Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Grammar, comparative and general – syntax – congresses'
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Hallon, Robert J. M. Brøondal Viggo. "Brøondal's system of grammar : a translation of, and commentary on, Morfologi Og Syntax (1932) /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phh192.pdf.
Full textThis thesis is a study of the grammatical theories of Viggo Brøondal ; the central part of the thesis consists of an English translation of his Morfologi og syntax (1932). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 386-416).
Schueler, David Edward. "The syntax and semantics of implicit conditionals filling in the antecedent /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1619097961&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textTe, Velde John R. "Coordination and German syntax /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9935.
Full textPierce, Patricia Ann. "On merging morphology and syntax in Romance /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004358.
Full textTanaka, Hidekazu. "Conditions on logical form derivations and representations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0028/NQ50266.pdf.
Full textLIU, HSIAO-MEI. "A CATEGORIAL GRAMMAR ANALYSIS OF CHINESE SEPARABLE COMPOUNDS AND PHRASES (SYNTAX, SEMANTICS)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183896.
Full textGelderen, Elly van. "S-bar : its character, behavior and relationship to (i)t." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=73992.
Full textSekiguchi, Tomoko. "The syntax and interpretation of resultative constructions /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8378.
Full textVeysey, Christopher Lawrence. "Syntactic complexity and sentence processing." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708578.
Full textFarrell, Gayle 1959. "Compensatory mechanisms in aphasia : production of syntactic forms that express thematic roles." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63336.
Full textNoonan, Máire B. "Case and syntactic geometry." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39372.
Full textChapter 2 investigates word order and cliticisation in Standard French and Quebec French interrogatives and proposes a typology of interrogatives. Chapter 3 and 4 account for complementizer variation, pre-verbal particles and agreement patterns in Welsh and Irish under a Case-theoretic approach.
The second part of this thesis concerns the conditions on the availability of structural accusative Case. A theory of structural Case is proposed according to which accusativity is a configurational rather than a lexical property--i.e., resulting from syntactic geometry and not from lexical feature specifications on verbs. To this end, a comparison between the syntactic mapping of stative and perfective predicates in Irish and English is undertaken.
Tomioka, Naoko. "Resultative constructions : cross-linguistic variation and the syntax-semantics interface." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102217.
Full textI propose a new classification of these constructions, which focuses on the argument structure of the construction. In Japanese resultative V-V compounds, the argument structure of a compound reflects the argument structure of the second verb only, while in Edo, the argument structure of the construction reflects the argument structure of both verbs involved. With this criterion, English resultative constructions are divided into two classes---a resultative construction containing an intransitive verb is classified with Japanese resultative V-V compounds, and a resultative construction containing an object-selecting verb is classified with Edo resultative serial verb constructions.
Based on the classification provided here, I investigate two types of syntactic operations which license the concatenation of the predicates in resultative constructions. I argue that English intransitive resultative constructions and Japanese resultative V-V compounds are formed by adjoining one of the predicates on the other. The adjunction structure is then interpreted as conjunction called event identification. In contrast, English transitive resultative constructions and Edo resultative serial verb constructions are licensed by treating one of the predicates as a causative predicate. I argue that one of the predicates in these constructions undergoes lexical coercion, and acquires a causative meaning. The newly-formed causative verb takes the other predicate of the construction as its complement. This structure is then interpreted with function-application. I hence argue that the structural difference between the two types of resultative constructions also mirrors the difference in the type of semantic operations used to interpret these constructions.
Chow, Pui-lun, and 周佩倫. "The syntax-semantics interface of resultative constructions in Mandarin Chinese and Cantonese." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50434482.
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Linguistics
Master
Master of Philosophy
Nakamura, Masanori 1966. "Economy of chain formation." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=40211.
Full textIkeda, Edward. "Sentential complementation in Mohawk." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61093.
Full textField, Deborah. "Patterns of lexical synaesthesia in Japanese." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/132952.
Full textDe, Freitas Leslie J. (Leslie Jill). "The syntax of sentential negation : interactions with case, agreement, and (in)definiteness." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41360.
Full textIn the context of this investigation, certain syntactic properties are attributed to the head and specifier of NegP. It is proposed that the specifier of NegP provides an A-position in which NPs may be Case-checked. S-structure Case-checking is reflected in agreement marking on the negative head. Evidence for LF Case-checking in this position is derived from the Case-licensing of direct objects in negated clauses in Colloquial Welsh and Russian. Definiteness effects are analyzed as due to constraints on an additional Case-licensing option required if negation blocks Case assignment under government. Variations in agreement patterns in affirmative and negative relative clauses in Literary and Colloquial Welsh are attributed to the barrier status of the head of NegP.
Miller, Amanda. "Language indexation : a syntactic constraint on code-mixing." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68122.
Full textWe propose the constraint of Language Indexation, according to which (structurally) adjacent categories of like functional/lexical category status must be realised in the same language. We show how this proposal accounts for code-mixed data from a range of language pairs, including Tagalog/English, Moroccan Arabic/French, Swahili/English, Irish/English, Hindi/English, Spanish/English and French/English. A difference in the application of Language Indexation in nominal versus verbal projections is discussed with reference to Tagalog/English and Moroccan Arabic/French code-mixing. Finally, we briefly examine the implications of Language Indexation with respect to the code-mixing of aphasic bilinguals.
Baruzzi, Anna L. "Effects of degree of literacy on syntactic comprehension in normal and aphasic populations." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63314.
