Journal articles on the topic 'Governors – Hong Kong'

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1

Chai, Ying. "Governmental Attitudes towards the Development of HK (1984–2022): A Corpus-Based Discourse Study." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 10, no. 1 (2024): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2024.10.1.474.

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This study aims to provide an account of the governmental attitudes of former Hong Kong Governors and the Hong Kong (HKSAR) Chief Executives. Two large corpora have been built to explore the keyword-in-context data and do a linguistic analysis of them. It is argued that combining the methods and theories in critical discourse analysis, appraisal theory, and semantic prosody can generate more illuminating findings concerning attitudes in political discourse.
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2

Cole, Jonathan R. "Academic freedom under fire." Science 374, no. 6573 (December 10, 2021): 1300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abn5447.

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Academic freedom is under fire across the world—from Hong Kong, where the Chinese government’s crackdown on open discussion has spurred an exodus of scholars from universities, to the United States, where there is a rising tide of anti-intellectualism and assaults on free inquiry. The effort to undermine this cornerstone of American democracy has been driven by former President Trump and his administration, members of Congress, state governors, and legislators. Alas, it also comes from faculty and students on the ideological right and left, and even from some presidents of the country’s research universities. These are powerful forces that must be overcome.
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3

Yam, Kai Chi, Joshua Conrad Jackson, Christopher M. Barnes, Jenson Lau, Xin Qin, and Hin Yeung Lee. "The rise of COVID-19 cases is associated with support for world leaders." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 41 (September 24, 2020): 25429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2009252117.

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COVID-19 has emerged as one of the deadliest and most disruptive events in recent human history. Drawing from political science and psychological theories, we examine the effects of daily confirmed cases in a country on citizens’ support for the political leader through the first 120 d of 2020. Using three unique datasets which comprise daily approval ratings of head of government (n= 1,411,200) across 11 world leaders (Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Mexico, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and weekly approval ratings of governors across the 50 states in the United States (n= 912,048), we find a strong and significant positive association between new daily confirmed and total confirmed COVID-19 cases in the country and support for the heads of government. These analyses show that political leaders received a boost in approval in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, these findings suggest that the previously documented “rally ‘round the flag” effect applies beyond just intergroup conflict.
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4

Tong, Ruijie. "The Formation and Practical Dilemma of Hong Kong's Executive-Led System from the Perspective of British Colonial History and Policy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/4/20220361.

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Hong Kong, as a particular administrative region of China, practices a very different system from that of mainland China, in which Hong Kong practices an executive-led approach in the distribution of government power. The formation of this system has very much to do with the more than 150 years of British colonial rule and its policies in Hong Kong. The focus of this paper is how Britain, as the suzerain state, exerted its influence on the colony and eventually made Hong Kong an executive-led system. Also, this study examines the dilemma of the executive-led system in Hong Kong today and the reasons for the hole's formation. This paper finds that Hong Kong's Executive-led system is essentially an extension of the Governor's system. It is the result of the influence of various policies during the British colonial rule in Hong Kong
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5

Shaoyang, Lin. "Hong Kong in the Midst of Colonialism, Collaborative and Critical Nationalism from 1925 to 1930." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744409.

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In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links.
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6

Flowerdew, John. "Discourse and social change in contemporary Hong Kong." Language in Society 25, no. 4 (December 1996): 557–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500020819.

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ABSTRACTThis article documents discursive and social change currently taking place in contemporary Hong Kong during the transitional period leading up to the change of sovereignty from Britain to China. It does so by means of a detailed analysis of a political meeting, involving the British Hong Kong governor, Chris Patten, and members of the Hong Kong public. The meeting took place in October, 1992, a day after Patten introduced proposals to widen the democratic franchise. Patten used the meeting, the first time a Hong Kong governor had made himself openly accountable to the public at large, to demonstrate the sort of democratic discourse for which the reform proposals were designed to create a framework.The analysis focuses on two main ways Patten highlighted the democratic nature of the discourse: the use of mise en abyme, or a “play within a play” structure, and the downplaying of overt markers of hierarchy and power asymmetry. Although Patten's aim was to demonstrate openness and accountability, his ultimate control of the discourse belied the democratic agenda he ostensibly promoted. The analysis consequently also focuses on the manipulative dimension of Patten's discourse. The conclusion considers to what extent the meeting might mark a real shift to a more democratic order of public discourse in Hong Kong. (Discourse analysis, power and language, social change, indexicals, involvement, manipulative discourse, mise en abyme, order of discourse, political discourse, turn-taking).
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7

Siu-Kai, Lau, and Kuan Hsin-chi. "Partial Democratization, “Foundation Moment” and Political Parties in Hong Kong." China Quarterly 163 (September 2000): 705–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000014624.

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Before the late 1980s, political parties were unknown phenomena in colonial Hong Kong. Since then measures of democratization initiated by the British in anticipation of their withdrawal in 1997 made available a portion of political power for public contest. The democratic reforms initiated by Chris Patten, the last colonial governor of Hong Kong, accelerated party formation and competition in the last few years of British rule.
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8

Tambling, J. "The History Man: The Last Governor of Hong Kong." Public Culture 9, no. 3 (April 1, 1997): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-9-3-355.

