisions in the world-economy and localized core-periphery structures. Yet classical WSA’s analytical questions about British North America’s independence movement have been more directly addressed by historical geographers. This paper synthesizes classical WSA with works on the historical geography of British North America, and then examines the synthesis in light of colonial New York and its political-economic geography of several distinct regions, each with varying economic and political interests vis à vis the British Empire and the question of independence.
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Rogers, Patricia. "Rebels’ Property: Smuggling and Imperial [Dis]loyalty in the Anglo-American Atlantic." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 1 (2012): 32–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187707012x624078.
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In early 1776, the Royal Navy entered Liverpool, Nova Scotia searching for smuggled goods. The sailors found what they sought in three warehouses, including that of Simeon Perkins, the local magistrate. My curiosity over this incident includes an off-hand reference to the contraband as “rebels’ property”. Why describe trade goods in politically loaded terms? Caught up in the pre-revolutionary tensions, understandings of illegal commerce intertwined with debates over political ideologies and imperial obligations between Great Britain and its original mainland colonies. In the process, loyalty to empire became linked to commerce in the imperial imagination. In this essay, I focus on the experience of Nova Scotia as seen through the diary of Simeon Perkins. Although not one of the central venues of the American Revolution, Nova Scotia represented one site of intersection between the metropole and its colonies. As such, it reveals a unique insight into the larger imperial civil war and the anxieties that produced it.
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Blouet, Olwyn M. "Bryan Edwards, F.R.S., 1743-1800." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, no. 2 (May 22, 2000): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0108.
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Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.
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Makarov, E. P. "THE STAMP ACT OF 1765 AS PERCEIVED BY THE POLITICAL NATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES OF GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Московского государственного лингвистического университета. Общественные науки, no. 1 (2022): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.52070/2500-347x_2022_1_846_95.
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Mirzoeva, Svetlana G., Elena Kh Apazheva, and Natalya S. Lavrova. "The Czechoslovak national tragedy of the 1938 year." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-50-58.
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The article deals with the problem of the internal situation in Czechoslovakia, its political and economic development in the specified period. Particular attention is paid to the efforts of Czechoslovakia aimed at preventing the division of the country. The leadership of Czechoslovakia entered into international treaties, strengthened the state’s defenses, and modernized the army. The article also touches upon the international relations of Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy on the further fate of Czechoslovakia in the second half of the 30s. XX century. The leadership of Czechoslovakia and its president Edvard Beneš felt the threat looming over the country from Germany, so they took certain steps to preserve the integrity of the Czechoslovak republic. The reform of the army began in the country, it was modernized, equipped with new equipment, weapons, aviation. A new line of fortifications was built along the borders. The diplomatic department of Czechoslovakia was also not idle. Consultations were constantly held with the USSR, Great Britain, France and Germany on the issue of preserving the country’s sovereignty, international treaties were concluded on assistance in the event of an attack by a third party. But, despite all these efforts, at the end of September 1938, Czechoslovakia was divided by force, the Sudetenland was torn away from it, fascist troops were brought into the country, and the leaders of the state were leaders of the fascist party. All these changes were enshrined in an international treaty - the Munich Agreement. Germany, Italy, France and Great Britain took part in its signing. Representatives of the Czechoslovak Republic were not even invited to the conference. The Czechoslovak side was familiarized with the terms of the agreement only after their adoption. Czechoslovakia could not in any way influence the decisions of Hitler, Mussolini, Deladier and Chamberlain. As a result, throughout the Second World War, Czechoslovakia existed as two separate parts: the Protecto-rate of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovak Republic.
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Khakhalkina, Elena. "Windrush Generation in the Context of the Modern Development of Multiracial Great Britain." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018792-9.
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The author focuses on events related to the understanding of the role and place of immigrants from the West-India in modern multiracial society in Britain that have been largely unexplored in Russian historical scholarship. The first part of the article provides a brief historical outline relating to the arrival in the United Kingdom in 1948 of the ship “Empire Windrush”, which symbolised the beginning of mass immigration into the country. The second part of the article analyses the parliamentary discussions on the commemorative events of the 70th anniversary and the social and political scandal that arose on the eve of the celebration. The author pays particular attention to clarifying the controversial question in the political discourse in the United Kingdom as to what the true reason was for the surge of immigration from colonies and countries that gained their sovereign status after the Second World War. The third part provides an overview of the settlement of the scandal and the problem of monetary compensation to the affected citizens. Sources include debates in both Houses of Parliament, Cabinet documents, and statistical data. Historical-genetic, comparative and structural-functional analysis became the research methods. The author concludes that the wide public and political resonance of the anniversary celebrations and all related events reflects the complexity and multifaceted nature of the problem of migrant integration and the reconfiguration of the existing model of national identity of Great Britain, the “outlier” element of which is the attitude towards the colonial and post-colonial past of the country. Against the backdrop of debates in Parliament, there was a demand from various ethnic groups, including those represented in the political establishment, for recognition of their real contribution to the development of the United Kingdom, an inclusive environment, and multiracial diversity. The outlined topics clarify the features of the migration picture in Great Britain and bring about an understanding of fundamental questions about the essence of British identity.