Full textFrench, Margot Anne. "Markedness and the acquisition of pied-piping and preposition stranding." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63335.
Full textNishida, Chiyo. "Interplay between morphology and syntax: A lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184304.
Full textPeterson, Justin. "Making novelty normal : a theory of sentence processing." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/8241.
Full textZushi, Mihoko. "Long-distance dependencies." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28974.
Full textIt is argued that the peculiar behavior of restructuring constructions in terms of locality follows from the lexical properties of restructuring verbs that allows a defective Tense to occur in the complement clause. The following effects result: (i) Case checking within the embedded clause becomes impossible; (ii) the defective Tense triggers incorporation of the infinitive verb into the matrix verb. As a result, the embedded element that requires Case is forced to raise into the matrix clause as a last resort operation, hence motivation long-distance movement.
In order to reconcile long-distance movement with the economy principle which requires chain links to be minimal, this thesis refines Chomsky's (1992) theory of locality. The proposed hypothesis claims that the locality condition on certain operations such as NP movement and head movement follows from the economy principle in such a way that an element can move to the closest position in which its morphological requirement can be satisfied. This notion of the shortest movement is further clarified in that the domain in which the shortest movement requirement is satisfied can be extended if there is an appropriate linked chain formed by head movement. The proposed system not only provides principled account for the phenomena of restructuring, but also has some important implications for the notion of economy of derivation.
Prévost, Philippe 1966. "Truncation in second language acquisition." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34766.
Full textPredictions based on the Truncation Hypothesis were tested against longitudinal spontaneous production data from child and adult L2 learners. There were two child and two adult learners of L2 French (whose L1s were English and Arabic) and two child two adult learners of L2 German (native speakers of Romance pro-drop languages). The findings suggest that the distribution of finite and nonfinite verbs is structurally determined in L2 child grammar, i.e. tenseless verbs only appear when VP is the root, while finite verbs are found when functional categories are projected. This in turn means that children project truncated structures in early L2 acquisition. I argue that no other theory of the nature of early L2 grammars is able to account for the full range of properties of the child L2 data.
The adult data are less conclusive concerning the possibility of truncation in adult L2 grammars. In particular, the learners seem to use infinitival markers as substitutes for finite inflections, which means that nonfinite verbs are found in contexts which are not predicted by the Truncation Hypothesis. The difference between the child and adult learners is attributed to problems that adults may have in mapping the syntactic and morphological systems (Lardiere, 1996), and not to a discrepancy in syntactic knowledge.
Kim, Jung-tae. "The initial state of second language syntax : an investigation of L2 wh-movement and null-subjects from the minimalist perspective /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004306.
Full textSnijders, Liselotte. "The nature of configurationality in LFG." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1310f160-283e-411e-a8d7-20ab4b3380c2.
Full textJuzek, Thomas Stephan. "Acceptability judgement tasks and grammatical theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b276ec98-5f65-468b-b481-f3d9356d86a2.
Full textTeixeira, de Sousa Lílian 1980. "Sintaxe e interpretação de negativas sentenciais no português brasileiro = Syntax and interpretation of sentential negation in Brazilian Portuguese." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268918.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A negação sentencial no Português Brasileiro (PB) pode ser realizada através de três tipos diferentes de estruturas considerando o número e a posição de partículas negativas: [Neg V], [Neg V Não] e [V Não]. Essa distribuição é bastante rara nas línguas naturais, já que, geralmente, as línguas apresentam apenas uma estrutura para expressar negação sentencial e, algumas vezes, uma estrutura adicional com função discursiva. Alguns pesquisadores associam essa alternância de formas a um processo de mudança linguística conhecido como Ciclo de Jespersen (Schwegler 1991, Furtado da Cunha 1996), enquanto outros explicam a alternância em termos de estrutura informacional (Schwenter 2005; Cavalcante 2007, 2012). Neste estudo, buscamos descrever a ocorrência das estruturas na língua, através de testes de aceitabilidade e preferência, com o objetivo de formular uma análise dentro do quadro teórico da sintaxe gerativa que considerasse tanto as características distributivas quanto as possibilidades de interpretação dessas estruturas. Na literatura linguística é bastante recorrente a afirmação de que apenas a estrutura [Neg V] é livre de restrições sintáticas, o que tem servido de argumento para caracterizá-la como a negação padrão do PB. As outras duas formas, porém, apresentam fortes restrições sintáticas, não sendo ambas possíveis em perguntas-Qu ou em encaixadas temporais. Em nossa análise, verificamos que, além das diferenças entre forma padrão e formas marcadas, as estruturas [Neg V Não] e [V Não] apresentam distinções quando comparadas, por isso, as consideramos, assim como Biberauer & Cyrino (2009), como fenômenos diversos. [V Não], como observamos, não é possível em nenhum tipo de oração encaixada ou com o preenchimento de sujeitos não definidos ou ainda para veicular informação nova, estando restrita a contextos responsivos. [Neg V Não], por outro lado, não é compatível apenas com infinitivas ou encaixadas temporais e não apresenta restrições quanto ao tipo de sujeito e nem quanto ao tipo de informação, se nova ou dada. Também entoacionalmente as estruturas apresentam distinções, enquanto o não de [V Não] não é prosodicamente proeminente, o não final de [Neg V Não] pode ou não ser prosodicamente proeminente. Uma vez que tanto [Neg V] quanto [Neg V Não] podem veicular informação nova e dada, tratamo-las como negações semânticas. Considerando, entretanto, as restrições de [Neg V Não] em sentenças não temporalmente marcadas ou coocorrendo com conjunções subordinativas temporais, passamos a relacioná-la à categoria T. Tendo em vista, ainda, a incompatibilidade dessa estrutura em contextos narrativos, em que não há proposições, mas o sequenciamento de eventos, definimos essa estrutura enquanto um tipo de negação semântica com escopo sobre proposições em oposição à [Neg V], que teria escopo sobre situações. [V Não], por ocorrer unicamente em contextos responsivos e não ser capaz de licenciar itens de polaridade, é interpretada não como uma negação semântica, mas como uma estrutura com a função pragmática de foco. Do ponto de vista teórico, considerando a proposta de Fases, relacionamos a estrutura [Neg V] à fase V, [Neg V Não] à fase T e [V Não] ao CP, periferia à esquerda da fase T