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9

Wilson, Lord, and George Pottinger. "Sir Henry Pottinger: The First Governor of Hong Kong." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 2 (1998): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760989.

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10

Miners, N. J. "Plans for Constitutional Reform in Hong Kong, 1946—52." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039862.

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Hong Kong has never taken the path of constitutional development towards democratic self-government followed by the rest of Great Britain's colonial empire. In 1984 the Legislative and Executive Councils were still composed entirely of officials and unofficials nominated by the Governor without a single elected member, just as they have been for the past 140 years. This anomalous position has commonly been justified in two ways: the official explanation is that there have been no demands for democratic institutions voiced by the people of Hong Kong; unofficially ministers and officials have claimed that the People's Republic of China objects to free elections and Britain has found it expedient to give heed to China's views. This has never been publicly and unambiguously admitted by any Minister of the Crown while in office to avoid diplomatic embarrassment, but a large number of comments and replies to parliamentary questions can be quoted which leave little doubt that this is in fact the case. It seems that the Chinese People's Government has always equated democratic constitutional advance in Hong Kong with moves to grant independence to the territory and so has imposed her veto on any changes which might preclude the future resumption of Chinese sovereignty. But now that Britain has formally declared her intention to restore the whole of Hong Kong to China in 1997 China has in turn declared that after 1997“The legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by elections,” and is apparently prepared to waive her longstanding objections to democratic developments in the intervening 12 years before Hong Kong reverts to Chinese sovereignty.
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11

Yu, Andrew C. K. "WAS GOVERNOR MACLEHOSE A GREAT ARCHITECT OF MODERN HONG KONG?" Asian Affairs 51, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 485–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2020.1798608.

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12

Sui, Jiajia. "Diversidade linguística e cultural na Grande Baía Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau: políticas e perspetivas." Études romanes de Brno, no. 2 (2023): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/erb2023-2-20.

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A Grande Baía Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau tem atraído atenção dos estudiosos de diversas áreas nos últimos tempos. No entanto, há poucos estudos que se debrucem sobre as situações linguísticas e culturais nessa região chinesa. Levando em consideração a insuficiência deste tipo de investigação, neste trabalho, pretendemos retratar um percurso da evolução da situação sociolinguística na Grande Baía Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau e averiguar as políticas que as autoridades têm implementado a fim de promover o ambiente multilinguístico e multicultural com base na convivência. Conclui-se que apesar de serem complexas as relações entre as línguas e culturas na Grande Baía Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau, estas coexistem de forma harmoniosa. Para além disso, levando em consideração as interações linguísticas e culturais, os governos da Grande Baía dedicam os esforços para contribuir para o desenvolvimento sustentável de línguas e de culturas e transformar essa área em ponte entre o Oriente e o Ocidente.
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13

Belim, Célia, and Artur Simões. "Estão Representados Mediaticamente, Logo Existem: Protestos de Hong Kong em 2019 no Correio da Manhã e no Jornal de Notícias." Comunicação e Sociedade 42 (December 16, 2022): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.42(2022).4001.

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Este artigo pretende entender como o Correio da Manhã (CM) e o Jornal de Notícias (JN) representam os protestos de Hong Kong entre 31 de março e 29 de novembro de 2019, conhecendo a agenda que envolve a sua representação e identificando os enquadramentos. Recorrendo à análise de conteúdo, os resultados sugerem uma perspetiva sobretudo neutra de ambos os jornais, denotando-se ligeira inclinação pró-governo do JN e pró-democracia do CM. Também há diferença na seleção de fontes: o JN incluiu fontes em quase 75% das suas notícias, preferindo fontes anti- protesto, ao passo que o CM convocou fontes em quase 60% das suas peças, com tendência para selecionar fontes pró-protesto. Contudo, nota-se, nos dois jornais, a descrição de um cenário violento quer dos manifestantes quer do governo. As causas dos protestos são quase inteiramente atribuídas ao governo ou a indivíduos de Hong Kong, sendo raras as atribuições a elementos externos. É também atribuída a Hong Kong e aos seus cidadãos a responsabilidade pela solução dos protestos. Encontra-se uma descrição tendencialmente negativa tanto do governo como, de forma menos acentuada, dos manifestantes. Apuram-se relações estatisticamente significativas entre jornal e fonte; jornal e menção das causas do protesto; fontes e descrição do comportamento dos manifestantes; descrição do comportamento dos manifestantes e menção das causas do protesto.
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14

Yep, Ray. "The 1967 Riots in Hong Kong: The Diplomatic and Domestic Fronts of the Colonial Governor." China Quarterly 193 (March 2008): 122–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000076.