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McCusker, John J. "Introduction." Business History Review 79, no. 4 (2005): 697–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25097111.
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This special issue of the Business History Review has as its theme the business of trade in the Atlantic World of the eighteenth century. It has as its purpose to highlight the rich and diverse work that is being accomplished by business historians, including people like the four authors—Kenneth Morgan, Silvia Marzagalli, Linda Salvucci, and Thomas Truxes—whose essays constitute the substance of this issue. The articles have a common focus but reveal very different aspects of their shared theme in delightfully instructive ways. While both sides of the Atlantic Ocean are represented and the northern and southern regions are discussed, and while France and Spain and their colonies receive nearly as much play as Great Britain and its colonies (and one-time colonies), almost by the very nature of trade, the stories told are more about links and connections than they are about the limitations imposed by national and imperial boundaries. My contribution, as editor—an otherwise unknown tract written in the 1780s by a minor but influential British civil servant, Thomas Irving, and edited and newly presented here—implicitly argues the case put forth by the other contributors: it was the limitless bounds of eighteenth-century business that defined the Atlantic World.
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Morris, Caroline. "Book Review: The Constitution of Independence." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 36, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v36i3.5612.
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This article is a book review of Peter C Oliver The Constitution of Independence: The Development of Constitutional Theory in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005) (367 + xx pages). The book is a contribution to the area of domestic constitutional law of the Commonwealth. Oliver addresses the question: are the former colonies of Britain ever truly independent, or is that independence illusory? He also asks how such colonies seek to understand and explain their constitutional history. Morris argues that the book had a great deal of potential but has been left unrealised. As a legal historiography, the book does not always satisfactorily explain how people involved in creating that legal history (or in analysing it since) understand it. As an exercise in constitutional theory, the book merely suggests that there is nothing much to choose between theories as a matter of logic. The book also suffers from very dense prose and a number of distracting metaphors for the process of constitutional independence. Morris ultimately concludes that the book fails to provide useful insight into New Zealand's constitutional theory.
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Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. "Definitions of Liberty on the Eve Of Civil War: Lord Saye and Sele, Lord Brooke, and the American Puritan Colonies." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015284.
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Arthur Wilson, in his History of Great Britain, (1653) named William Fiennes, first Viscount Saye and Sele, as among the few ‘gallant Spirits’ who ‘aimed at the publick Liberty more than their own interest’. He went on to say that the men he singled out, including in addition to Saye the earls of Oxford, Southampton, Essex and Warwick, ‘supported the Old English Honour and would not let it fall to the ground’. In 1640 Warwick and Saye, this time in company with their associate Robert Greville, Lord Brooke, were praised by a commoner as ‘the best men of the kingdom’ according to the report of a government informer.
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Baker, Charles Richard. "What can Thomas Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management, slavery, and Enlightenment philosophy in colonial America?" Accounting History 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2018): 236–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373218772589.
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Thomas Jefferson was the third President of the United States of America and the principal author of the Declaration of Independence of the American Colonies from Great Britain. Less well known is that he was a meticulous record keeper. He kept daily records of every receipt and expenditure that he made, no matter how small, for a period of over 60 years. Most of these records have survived and are located in various libraries throughout the United States. Two questions are raised in this article: first, what can Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management in colonial America? Second, what do these accounting records reveal about Jefferson’s perspectives on eighteenth-century Enlightenment philosophy? This article investigates original archives in an effort to answer these questions.
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Gogaev, Sanal Igorevich. "The role of Thomas Jefferson's political activity in the history of American statehood." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.1.37249.