Abstract: Sentential negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) may be accomplished through three different kinds of structures, considering the number and position of the negative particles: [Neg V], [Neg V Não] and [V Não]. This distribution is quite rare in natural languages, which usually feature only one structure to express sentential negation, with an optional structure to convey a discourse function. While some researchers have identified this alternation between forms with a process of linguistic change known as Jespersen's Cycle (Schwegler 1991, Furtado da Cunha 1996), some others explain this variation in terms of information structure (Schwenter 2005; Cavalcante 2007, 2012). In this study, we seek to describe the occurrence of these structures in BP by means of acceptability and preference tests, with the objective of formulating an analysis within the theoretical framework of generative syntax that would consider both distributive characteristics and possible interpretations of these structures. In the linguistic literature, it is frequently claimed that the [Neg V] structure is the only one devoid of syntactic restrictions. Such an idea has been presented as an argument for its character as the standard negation form in BP. On the other hand, the other two forms do have strong syntactic restrictions, once they are not both possible in wh-questions or in embedded time clauses. In our analysis we have noticed that, in addition to the differences between the standard form and the other ones, there is a distinction between the [Neg V Não] and [V Não] structures. Therefore we consider them to be separate phenomena, likewise Biberauer & Cyrino (2009a, 2009b): [V Não], as we have observed, is impossible in all kinds of embedded clause, with undefined subjects or even when conveying new information, as it is restricted to response contexts; [Neg V Não], on the other hand, is only incompatible with infinitive or embedded time clauses, and is unrestricted as to the type of subject or type of information conveyed, that is, whether new or given. These structures also contain intonational distinctions: while the 'não' in [V Não] is not prosodically prominent, the final 'não' in [Neg V Não] may or may not be prosodically prominent. Given that both [Neg V] and [Neg V Não] can convey both new and given information, they are treated as semantic negations. By taking into account that [Neg V Não] is not acceptable either in infinitival sentences or in sentences introduced by temporal conjunctions, we put forth that the second 'não' is merged in the T domain. Besides, given the incompatibility of this structure with narrative contexts in which there are no propositions but rather a sequence of events, we have defined this structure as a kind of semantic negation taking scope over propositions as opposed to [Neg V], which takes scope over situations. And because [V Não] occurs solely in the context of response and does not allow for polarity items, we have defined it not as a semantic negation, but as a structure marking pragmatic focus. From a theoretical standpoint, considering Phase Theory, we have related the [Neg V] structure to the V phase, [Neg V Não] to the T phase and [V Não] to the CP, the left periphery of the T phase
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutora em Linguística
Gustin, Edward Louis. "A semantic analysis of 'get' and its acquisition by students of English in Macau : a cognitive approach." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586626.
Full textDe, Bruin Jeané. "A minimalist analysis of expletive daar (“there”) and dit (“it”) constructions in Afrikaans." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6513.
Full textBibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with syntactic aspects of expletive daar (“there”) and dit (“it”) constructions in Afrikaans. Previous analyses of these constructions have mostly been of a non-formalistic nature (e.g. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). The present study investigates the properties of Afrikaans expletive constructions within the broad theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Four recent minimalist analyses of expletive constructions in English, Dutch and German are set out, namely those proposed by Bowers (2002), Felser and Rupp (2001), Richards and Biberauer (2005), and Radford (2009). Against this background, an analysis is proposed of transitive, non-passive unaccusative, passive unaccusative, and unergative expletive constructions in Afrikaans. Throughout, the focus is on whether the devices available within Minimalist Syntax, and specifically the Expletive Conditions proposed by Radford (2009), provide an adequate framework in which the relevant facts of Afrikaans can be described and explained. Where required, modifications to the devices in question are proposed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handel oor sintaktiese aspekte van ekspletiewe daar- en dit-konstruksies in Afrikaans. Vorige analises van dié konstruksies was grootliks nie-formalisties van aard (bv. Barnes 1984; Donaldson 1993; Du Plessis 1977; Ponelis 1979, 1993). Die huidige studie ondersoek die eienskappe van Afrikaanse ekspletiewe konstruksies binne die breë teoretiese raamwerk van Minimalistiese Sintaksis. Vier onlangse minimalistiese analises van ekspletiewe konstruksies in Engels, Nederlands en Duits word uiteengesit, naamlik dié wat voorgestel is deur Bowers (2002), Felser en Rupp (2001), Richards en Biberauer (2005), en Radford (2009). Teen hierdie agtergrond word ’n analise voorgestel van transitiewe, nie-passiewe onakkusatiewe, passiewe onakkusatiewe, en onergatiewe ekspletiewe konstruksies in Afrikaans. Die fokus is deurgaans op die vraag of die meganismes wat beskikbaar is binne Minimalistiese Sintaksis, en spesifiek die drie Ekspletiewe Voorwaardes wat voorgestel word deur Radford (2009), ’n toereikende raamwerk bied waarbinne die tersaaklike feite van Afrikaans beskryf en verklaar kan word. Waar nodig, word aanpassings aan die betrokke meganismes voorgestel.