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AbstractThis article examines the dynamics behind the Hong Kong colonial government's policy during the 1967 riots, a turning point in the colony's development. Starting as an industrial dispute, it soon erupted into a major crisis that prompted the British to consider evacuation from the territory. While the Governor, David Trench, was preoccupied with the colossal task of maintaining order on the domestic front, his success was heavily dependent on his progress on the “diplomatic front.” His perception of British interests did not always resonate with the views of the British diplomats in China. This article argues that the prevalence of Trench's proposed policy of firm suppression of local communists over the accommodating approach, suggested by the British diplomats in Beijing, was a result of his success in persuading the officials in London of the greater utility of his proposal in preserving British interests. The limited options available to Britain and Trench's shrewdness in exploiting the sovereign's uncertainty over the future of China contributed to the Governor's success in swaying the opinions of officials in London.
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15

Cahyani, Tinuk Dwi, Muhamad Helmi Md. Said, and Muhamad Sayuti Hassan. "Comparative Analysis of The Effectiveness of Punishment Over Corruption in Indonesia and Hong Kong." Journal of Educational and Social Research 13, no. 5 (September 5, 2023): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2023-0140.

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This research aims to compare the effectiveness of punishment imposed on corruption as a crime in Indonesia and Hong Kong. The normative method was employed by conducting library research in the process of data searching, where the authors read and studied the primary and secondary research data. The analysis result concludes that Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 31 of 1999 on Corruption Eradication and Law Number 20 of 2001 on the Amendment to Law Number 31 of 1999 on Corruption Eradication and Law Number 30 of 2002 on Corruption Eradication Commission deal with corruption crimes. Moreover, Indonesia establishes an official body particularly intended to deal with corruption investigations, the Corruption Eradication Commission (henceforth referred to as KPK). In comparison, Hong Kong also governs corruption cases using the Independent Commission Against Corruption Ordinance, Prevention of Bribery Ordinance, and the Elections (Corrupt and Illegal Conduct) Ordinance. Further, Hong Kong has Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) as an institution fully authorized to investigate corruption cases. The KPK and ICAC share a similar strategic model but employ different ways of execution. From the effectiveness of the law perspective, Hong Kong seems to demonstrate a more effective approach since the real and deterring sentence is directly imposed on the case to encourage others to think twice before committing corruption. The sentencing in Hong Kong was once lambasted and condemned since it was perceived as violating human rights, but it seems to be the only way for Hong Kong to eradicate corruption effectively. This research recommends that another amendment to Law Number 20 of 2001 on Corruption Eradication. Received: 4 February 2023 / Accepted: 15 July 2023 / Published: 5 September 2023
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16

May, Anthony, and XiaoLu Ma. "Hong Kong: Changing Geographies of a Media Capital." Media International Australia 124, no. 1 (August 2007): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712400115.

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Thanks to its stunning entry into the ranks of world cinema in the 1970s, the history of the Hong Kong film industry up to 1997 is relatively well known. However, the coincidence of the Asian economic recession and the city's reintegration into the People's Republic of China (PRC) has worked to obscure recent developments. This article analyses contemporary Hong Kong cinema and its relations with the government of the mainland. We argue that the economic, cultural and geopolitical location of the city is contributing to developments that will allow the art cinema of the People's Republic of China to engage in international, Hollywood-dominated markets. Matters to do with production investment, censorship and film exhibition business are analysed in terms of the development of and revisions to the Closer Economic Partnership arrangement that now governs trade between the PRC and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).
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17

Gittings, John. "The last governor: Chris Patten and the handover of Hong Kong." International Affairs 73, no. 4 (October 1997): 833–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624539.

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18

Copithorne, Maurice, and Jonathan Dimbledy. "The Last Governor: Chris Patten & the Handover of Hong Kong." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 3 (1998): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761428.

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19

Chou, Bill. "Local Autonomy in Action: Beijing's Hong Kong and Macau Policies." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 3 (September 2013): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200303.

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This paper investigates how Beijing governs its two special administrative regions (SARs) of Hong Kong and Macau through leverages on their local autonomy. First, a conceptual analysis of local autonomy will be provided. Local autonomy is more than a zero-sum game between the central and local authorities over how much power should be granted or taken from the local authorities; it also concerns the space for cultural expression and the use of local customs in public administration. Second, the degree of local autonomy in Hong Kong and Macau will be critically examined. On paper, both SAR governments are able to freely make decisions on a wide range of policies. In practice, however, Beijing has the absolute authority to override the decisions of Hong Kong and Macau. It is argued that the autonomy in cultural expression can compensate for the institutional constraints on the two SARs’ decision-making power and is thus able to alleviate public discontent – as long as the constraints do not conflict with the people's core values and ways of life.
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20

Fabrício, Sarah, Denize Minatti Ferreira, and José Alonso Borba. "ENFRENTAMENTO AOS IMPACTOS DA COVID-19: GOVERNOS LIDERADOS POR MULHERES APRESENTAM MELHOR RESPOSTA EM PREVENÇÃO A PANDEMIA?" Revista Gestão Organizacional 14, no. 1 (December 29, 2020): 390–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.22277/rgo.v14i1.5754.