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The subject of the study is the results, results and consequences of the political activity of Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826). Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Independence and the third president of the United States, considered one of the founding fathers of the United States. The first American president to hold the posts of Secretary of State, Vice President and President of the United States successively. The article examines the political ideas of Jefferson, who was one of the first political figures who spoke and justified the idea of separating its North American colonies from Great Britain. His political ideas and decisions as a statesman and politician were timely and brought much benefit to his country. As the author of the Declaration of Independence of the United States, he made a huge contribution to the creation of the United States. Its adoption meant the formation of a new state - the United States. For him, the principles of the declaration were to create a free American state based on the principles of democracy and civil liberty. The Declaration defined the social and legal status of a person in society. Declaring the people the only source of power, she put them on a par with the great ideologists of the Enlightenment. As Ambassador to France, he managed to secure a number of trade agreements with European countries. His merits as president undoubtedly lie in the acquisition of Louisiana and the establishment of diplomatic relations with Russia, as well as the pacification of relations with Great Britain.
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Colley, Linda. "Empires of Writing: Britain, America and Constitutions, 1776–1848." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000801.
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Approximately 50 years ago, R. R. Palmer published his two volume masterworkThe Age of the Democratic Revolution. Designed as a “comparative constitutional history of Western civilization,” it charted the struggles after 1776 over ideas of popular sovereignty and civil and religious freedoms, and the spreading conviction that, instead of being confined to “any established, privileged, closed, or self-recruiting groups of men,” government might be rendered simple, accountable and broadly based. Understandably, Palmer placed great emphasis on the contagion of new-style constitutions. Between 1776 and 1780, eleven onetime American colonies drafted state constitutions. These went on to inform the provisions of the United States Constitution adopted in 1787, which in turn influenced the four Revolutionary French constitutions of the 1790s, and helped to inspire new constitutions in Haiti, Poland, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and elsewhere. By 1820, according to one calculation, more than sixty new constitutions had been attempted within Continental Europe alone, and this is probably an underestimate. At least a further eighty constitutions were implemented between 1820 and 1850, many of them in Latin America. The spread of written constitutions proved in time almost unstoppable, and Palmer left his readers in no doubt that this outcome could be traced back to the Revolution of 1789, and still more to the Revolution of 1776. Despite resistance by entrenched elites, and especially from Britain, “the greatest single champion of the European counter-revolution,” a belief was in being by 1800, Palmer argued, that “democracy was a matter of concern to the world as a whole, that it was a thing of the future, [and] that while it was blocked in other countries the United States should be its refuge.”
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Sundue, Sharon Braslaw. "Confining the Poor to Ignorance? Eighteenth-Century American Experiments with Charity Education." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 2 (May 2007): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00086.x.
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In 1738, the English evangelist George Whitefield traveled to the new colony of Georgia intending to establish “a house for fatherless children.” Inspired by both August Hermann Francke, the German Pietist who had great success educating and maintaining poor orphans in Halle, and by charity schools established in Great Britain, Whitefield's orphan house and charity school, named Bethesda, opened its doors early in 1740. For years, Whitefield devoted himself tirelessly to ensuring the success of the Bethesda school, preaching throughout Britain and North America on its behalf. Whitefield's preaching tour on behalf of his beloved Bethesda is well known for its role in catalyzing the religious revivals known collectively as the Great Awakening. The tour also marked an important shift in the history of education in America. News of the establishment of the orphanage at Bethesda coincided with new efforts to school the poor throughout the colonies. Drawing on both the British and German models of charity schooling that were highly influential for Whitefield, eighteenth-century Americans began or increased commitments to charity schooling for poor children. But the European models were not adopted wholesale. Instead, local administrators of the schooling experiments deviated from these models in a striking way. In America, elites offered some children the opportunity for extensive charity instruction, but not necessarily children at the bottom of the social hierarchy. This article will argue that the execution of these charity schooling programs was contingent upon local social conditions, specifically what appears to have been local elites' desire to maintain a certain social order and ensure a continued supply of cheap labor.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.
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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.
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Baines, Stephen Grant. "Social anthropology with indigenous peoples in Brazil, Canada and Australia: a comparative approach." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 9, no. 1 (June 2012): 209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412012000100008.
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Starting from the notion of "styles of anthropology" used by Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira in his research in the 1990s, which examined "peripheral anthropologies" in countries where anthropology was implanted later, outside the central countries - USA, Great Britain and France - where it emerged and had consolidated as an academic discipline, this article looks at the styles of anthropology with indigenous peoples which have developed in Brazil, Canada and Australia, ex-colonies of European countries. With very different histories and cultures, the styles of anthropology within the context of these national States which expanded over indigenous territories are examined, and the ways in which these histories and contexts reflect on what is being done today in field research with indigenous peoples. Some of the tensions which emerge between working within an academic discipline that aims to be international and universal while the national contexts are local are examined.