Kizu, Mika. "Unbounded dependencies in cleft constructions." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64589.pdf.
Full textDelin, Judith Lesley. "Cleft constructions in discourse." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6599.
Full textBotha, Morne. "Die interne struktuur van die komplementeerdersisteem in Afrikaans." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2114.
Full textThis study focuses on the internal structure of the CP in Afrikaans. Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP Hypothesis serves as the starting-point; however, careful consideration is also given to the more recent proposals of Beninca’ and Poletto (2004). The aim of the study is to determine whether the proposals of Rizzi (1997) and Beninca’ and Poletto (2004) provide an adequate framework for the description of the CP-domain in Afrikaans. The study is presented within the theoretical framework of Minimalist Syntax. Specific adaptations to the Split-CP Hypothesis are suggested throughout the course of the discussion in an attempt to make the Split-CP Hypothesis compatible with the facts of Afrikaans. Finally, attention is also given to three problematic issues in Afrikaans that require further investigation.
Hu, Yuxiu Lucille, and 胡玉秀. "The acquisition of English articles by Mandarin-speaking learners: an optimality-theoretic syntax account." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46482738.
Full textPereira, Antonia Alves. "Estudo morfossintatico do Asurini do Xingu." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270869.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta tese é um estudo da morfossintaxe da língua Asuriní do Xingu (família Tupi- Guaraní), falada pelos asuriní que residem no Posto Indígena Kwatinemu, no município de Altamira, estado do Pará. A análise pretendeu dar uma visão geral da língua e apresentar aspectos socioculturais de seu povo. Dessa forma, além da morfologia e da sintaxe, partes centrais da tese, procuramos também apresentar a fonologia no nível segmental, pois essa parte era essencial para a continuidade do estudo da língua nos níveis morfológicos e sintáticos. Em conformidade com nossos objetivos, a tese encontra-se dividida em seis capítulos. O capítulo 1 trata de aspectos históricos e socioculturais do grupo, o 2 trata da fonologia no nível segmental, o capítulo 3 discute as classes de palavras da língua, apresentando os critérios para a sua divisão. O capítulo 4 trata de fenômenos relacionados a subconstituintes da oração, nele são discutidos aspectos como a marcação de caso na língua, a oposição nome /verbo x argumento/ predicado, além disso, é mostrada a estrutura dos sintagmas nominal e verbal da língua. O capítulo 5 trata das orações independentes e de como é feita sua classificação. E o capítulo 6 trata das sentenças complexas, que compreendem as coordenadas e as subordinadas.
Abstract: This thesis is a study of the morphosyntax of the Asuriní of Xingu language (Tupi-Guarani family), spoken by the Asuriní who reside at the Posto Indígena Kwatinemu in the municipality of Altamira, Pará State, Brazil. Chapter 1 summarizes the historical and sociological background of the group. Chapter 2 presents the segmental phonology of the language. Chapter 3 discusses word classes and gives criteria for class division. Chapter 4 deals with phenomena related to sentence constituents, including case marking, the noun/verb vs. argument/predicate opposition, and the structure of noun and verb phrases. Chapter 5 deals with independent clauses and their classification. Chapter 6 describes coordination and subordination in complex sentences. Complex sentences are classified into sub-types, and their morphological and syntactic structure is described.
Doutorado
Linguas Indigenas
Doutor em Linguística
Bryant, Doreen. "Koordinationsellipsen im Spracherwerb die Verarbeitung potentieller Gapping-Strukturen." Berlin Akad.-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2845731&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
Full textSu, Kim Nam. "Statistical modeling of multiword expressions." Connect to thesis, 2008. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/3147.
Full textOur goals in this research are: to use computational techniques to shed light on the underlying linguistic processes giving rise to MWEs across constructions and languages; to generalize existing techniques by abstracting away from individual MWE types; and finally to exemplify the utility of MWE interpretation within general NLP tasks.
In this thesis, we target English MWEs due to resource availability. In particular, we focus on noun compounds (NCs) and verb-particle constructions (VPCs) due to their high productivity and frequency.
Challenges in processing noun compounds are: (1) interpreting the semantic relation (SR) that represents the underlying connection between the head noun and modifier(s); (2) resolving syntactic ambiguity in NCs comprising three or more terms; and (3) analyzing the impact of word sense on noun compound interpretation. Our basic approach to interpreting NCs relies on the semantic similarity of the NC components using firstly a nearest-neighbor method (Chapter 5), then verb semantics based on the observation that it is often an underlying verb that relates the nouns in NCs (Chapter 6), and finally semantic variation within NC sense collocations, in combination with bootstrapping (Chapter 7).
Challenges in dealing with verb-particle constructions are: (1) identifying VPCs in raw text data (Chapter 8); and (2) modeling the semantic compositionality of VPCs (Chapter 5). We place particular focus on identifying VPCs in context, and measuring the compositionality of unseen VPCs in order to predict their meaning. Our primary approach to the identification task is to adapt localized context information derived from linguistic features of VPCs to distinguish between VPCs and simple verb-PP combinations. To measure the compositionality of VPCs, we use semantic similarity among VPCs by testing the semantic contribution of each component.