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A partir do fim de 2019 teve início o surto de COVID-19, a epidemia, com epicentro em Wuhan, na China, que até então afetou mais de 56 milhões de pessoas no mundo. Desde o início, se constatou que determinados países mostravam respostas mais positivas no combate à doença e se percebeu que alguns deles eram liderados por mulheres, como a Nova Zelândia, a Noruega, a Dinamarca, a Alemanha, dentre outros. Assim, o artigo tem como objetivo, comparar as práticas de prevenção à COVID-19 em países liderados por mulheres. Quanto à metodologia, a pesquisa é descritiva e a coleta de dados foi feita por meio de pesquisa documental e a amostra consiste nos 30 países com maior Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) do mundo e o Brasil, por ser um dos países mais afetados pela doença. Os resultados sugerem que dos 31 países da amostra, entre os 10 com menores números absolutos de casos de COVID-19, 5 deles são governados por mulheres: Nova Zelândia, Hong Kong, Grécia, Estônia e Islândia. Dos 10 países com menor contágio, 4 deles são liderados por mulheres: Hong Kong, Nova Zelândia, Grécia e Estônia. Presume-se então que as líderes mundiais do gênero feminino parecem ter realizado melhor trabalho de enfrentamento contra a COVID-19.
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21

Law, Sau-wai. "Upholding parental responsibility by family mediation: revisiting the role of the law for children in divorce in Hong Kong." Public Administration and Policy 24, no. 3 (October 15, 2021): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-08-2021-0045.

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PurposeThis paper aims to analyse the different requirements of Practice Direction 15.10 (which governs the process of family mediation in Hong Kong) and Practice Direction 31 (which governs the process of general mediation in Hong Kong), and to highlight the need to incorporate the spirit of family mediation into legislation to better protect children’s interest in a family dispute.Design/Methodology/approachThe paper reviews and compares the content on Practice Direction 15.10 and Practice Direction 31 issued by Chief Justice of the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal, and adopts interpretative and analytical approaches to evaluate their impact.FindingsIn an effort to promote parental responsibility-based negotiation in divorce proceeding, a missed opportunity in enacting the Children Proceedings (Parental Responsibility) Bill in 2015 might be a blessing in disguise as it offers another chance for policy makers to consider how to direct parties to negotiate and communicate, to seek and benefit from professional guidance on a continuous basis, and to seek alternative channels to resolve disputes other than the court room. The policy and the law advocating a switch from a “rights-based” to “responsibility-based” approach in handling children’s matters should be revisited by incorporating the spirit of family mediation into legislation.Originality/valueAnalyses are conducted through direct contextual review and documentary research. This paper conducts literal analysis of court guidance and unveils policy implications for the general public. It would be of interest to judicial officers, scholars and government officials concerning children’s rights and parental responsibility in divorce proceedings.
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22

Cheng, Thomas K. "Competition Law Enforcement in the Television Broadcasting Sector in Hong Kong: Past Cases and Recent Controversies." World Competition 33, Issue 2 (June 1, 2010): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2010023.

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This article reviews the competition law regime in the television broadcasting sector in Hong Kong. This regime governs one of the only two sectors in Hong Kong subject to competition law enforcement until the government promulgates a cross-sector competition law. The article begins with an overview of the state of competition in the sector, highlighting trends in recent development that are relevant to competition law enforcement. This is followed by an examination of the two main competition provisions in the Broadcasting Ordinance and the guidelines issued by the Broadcasting Authority, the sectoral regulator. It argues that one of the greatest flaws in the provisions is their designation of the downstream market as the relevant market, hence exacerbating the limitations of a sectoral regime. This article continues with a critical review of the existing decisional practices, focusing on the regulator’s treatment of market definition, predatory pricing, and causation. It argues that the regulator has largely failed to apply rigorous analysis to these issues and has adopted an overly stringent standard for causation. It concludes with an analysis of a recent controversy in the sector – the dominant terrestrial broadcaster’s alleged imposition of exclusivity on artists, which prevent these artists from appearing on rival channels.
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23

Briones, Leah. "Rights with Capabilities: Towards a Social Justice Framework for Migrant Activism." Studies in Social Justice 5, no. 1 (July 21, 2011): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v5i1.995.

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The paradigm of rights, established throughout the academic, policy and migrant activism arenas, governs the protection of vulnerable migrant workers against abuse. To what extent this approach has achieved social justice for the migrant worker in the current global political economy climate is, however, uncertain. In analyzing the use of rights in migrant activism in Hong Kong, this paper shows the limitation of rights in the migrant experience at the same time as it shows how a new paradigm based on the Capablities Approach could provide a more appropriate framework from which to achieve social justice for the migrant worker.
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Flowerdew, John. "Rhetorical strategies and identity politics in the discourse of colonial withdrawal." Identity Politics 1, no. 1 (August 16, 2002): 149–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.1.09flo.

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Skilful use of the rhetorical tropes which typify the language of serious political occasions — described here as “rhetorical weight” — is closely associated with charismatic political leaders. This paper studies the political rhetoric of a skilled exponent of the art, Chris Patten, the last British colonial governor of Hong Kong, and shows how he used rhetorical weight to promote his political agenda. Detailed analysis of four segments of Patten’s political oratory, spread over the period of his five-year term of office, highlights his heavy use of the tropes of metaphor, antithesis, parallelism, actualisation, and the unities of time, place and action. The paper demonstrates how the use of these tropes related to Patten’s overall political goals and their manipulative nature within the context of his discursive construction of Britain’s imperial/national history and identity.
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25

Yep, Ray. "The crusade against corruption in Hong Kong in the 1970s: Governor MacLehose as a zealous reformer or reluctant hero?" China Information 27, no. 2 (July 2013): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x13482244.