Finally, we conclude the thesis with a chapter-by-chapter summary and outline of the findings of our work, suggestions of potential NLP applications, and a presentation of further research directions (Chapter 9).
Johns, Kenneth W. Jr. "Toward managing & automating CyberCIEGE scenario definition file creation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1669.
Full textThe CyberCIEGE project seeks to create an alternative to traditional Information Assurance (IA) training and education approaches by developing an interactive, entertaining commercial-grade PC-based computer game/virtual laboratory. CyberCIEGE will provide a robust, flexible and extensible gaming environment where each instance of the game is based on a fully customizable scenario. These scenarios are written in the CyberCIEGE Scenario Definition Language. Unfortunately, the trade-off for flexibility, extensibility and fully customizable scenarios is syntax complexity in the scenario definition language. This thesis will solve this real world problem by showing that the complexity of scenario definition language syntax can be managed through a software tool. This thesis will develop such a tool and further demonstrate that progress can be made toward automating scenario generation.
Civilian, Federal Cyber Service Corps, Naval Postgraduate School
Antonelli, André Luís 1980. "O clitico se e a variação enclise/proclise do Portugues Medio ao Portugues Europeu Moderno." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269036.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: No Português Europeu, do século 16 ao 19, é atestado em textos escritos que a ênclise e a próclise podem co-ocorrer no contexto sintático das orações afirmativas finitas não-dependentes XP-V, sendo XP um sintagma de natureza [+ referencial]. Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa (2005) já observaram que, até por volta de 1700, o uso da próclise é quantitativamente maior que o da ênclise. No entanto, a partir do início do século 18, começa a haver uma inversão nessa proporção, de tal modo que, no Português Europeu Moderno, os mesmos contextos que outrora admitiam a colocação proclítica apresentam agora a ênclise de maneira categórica. Em textos escritos antes do século 18, Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa já notaram que a opção pela ênclise está fortemente associada ao uso do clítico se. Elas mostram que, em textos dos séculos 16 e 17, um alto percentual de ênclise em sentenças sujeito-iniciais tipicamente traduz-se em uma alta proporção da ordem ?sujeito + verbo + clítico se?. Esse mesmo paradigma, porém, não é observado para os textos dos séculos 18 e 19, já que, nos textos escritos por autores nascidos após 1700, a distribuição da ênclise com se e com os outros clíticos é muito mais balanceada. Dada essa particularidade no fenômeno da colocação de clíticos do Português Europeu envolvendo o pronome se, procuro investigar, dentro do quadro teórico da gramática gerativa, a dinâmica da alternância ênclise/próclise especificamente em sentenças com esse clítico entre os séculos 16 e 19, buscando entender melhor em que circunstâncias a ênclise aparece e como isso se relaciona com o clítico se.
Abstract: In European Portuguese, from the 16th to the 19th century, it is noticed that, in written texts, enclisis and proclisis may co-occur in non-dependent affirmative sentences XP-V, XP being a [+ referential] phrase. Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa (2005) already observed that, up to about 1750, the use of proclisis is quantitatively higher than that of enclisis. However, from the beginning of the 18th century on, an inversion of this proportion started to occur in such a way that, in Modern European Portuguese, enclisis is categorical in all those contexts where the proclitic placement was allowed earlier. In texts written before the 18th century, Galves, Britto & Paixão de Sousa already noticed that the enclitic choice is strongly correlated with the use of the clitic se. They show that, in 16th and 17th century texts, a high rate of enclisis in subject-initial sentences typically translates into a high proportion of the word order ?subject + verb + clitic se?. However this same paradigm is not observed in relation to the 18th-19th century texts since, in the texts written by authors born after 1700, the distribution of enclisis with se and with other clitics is much more balanced. Given such particularity of the clitic-placement phenomenon in European Portuguese involving the clitic se, I try to investigate, within the theoretical framework of the generative grammar, the dynamics of enclisis/proclisis variation specifically in this kind of sentence between the 16th and 19th century, trying to improve the understanding about the circumstances in which enclisis arises and how it relates to the clitic se.
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestre em Linguística
Prost, Jean-Philippe. "Modelling Syntactic Gradience with Loose Constraint-based Parsing." Phd thesis, Université de Provence - Aix-Marseille I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00352828.
Full textNous suggérons d'élargir au langage mal formé les concepts de Gradience Intersective et de Gradience Subsective, proposés par Aarts pour la modélisation de jugements graduels. Selon ce nouveau modèle, le problème que soulève la gradience concerne la classification d'un énoncé dans une catégorie particulière, selon des critères basés sur les caractéristiques syntaxiques de l'énoncé. Nous nous attachons à étendre la notion de Gradience Intersective (GI) afin qu'elle concerne le choix de la meilleure solution parmi un ensemble de candidats, et celle de Gradience Subsective (GS) pour qu'elle concerne le calcul du degré de typicité de cette structure au sein de sa catégorie. La GI est alors modélisée à l'aide d'un critère d'optimalité, tandis que la GS est modélisée par le calcul d'un degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale. Quant aux caractéristiques syntaxiques requises pour permettre de classer un énoncé, notre étude de différents cadres de représentation pour la syntaxe du langage naturel montre qu'elles peuvent aisément être représentées dans un cadre de syntaxe modèle-théorique (Model-Theoretic Syntax). Nous optons pour l'utilisation des Grammaires de Propriétés (GP), qui offrent, précisément, la possibilité de modéliser la caractérisation d'un énoncé. Nous présentons ici une solution entièrement automatisée pour la modélisation de la gradience syntaxique, qui procède de la caractérisation d'une phrase bien ou mal formée, de la génération d'un arbre syntaxique optimal, et du calcul d'un degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale pour l'énoncé.
À travers le développement de ce nouveau modèle, la contribution de ce travail comporte trois volets.
Premièrement, nous spécifions un système logique pour les GP qui permet la révision de sa formalisation sous l'angle de la théorie des modèles. Il s'attache notamment à formaliser les mécanismes de satisfaction et de relâche de contraintes mis en oeuvre dans les GP, ainsi que la façon dont ils permettent la projection d'une catégorie lors du processus d'analyse. Ce nouveau système introduit la notion de satisfaction relâchée, et une formulation en logique du premier ordre permettant de raisonner au sujet d'un énoncé.
Deuxièmement, nous présentons notre implantation du processus d'analyse syntaxique relâchée à base de contraintes (Loose Satisfaction Chart Parsing, ou LSCP), dont nous prouvons qu'elle génère toujours une analyse syntaxique complète et optimale. Cette approche est basée sur une technique de programmation dynamique (dynamic programming), ainsi que sur les mécanismes décrits ci-dessus. Bien que d'une complexité élevée, cette solution algorithmique présente des performances suffisantes pour nous permettre d'expérimenter notre modèle de gradience.
Et troisièmement, après avoir postulé que la prédiction de jugements humains d'acceptabilité peut se baser sur des facteurs dérivés de la LSCP, nous présentons un modèle numérique pour l'estimation du degré d'acceptabilité grammaticale d'un énoncé. Nous mesurons une bonne corrélation de ces scores avec des jugements humains d'acceptabilité grammaticale. Qui plus est, notre modèle s'avère obtenir de meilleures performances que celles obtenues par un modèle préexistant que nous utilisons comme référence, et qui, quant à lui, a été expérimenté à l'aide d'analyses syntaxiques générées manuellement.
Poortvliet, Marjolein. "Perception and predication : a synchronic and diachronic analysis of Dutch descriptive perception verbs as evidential copular verbs." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:71136ea5-67a8-4a76-ad8d-e0c26e820c45.
Full textGonçalves, Solange Aparecida 1960. "Aspecto no Kaingang." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268995.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A presente dissertação avalia a pertinência do emprego da noção de Aspecto para definir a função desempenhada por um conjunto de partículas oracionais finais na língua Kaingang (família Jê, tronco Macro-Jê). Essa língua indígena é falada no Brasil Meridional em uma população de cerca de 30 mil pessoas. Para tanto, apresenta-se uma revisão da abordagem teórica dos fatos lingüísticos comumente classificados na categoria de Aspecto, destacando as distintas visões do fenômeno, muitas vezes tomado em perspectivas divergentes em diferentes autores. Ressalta-se, por exemplo, a distinção - para alguns teóricos, clara e necessária; para outros, inexistente ou sem grande utilidade - entre Aspecto e Acionalidade ('Aktionsart'). Há resenhas da bibliografia sobre a língua Kaingang, destacando as obras em que o tema foi abordado ou mencionado de algum modo. Finalmente, analisa-se um 'corpus' produzido, em sua maior parte, por dados colhidos diretamente em campo em função dessa pesquisa (uma parte dele, no entanto, é constituído de dados emprestados de outros trabalhos de pesquisa). A partir desses dados, sugerem-se hipóteses sobre a função de tais partículas, apontando, em algumas, efetivas funções aspectuais, mas em outras, uma função modal ou uma perspectiva de evidenciar Acionalidade
Abstract: This dissertation evaluates the relevancy of using the notion of Aspect to define the function performed by a set of final phrasal particles in the Kaingang language (Jê family, Macro-Jê stock). This aboriginal language is spoken by a population of about thirty thousand people in Southern Brazil. For this, a revision of the theoretical approach of the linguistic facts usually classified as Aspect's category is presented, detaching the distinct viewpoints about the phenomenon, many times taken in divergent perspectives by different authors. It's standed out, for example, the distinction - for some theoreticians, clear and necessary; for others, inexistent or without much use - between Aspect and Actionality ('Aktionsart'). There are bibliography summaries on the Kaingang language, detaching the workmanships where the subject boarded or was mentioned in some way. Finally, it is analyzed a set of data that, in its bigger part, was produced in field investigation specially applied for this research (a part of it, however, is constituted of borrowed data of other works of research). From these data, hypotheses are suggested on the function of such particles, concluding, in some cases, that they have effective aspectual functions, but in others, they suggest a modal function or a perspective of evidencing Actionality
Mestrado
Mestre em Linguística
Kovitz, David Immanuel. "Looking into phrasal verbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2362.