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Jacinto Junior, Flavio Gomes, and Lucas César Pelegrini de Sousa. "A evolução do Sistema Jurídico Chinês e as influências exercidas pelos sistemas Jurídicos Ocidentais." Zi Yue 2, no. 01 (August 14, 2022): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2675-4614.v2i01p81-93.

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O presente artigo pretende abordar em aspectos gerais a evolução do sistema jurídico chinês ao longo dos seus mais de 3.000 anos de história, enfatizando as principais alterações ocorridas nos últimos dois séculos, principalmente no que tange à influência de sistemas jurídicos ocidentais na construção do que hoje se compreende sobre o sistema jurídico chinês. Após breve introdução que contextualiza as principais influências da filosofia chinesa na construção de seu ordenamento jurídico, dividimos este trabalho em cinco fases: 1) Final do período imperial; 2) República; 3) Governo nacionalista; 4) O período Mao Zedong, e, por fim, 5) Deng Xiaoping e a abertura de mercado. Ademais, tratamos também das regiões autônomas, Macau e Hong Kong, que possuem respectivamente sistemas civil law e common law, e que divergem em pontos fundamentais do regime legal autoritário do Partido Comunista Chinês.
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27

Chan, Ming K. "The Last Governor: Chris Patten and the Handover of Hong Kong. Jonathan Dimbleby. [London: little, Brown, 1997. xvi pp. £22.50.0-316-64018-2." China Quarterly 151 (September 1997): 659–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000046889.

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28

Martins, Rui, and Jorge Rangel. "encontros no sul da China e a atual presidência da AULP da RAEM, China." Revista Internacional em Língua Portuguesa, no. 30 (April 8, 2021): 81–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31492/2184-2043.rilp2016.30/pp.81-113.

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Apesar dos estudos universitários em Macau terem uma tradição que remonta a 1594 – com a fundação pelos jesuítas do antigo Colégio Universitário de São Paulo, a primeira universidade de cariz ocidental na China, cuja fachada é ainda hoje o mais famoso “ex-libris” do território e a peça fundamental do edificado que foi classificado pela UNESCO como Património Mundial em 2005 – eles sofreram uma longa interrupção desde o século XVI e até à criação em 1981 da Universidade da Ásia Oriental – UAO, universidade privada com o terreno concedido pelo governo, que marcou o início do ensino superior moderno em Macau. Durante os primeiros anos após o estabelecimento da UAO, os alunos, na sua maioria, eram provenientes de Hong Kong. Posteriormente, a então administração portuguesa de Macau, atendendo à necessidade de formar recursos humanos locais para o período de transição (1987-1999, de acordo com a Declaração Conjunta Luso-Chinesa), e antes da transferência da soberania do Território para a China, procedeu à aquisição da UAO através da Fundação Macau, em 1988.
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29

HYUN, Jaehwan. "The Emergence and Development of Hygienic Masks in Colonial Korea." Korean Journal of Medical History 31, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 181–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2022.31.181.

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This paper examines the social life of masks in colonial Korea with a focus on their use in hygienic practices. It argues that masks first appeared in the disease control scene in late 1919 when the Governor-General of Korea belatedly introduced preventative measures against the Spanish Influenza pandemic. Since then, the central and regional hygiene authorities had begun to encourage colonial Koreans to wear masks whenever respiratory disease epidemics transpired. Simultaneously, Korean doctors and news reporters framed mask-wearing as something needed for family hygiene, particularly for trans-seasonal child health care, and advised colonial Korean women to manage and wear masks. This paper also reveals that the primary type of masks used in colonial society was black-colored Japanese respirators. Its design was the main point of contention in the debates on the effectiveness of masks against disease infection. Finally, it also highlights that the wide support of using masks by medical doctors and authorities was not based on scientific evidence but on empirical rules they developed through the pandemic and epidemics. The mask-usage practice would be challenged only when South Korean doctors reframed it as a “Japanese custom not grounded on science” at the height of postcolonial nationalism and the raised concern about the artifact’s usefulness during the Hong Kong Influenza pandemic of 1968.
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30

So, Albert, S. M. Li, H. S. Kuok, David Chan, and T. F. Poon. "Development of a comprehensive car safety gears testing procedure for low- to medium-speed lifts in Hong Kong." Building Services Engineering Research and Technology, June 8, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01436244241259096.