Full textLopes, Ana Luiza Araújo. "A ênclise em orações dependentes na história do Português Europeu (Séc. 16 a 19)." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269029.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: A dissertação investiga a ênclise em orações dependentes na história do PE - entre os séculos 16 e 19. A colocação pronominal é um dos assuntos mais estudados da língua portuguesa, mas sempre priorizando as orações principais finitas onde há grande variação na colocação dos clíticos, com a mudança gramatical ocorrida no século 18 (Galves, Brito e Paixão de Sousa 2005, Galves, Namiuti e Paixão de Sousa2005; Paixão de Sousa, 2004). As orações dependentes sempre foram consideradas como contexto de próclise categórica. No entanto, nos dados extraídos do Corpus Histórico Tycho Brahe, apesar da predominância proclítica, foram atestados dados de ênclise em dependentes. A ênclise ocorre em orações dependentes nas gramáticas do Português - Clássico e Europeu moderno- sempre que há pelo menos um constituinte entre o complementador e o verbo. A ênclise ocorre em todo o período - Português Clássico ao Português Europeu moderno - em vários tipos de oração: relativas, completivas, dependentes iniciadas em porque. Mostro ainda que há uma estabilidade ao longo do tempo na colocação de clíticos em orações dependentes, ao contrário do que acontece nas orações principais A pergunta a ser respondida foi: como estas duas gramáticas geram a ênclise nas dependentes? Analiso o fenômeno com base no CP expandido de Rizzi (1997), e ainda retomando a proposta de Galves e Sandalo 2009 para a colocação de clíticos no PCl e no PE
Abstract: The aim of this work is to investigate the enclisis on subordinate clauses in the history of the European Portuguese. The clitic placement is one of the most popular subjects about the Portuguese language, but these researches always focus on the main clauses, there is a large variation on the clitics placement, after the language change around 18 century (Galves, Brito e Paixão de Sousa 2005; Paixão de Sousa 2004). The subordinate clauses were always considered as categorical proclisis context. Nevertheless, despite the high rates of proclisis on subordinates clauses, there are enclisis data from Tyhco Brahe Parsed Corpus of historical Porutuguese. The enclisis is only possible on subordinate clauses in Classical Portuguese and European Portuguese, when there is at least on constituent between the complement and the verb. The enclisis occurs in all type of subordinate clauses: relatives, completives, dependent clauses beginning with porque (because), during all the period - from Classical Portuguese to European Portuguese, and there are a stability during time. The aim of this work was to answer the question: How these two grammar produce the enclisis on subordinates? The phenomena was analyzed based on expanded CP proposed by Rizzi (1997), and the proposal from Galves and Sandalo (2009) for clitic placement on Classical Portuguese and European Portuguese
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestre em Linguística
Toyota, Junichi. "Diachronic change in the English passive /." Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780230553453.
Full textCamacho, Ramírez Rafael Martín 1966. "El clítico se aspectual y causa = O clítico se aspectual e causa." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270965.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta tese tem como objetivo principal dar conta do assim chamado Se aspectual no espanhol, especificamente no dialeto falado na cidade de Lima. Fundamentalmente tem tido duas aproximações para explicar ao clítico: semântico-aspectual e sintático. Neste trabalho trata-se de combinar as duas perspectivas através da hipótese de que há um nó Causa nas construções com o clítico aspectual. Baseados nos trabalhos de Pylkkänen (2002, 2008) postulamos que o espanhol é uma língua voice-bundling e root-selecting, isto é, os nós Causa e Voice aparecem juntos, fundidos, e Causa seleciona diretamente a uma raiz que será verbalizada. Construções com o Se aspectual com verbos como Morir(se) ou Beber(se) seriam casos de um processo de causativización (opcional) do verbo. Para a parte aspectual, baseamos-nos no trabalho de de Miguel y Fernández (2000). As autoras argumentam que as construções com o Se aspectual têm duas fases. A segunda fase, que inclui a culminação do evento e a mudança do estado, é focalizada pelo clítico Se. Na tese trata-se de fazer equivaler essas duas fases com os eventos causante e causado, respectivamente. A análise, por outro lado, ajudará a mostrar qual é a função do clítico Se e qual posição ocuparia na sintaxe; especificamente, postulamos que o clítico é um reflexivo que se geraria no Sv, adotando a hipótese base-generated dos clíticos. Também se pretende no trabalho dar conta de maneira exaustiva de todos os contextos verbais nos que aparece o clítico em questão: com verbos inacusativos e transitivos
Abstract: This thesis has like main aim give account of the called aspectual Se in Spanish, specifically in the dialect spoken in the city of Lima. Fundamentally there have been two approaches to explain to the clitic: semantic-aspectual and syntactic. In this work, I try to combine the two perspectives through the hypothesis that there is a Cause node in the constructions with the aspectual clitic. Based in the Pylkkänen's work (2002, 2008), I posit that the Spanish is a voice-bundling and root-selecting language, this is, the Cause node and Voice appear together, merged, and Cause selects directly to a root that will be verbalize. Constructions with the aspectual Se with verbs like Morir (Die) or Beber (Drink) would be cases of a optional causation process of the verb. For the aspectual part, I have based in the de Miguel and Fernández (2000) work. The authors argue that constructions with the aspectual Se have two phases. The first phase is the process (or equivalent) expressed by the verb. The second phase, that includes the culmination of the event and the change of state, is focalized by the clitic. In the thesis, I treat to be equivalent these two phases with the causing event and caused event, respectively. The analysis, on the other hand, will help us to elucidate the function of the Se, and which position would occupy in the syntax; specifically, I posit that the clitic is one reflexive that would have been generated in the Sv, adopting the base-generated hypothesis of the clitics. Also I pretend in this thesis give account, of exhaustive way, of all the verbal contexts in which the clitic appears: with unacussative, inergative, and transitive verb
Mestrado
Linguistica
Mestra em Linguística
Malinga, Bongiwe Bernadette. "A semantic and syntactic analysis of break and bend verbs in Zulu." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52131.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The subject of this study is Break and Bend verbs in isiZulu, which can be classified as verbs of change of state. This study examines the semantic as well as the syntactic analysis of these verbs of change of state in Zulu. Semantically Bend verbs are divided into verbs denoting the bending of body parts, e.g: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, and verbs that denote the bending of body parts as well as physical objects, e.g. goba, qethuka/qethula as shown in the sentences below: Indoda igobe ucingo The man bent the wire. Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda The man bent the head backwards. Inkosikazi igobe amadolo The woman bent the knees. Uthe qethu isigxobo He made the pole bend backwards. The study will demonstrate that Break verbs are semantically divided into verbs denoting break or fracture, e.g. aphula/aphuka; those denoting "break off" e.g. nqamuka/nqamula; a verb denoting "to smash", e.g. fahlaza/fahlaka; those denoting " crack", e.g. chachamba, verbs meaning "to tear", e.g. dabula/dabuka; verbs denoting "to demolish", e.g. bhidliza/bhidlika and verbs denoting "to break open", e.g. havuka I havula. Syntactically, Break predicates may occur as ideophones, which are ergative with transitive/intransitive alternation, e.g. aphulaj aphuka, In addition, Break predicates may consist of ideophones with verbal suffixes: [-k-] is the suffix of intransitive ideophone [-I-] or [-z-] is the suffix of transitive ideophone Intransitive ideophone: Intambo ithe nqamu The rope broke Intransitive verb with [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile The rope broke Transitive ideophone: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo The man broke the rope Transitive verb with [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. The man broke a rope Transitive verb with [-z-]: Indoda iphoqoze intambo. The man broke a bone The study demonstrates that with Bend verbs there are two ergative verbs, namely thoba and goba. -- The study further demonstrates that Bend verbs are mostly intransitive with a shadow argument; there is an ideophone qethu, which takes the transitive / intransitive alternation with the suffix [-k-] for the intransitive and [-1-] for the transitive alternation, respectively. The study provides evidence that Break and Bend verbs are characterised by specific selection restrictions as well as event structures. Some alternations were also investigated in the study, such as the Possessive alternation and Instrument-Subject alternation. Lastly, the Lexical conceptual paradigm and the Lexical Inheritance Structure of each verb were examined.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onderwerp van hierdie studie is Breek en Buig werkwoorde in isiZulu, wat geklassifiseerword as werkwoorde van toestandverandering. Hierdie studie ondersoek die semantiese en die sintaktiese analise van die werkwoordtipe van toestandverandering in isizulu. Buigwerkwoorde word semanties ingedeel in werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdeleaandui, byvoorbeeld: thoba, khothema, qomfa, bhena, guqa, vosho, en werkwoorde wat die buig van liggaamsdele sowel as die fisiese objekte aandui, byvoorbeeld: goba, qethuka/qethula, soos aangedui word in die sinne hieronder: Indoda igobe ucingo Die man het die draad gebuig Indoda ithe qethu ikhanda Die man het sy kop agteroor gebuig Inkosikazi igobe amadolo Die vrou het (haar) knieë gebuig Uthe qethu isigxobo Hy het die paal agtertoe gebuig. Hierdie studie toon aan dat Breek-werkwoorde semanties ingedeel kan word in werkwoorde wat "breek" aandui, bv. aphula/aphuka: werkwoorde wat "afbreek" aandui, bv. nqamuka/nqamula; werkwoorde wat "flenters breek" aandui, bv. fahlaza/fahlaka; werkwoorde wat "bars" aandui, bv. chachamba, werkwoorde wat "skeur" aandui, bv. dabula/dabuka; werkwoorde wat "ruineer" aandui, bv. bhidliza/bhidlika en werkwoorde wat "oopbreek" aandui, bv. havuka/havula. Breek-predikate kan sintakties as ideofone verskyn, wat ergatief (ergative) is met 'n transitief/intransitief alternasie, bv.. aphula/aphuka. Voorts kan Breek-predikate ook verskyn as ideofone met werkwoordagtervoegsels: [-k-] is die suffiks van die intransitiewe ideofoon [-1-] of [-z-] is die suffiks van die transitiewe ideofoon Intransitiewe ideofoon: Intambo ithe nqamu Die tou het gebreek Intransitiewe werkwoord met [-k-]: Intambo inqamukile Die tou het gebreek Transitiewe ideofoon: Indoda ithe nqamu intambo Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met [-1-]: Indoda inqamule intambo. Die man het die tou gebreek Transitiewe werkwoord met l-e-l: Indoda iphoqoze umlenze Die man het die been gebreek Die studie toon aan dat met Buigwerkwoorde, twee ergatiewe werkwoorde gevind is, naamlik thoba en goba. Die studie toon ook aan dat Buigwerkwoorde meestal intransitiewe werkwoorde is wat met 'n skadu-argument verskyn. Daar is 'n ideofoon qethu, wat die transitief/intransitief alternasie vertoon met die suffiks [-k-] vir die intransitief en [-I-] vir die transitief alternasie, respektiewelik Die studie bied bewys daarvoor dat Breek- en Buigwerkwoorde gekenmerk word deur seleksiebeperkings en gebeure ('event') strukture. Sommige alternasies is ook ondersoek in die studie, byvoorbeeld die Possessief alternasie en Instrument-Subjek alternasie. Laastens, is die leksikaal-konseptuele paradigma en die Leksikale-erwingstruktuur van elke werkwoord ondersoek.
Hjálmarsson, Guðmundur Andri. "What if? : an enquiry into the semantics of natural language conditionals." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/949.
Full textFranks, Steven Laurence. "Matrices and indices some problems in the syntax of case /." 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13104110.html.
Full textEggert, Randall. "Disconcordance : the syntax, semantics, and pragmatics of or-agreement /." 2002. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3060208.
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