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Operation of the safety gears is the last means of protecting passengers in a high-speed or even freely falling lift car. EN81-20 stipulates that the average retardation when the safety gears are engaged should lie between 0.2 g n and 1.0 g n while g n is the gravitational acceleration. Decades ago, in Hong Kong, to conduct a formal test on the safety gears, the car was fully loaded and the machine brake was manually released to allow the car fall freely until the overspeed governor triggered the engagement of the safety gears. This test was rather vigorous to both the gear jaws and the guiderails. Recently, tests have been conducted with 125% in-car load while the car travels under an inspection (or levelling) speed and the governor is manually triggered. Such a revised test, though much less vigorous, may not be able to verify the average retardation as required. Even a test with full load and free-falling may not reveal the whole truth by merely measuring the resulting contact scratches on the guiderails because a majority of the retardation could have been assisted by the counterweight via the suspension ropes. A method that involves an empty car traveling downward at 1 m/s with the governor manually triggered was first developed in Germany. This method has been improved to form a comprehensive procedure as detailed in this article so that a no-load rated speed, or slightly reduced speed, test is conducted, which is almost non-invasive or much less vigorous. By calculation, the average retardation when all suspension ropes are broken can be estimated. Cross-checking in our experiments revealed the validity of this procedure. The procedure also involves a test to verify the validity of parameters used to perform the estimation and takes care of some modern overspeed governors which cannot be manually triggered. It is hoped that this procedure could encourage maintenance professionals carry out safety gears tests more often to ensure a high safety standard. This comprehensive procedure could encourage more frequent tests on the car safety gears, which is almost non-invasive for manually triggerable overspeed governors or less vigorous for non-triggerable ones. An empty car traveling downward at rated speed, or at slightly reduced speed, is tested by manually triggering the governor while a partially loaded free-falling car is tested if the governor is not manually triggerable. Results can be used to estimate the average retardation of the lift car when all suspension ropes are broken. A pre-test is included to validate critical parameters necessary for the estimation. Experiments conducted so far were on the safety gears of low- to medium-speed lifts. For high-speed lifts beyond 4 m/s, that may be considered in the next stage of research. Although the title of this article includes the city where the procedure was developed, there is no reason why this testing procedure could not be extensively applicable to any traction lift systems around the world at such speed levels.
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31

Wang, Xiao Lu. "Meta-governance, uncertainty and self-organization in corporatist social service sectors: The case of Hong Kong." International Review of Administrative Sciences, January 19, 2023, 002085232211476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208523221147617.

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This article explores the relationship between meta-governance, uncertainty and governance network responses. A social network analysis was conducted on the interlocking directorate network among nonprofits before and after a market-oriented collibration triggered by a new public management reform to the corporatist social service provision system in Hong Kong. By unpacking and showing the distinct processes of network formation in response to substantive and strategic uncertainty arising from the market-oriented collibration, the study shows that although more nonprofit actors were directly included in the formalized policy venues after the reform, the network density and clustering coefficient dropped after the reform, potentially reducing the self-coordinating capacity of the governance network. However, for some nonprofit actors, node betweenness centrality increased and node degree centrality decreased, creating an enabling condition for adaption. Points for practitioners The uncertainties in meta-governance may bring about network processes at variance with the original intentions of public meta-governors that actors with complementary resources and competences combine their efforts in the provision of services and service innovation. To manage substantive and strategic uncertainties, public meta-governors need to find ways to increase the shared understandings of social problems, enhance the clarity of policy goals, and find a balance when collaborating between collaborative and market modes of governance.
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32

"Japan and East Asia: example, challenge and oppoirtunity." National Institute Economic Review 150 (November 1994): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019415000102.

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As part of our world economy programme at the Institute we are seeking to improve our understanding of the place of Pacific Asia in world trade and capital markets. This year, for example, we are contributing a paper on Hong Kong and Europe to an international study organised by the Institute of Developing Economies in Japan. Another focus of interest has been the role of direct investment by Japanese firms in the UK and elsewhere in Europe. This note reports on a discussion of current developments and topics for future research which took place at a meeting of the Members Forum on Monday 14th November. The meeting was attended by business leaders representing the corporate members of the Institute as well as Institute governors and staff. It is organised around the perception of Pacific Asia as seen from Europe or North America as example, challenge and opportunity.
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33

Luo, Lin, Zhao Meng, Weiwei Ma, Jingwen Huang, Youchang Zheng, Yang Feng, Yineng Li, Yonglin Liu, Yuanguang Huang, and Yuhang Zhu. "The second-generation real-time ecological environment prediction system for the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Marco Greater Bay Area: Model setup, validation, improvements, and online visualization." Frontiers in Marine Science 10 (February 27, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fmars.2023.1096435.

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With the rapidly growing population and socioeconomic development of the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Marco Greater Bay Area of China, inputs of diverse contaminants have rapidly increased. This poses threats to the water quality of the Pearl River Estuary (PRE) and adjacent seas. To provide valuable information to assist the governors, stakeholders, and decision-makers in tracking changes in environmental conditions, daily nowcasts and two-day forecasts from the ecological prediction system, namely the Coupled Great Bay Ecological Environmental Prediction System (CGEEPS), has been setup. These forecast systems have been built on the Coupled Ocean–Atmosphere–Wave–Sediment Transport modelling system. This comprises an atmospheric Weather Research Forecasting module and an oceanic Regional Ocean Modelling System module. Daily real-time nowcasts and 2-day forecasts of temperature, salinity, NO2 + NO3, chlorophyll, and pH are continuously available. Visualizations of the forecasts are available on a local website (http://www.gbaycarbontest.xyz:8008/). This paper describes the setup of the environmental forecasting system, evaluates model hindcast simulations from 2014 to 2018, and investigates downscaling and two-way coupling with the regional atmospheric model. The results shown that though CGEEPS lacks accuracy in predicting the absolute value for biological and biogeochemical environmental variables. It is quite informative to predict the spatio-temporal variability of ecological environmental changes associated with extreme weather events. Our study will benefit of developing real-time marine biogeochemical and ecosystem forecast tool for oceanic regions heavily impact by extreme weathers.
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34

"China Acts to Revoke Set of Hong Kong Laws; Move is Perceived as Threat to Civil Liberties." Foreign Policy Bulletin 8, no. 2 (April 1997): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600001416.

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35

Wong, Man Kong. "The language of power: the politics of translation between English and Chinese in early colonial Hong Kong." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, February 21, 2022, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186321000900.

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Abstract Although Chinese was not an official language in early colonial Hong Kong, translation between English and Chinese played a crucial role in daily life and politics. The first part of this article discusses the making of some important translated terms for government units and departments as well as foreign consulates in Hong Kong. In doing so, it accounts for different approaches in translation and lexical innovation, and their historical significance behind the making of newly translated terms. The second part of this article investigates salient features of the translation experiment initiated by Governor John Pope Hennessy (1834–1891; term of office: 1877–1882). The experiment aimed at strengthening the political legitimacy and colonial governability in Hong Kong. In return, the social standing of Chinese community leaders was duly recognised through their association with translation projects between English and Chinese, and the presentation of translated messages at important occasions hosted by Government House.
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36

Ji, Eugene Yu. "Performing as ways of knowing: Projects of legibility and state simplification in postcolonial Hong Kong." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, July 17, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jola.12434.

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AbstractThis paper explores the evolving, adaptive, and self‐making characteristics of how the Chinese state accesses and governs postcolonial Hong Kong, focusing on how the state develops ways of hegemonic simplification and projects of legibility through performances and political rituals. While drawing inspirations from Scott's classical concepts, the paper contends that the Chinese state's ways of knowing about Hong Kong are dynamic and performative rather than static and representative. The analysis identifies two primary models of state performativity in postcolonial Hong Kong. The first model, which emerged in the initial years after Hong Kong's reunion to China in 1997, focuses on semiotic mapping between sociolinguistic differentiation and sociopolitical boundary making through improvisational and interactional performance. The second model, which the state began to increasingly develop in the late 2000s, engages in a dialectic of boundary making and boundary breaking through scripted political rituals, aiming to both harmonize and subjugate the local within the state's cosmos. Broadly, this paper emphasizes the importance of viewing the state's performances and rituals as laminated and scalar processes and movements of knowledge making and re‐making across sociocultural and sociopolitical timespace.
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37

Chan, Fung. "Failure of the semi-authoritarian system: Losing ways of absorbing public voices into the post-handover Hong Kong government." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, December 3, 2021, 205789112110649. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20578911211064935.

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In the past decade, Hong Kong has undergone various large-scale protests, such as the 2014 Occupy Central and the 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests. One of the reasons for such popular grievance was that the government could not grasp the change in public sentiment and opinion. Before the handover, although the governor held the centralized power, the colonial authorities still had ways to collect public opinions to avoid departing from the citizens’ views. The model was called the ‘administrative absorption of politics’. The Chinese authorities attempted to preserve the original advisory system to depoliticize the policy-making process after the handover. This article contributes to the understanding of the development of the cooptation system in Hong Kong and its failure in the 2010s based on the insights of legislators. It also highlights the importance of participation and salient control in the cooptation system to balance public views in a semi-authoritarian society.
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38

Toh, Hai Leong. "Tokyo 1999 and Beyond." Kinema: A Journal for Film and Audiovisual Media, November 20, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/kinema.vi.893.

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VIGOROUS JAPAN: TOKYO 1999 AND BEYOND This year, several new films by young and energetic Japanese directors stood out at the Tokyo Festival (30 October - 7 November 1999), an 11-day event attended by almost 120,000 festival-goers. In his opening address (graced by Luc Besson's Joan of Arc) the Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara told the audience that "for the past few years, Japanese cinema has lost its vitality, but I hope this situation will be reversed from this film festival." Ishihara caused a stir when he veered from his prepared speech to suggest a change of festival location from outside the "hectic and crowded" Shibuya commercial district "to somewhere nicer, where there is more greenery and better facilities available." True enough but the reality is that most major film festivals, whether in Hong Kong, Pusan, Singapore, New York, or elsewhere, are held in large urban centres with the necessary...
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39

Li, Linqiu, Xin Fang, and Yun Fong Lim. "Asymmetric Information of Product Authenticity on C2C E-Commerce Platforms: How Can Inspection Services Help?" Manufacturing & Service Operations Management, January 27, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/msom.2023.1186.

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Problem definition: We consider a customer-to-customer (C2C) platform that provides an inspection service. Uncertain about product authenticity, a seller sells a product through the platform. Before purchasing, a buyer obtains a signal of the product authenticity from the product’s price set by the seller. The platform’s inspection service can detect a counterfeit with a probability. If the product passes the inspection, the platform sends it to the buyer and charges the seller a commission fee. Otherwise, the platform returns it to the seller and charges the seller a penalty fee. Methodology/results: We develop a two-stage game-theoretical model. In the first stage, the platform designs a contract specifying the commission and penalty fees. In the second stage, the seller signals the product authenticity by setting a price and the buyer decides whether to purchase it. This results in a contract design problem that governs a signaling game. We find that the effect of inspection is beyond merely detecting counterfeits. The inspection, even an imperfect one, changes the signaling game’s structure and incentivizes the seller whose product is likely authentic to sell through the platform. This can only be achieved by carefully choosing the commission and penalty fees. Moreover, a larger platform’s expected profit does not imply a larger commission fee or price in equilibrium. Under some mild conditions, the optimal commission increases but the optimal penalty decreases as the platform’s inspection capability improves. Managerial implications: The inspection service is not widely available among leading C2C platforms as it is considered imperfect and costly. Our study suggests that its benefit may be underestimated in practice. Moreover, the inspection can eliminate the seller’s information rent and generate more revenue for the platform. This paper provides guidance on how to set commission and penalty fees when the inspection service is provided. Funding: L. Li is supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 72071198] and the Hong Kong Polytechnic University Distinguished Postdoctoral Fellowship Scheme [Grant 1-YWC7]. X. Fang and Y. F. Lim are grateful for the support from the Lee Kong Chian School of Business, Singapore Management University [Maritime and Port Authority Research Fellowship and Retail Centre of Excellence Research Grant]. Y. F. Lim is supported by the Association of South-East Asian Nations Business Research Initiative Grant [Grant G17C20421], the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong [Grants 15501920 and 15501221], and the Key Program of National Natural Science Foundation of China [Grant 71931009]. Supplemental Material: The online appendices are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/msom.2023.1186 .
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40

"PREFACE." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1026, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 011001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1026/1/011001.

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ICSDI 2022 is the most dynamic, informative, inspirational, and innovative event organized by the Engineering College of Prince Sultan University (Riyadh, KSA). The 2022 conference focuses on the State of the Art and Practice in different sustainable development goals (SDGs), as one of the promising and trending Engineering disciplines, this field is still changing rapidly. Along with the diversity of presentations on challenging projects and research, ICSDI 2022 will feature multiple invited speakers on selected topics. The conference will include a wide range of knowledge-enhancing technical and panel sessions, short courses, and workshops. There are around 96 participants attending the conference in the opening ceremony and plenary sessions. They are from the United States, Germany, Canada, India, Brazil, Chile, China, Egypt, Russia, Georgia, Hong Kong and so on. The conference was held in hybrid, both physical and virtual mode due to covid19 restrictions in few countries. Around 18 participants attended in virtual mode. At this conference, we were greatly honored to have outstanding Keynote Speakers and Invited Speakers from different countries. They addressed the audience and shared their knowledge and rich experience in related fields. They are Prof. Dennis D. Truax from Mississippi State University, USA; Mr. Ziyad Alshiha, Group Chief executive of The Saudi Investment Recycling Company (SIRC), Saudi Arabia; Dr. Adam C. BOULOUKOS, The UNDP Resident Representative for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Eng. Turki Bukhari, Vice President, Assets & Facilities Management, Expro, Saudi Arabia; Mr. Raed Albasseet, Chief Environment and Sustainability Officer of the Red Sea Development Company & AMAALA; Eng. Fahad Al Ajlan, President, KAPSARC; Mr. Mark Mirza, Project Leader at Fraunhofer ISC, Germany; Ms. Mayssam Tamim, Assistant Resident Representative; Dr Ahmed Al-Darwish, Deputy Governor for Development, Economic Research & Policy Advocacy; Dr. Ahmad Alwosheel, Assistant Researcher at King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology (KACST); Eng. Mazin Albahkali, Executive Vice President Strategic Planning and New Business Development, Saudi Electricity Company (SEC), Saudi Arabia; Mr. Bandar Al Blehed Clients Relations Development Head -Saudi Exchange; Dr. Abdullah Alabdulkarem Executive Director of the Enablement Sector at the Government Expenditure and Projects Efficiency Authority (EXPRO); Eng. Waleed AlGhamdi, Associate Director, Smart City & Sustainability; Mr. Turki A. Alrowili, Spokesperson, Public Relations and Communication Director at National Development Fund; Dr. Ameer M. Al-Alwan, Advisory and Training Director, Center for Local Governance. There are 16 sub-sessions during the conference. The tracks of the conference include Manufacturing and Industrial Systems towards Sustainability, Sustainable Construction Technologies and Materials, Energy Sustainability: Challenges and Opportunities, Sustainable Urbanization and Smart Cities, Sustainability and Built Environment, Policies, Regulations and Economic Assessments towards SDGs. Attendees, paper presenters, keynote speakers, scholars and students have benefited in many ways from this conference. We would like to express our great appreciation to the organizers, members of the program committees and reviewers of ICSDI 2022 for their hard work. Without their participation, it would be impossible to hold ICSDI 2022 successfully and ensure the high quality of papers of the conference proceedings. We also would like to express our gratitude to the unbelievable number of authors for contributing their research results to the conference. List of Committees, Statement of Peer Review are available in this pdf.
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