Journal articles on the topic 'Government whip'
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1
Harahap, Asriani Zuriah, Yulianus Harefa, and M. Syafie’ie Siregar. "VIRTUAL DEBATE IN EFL CLASSROOM: IMPACTS ON THE STUDENTS’ SPEAKING SKILL." ELP (Journal of English Language Pedagogy) 6, no. 2 (July 10, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36665/elp.v6i2.410.
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The main objective of this study was to describe the implementation of virtual debate in teaching speaking and to identify students’ speaking skill improvement after being taught by using virtual debate. To achieve the objective of the study, a qualitative descriptive method was used. The data was gathered through debate speeches given by eight debaters from SMA Muhammadiyah 9 Kualuh Hulu. It includes the Opening Government team (Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister), the Opening Opposition team (Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Opposition), Closing Government (Government Member and Government Whip), and Closing Opposition (Closing Government and Closing Whip) taken from the practicing debate for 4 meetings. The data in this study were the transcription of debate activities. The steps taken in this analysis were collecting data by transcribing debate speeches into text, identifying improvisation and fluency, and concluding the analysis. The results showed that the improvisation and fluency of the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Leader of the Opposition, Government Member, Government Whip, Closing Government, and Closing Whip were in medium levels from the beginner level. In both improvisation and fluency levels, debate speeches showed considerable improvisation and fluency.
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Gyenes, Robert. "A Voluntary Cybersecurity Framework Is Unworkable- Government Must Crack the Whip." Pittsburgh Journal of Technology Law and Policy 14, no. 2 (May 23, 2014): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/tlp.2014.146.
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NYIKADZINO, DR TAWANDA, and PROF SHIKHA VYAS-DOORGAPERSAD. "Decentralisation and Central Government Control: Experiences from the Local Government Reform in Zimbabwe." African Journal of Governance and Development (AJGD) 11, no. 1.2 (November 3, 2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36369/2616-9045/2022/v11si2a1.
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Post-independence state-building in Africa was hinged on decentralisation reforms aimed at increasing the participation and involvement of the previously disenfranchised black majority in governance and development processes. There was a realisation that the inherited governance and development challenges could only be addressed through decentralisation. The qualitative desktop analysis of the relevant literature that was undertaken in the recent research, however, indicates that decentralisation reforms implemented by most African countries since gaining independence failed to achieve the intended results. Building on this trend, this article is guided by Falleti’s sequential theory of decentralisation and argues that the administrative, fiscal, and political decentralisation reforms implemented in Zimbabwe, rather than empowering the local people, further entrenched the central government’s grip on and control of local governments – centralisation and recentralisation through decentralisation/devolution. Authors argue that the reforms created avenues through which the central government could micromanage, whip, and sometimes, undermine local governments thereby suffocating their capacity to provide basic services. The reforms allowed the central government to deepen its patronage networks. Keywords: Centralisation, Decentralisation, Devolution, Recentralisation, Zimbabwe
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Rovine, Arthur W. "Memorandum to Congress on the ICC from Current and Past Presidents of the Asil." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (October 2001): 967–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674656.
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Late last year, in a letter to Congressman Tom DeLay, majority whip of the House of Representatives, twelve former high government officials expressed their support for a bill introduced by Senator Jesse Helms in June 2000, entitled "American Servicemembers' Protection Act."1 The bill, if enacted, would prohibit any agency of the U.S. government from cooperating with the international criminal court (ICC), and proscribe U.S. military assistance to any nation that becomes a party to the treaty of Rome,2 with the exception of NATO members and certain other allied countries.
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Brentford, Viscount. "In Favour of Keeping Sunday “Special”." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, no. 6 (January 1990): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x0000079x.
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When the Shops Bill was defeated at its Second Reading in the House of Commons in the early hours of 15 April 1986, Mrs Thatcher is believed to have said that a “mercy killing” had been performed. The Bill had run into considerable difficulty under a weight of public opposition, coming at the time of some disarray in the Government, following the Westland and Leyland controversies and the resignation of two Cabinet Ministers. It was only the second time since 1924 that a Government Bill had been defeated at Second Reading, and was caused by 72 Government backbenchers defying a three-line whip and voting with the opposition.
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Bartosh, A. A. "Western carrot and whip Diplomacy for Serbia." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 22, 2023): 421–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2305-05.
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The multi-vector policy of the Serbian leadership makes it possible to maintain a delicate balance of relations with the West and the East — the European Union and Russia. Serbia, as a key country in the Balkan region, is experiencing tremendous pressure from Euro-American "well-wishers" to join the anti-Russian sanctions and sign the peace plan proposed by France and Germany to normalize the situation in Kosovo and Metohija. Serbia is successfully diversifying its relations with Russia and with other countries outside the Western bloc. At the same time, Belgrade in certain areas is forced to follow the policy of the collective West. This is done largely in connection with pragmatic goals — obtaining economic benefi ts from ties with EU countries and the West in general, adhering to such values and actively promoting them. At the same time, in order to speed up the process of subordinating Belgrade to the demands of Washington and Brussels, a hybrid war is already being waged against Serbia today with the threat of unleashing a proxy war and a color revolution. The eff orts of external and internal opponents of the current leadership of Serbia and its political line to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country form the necessary and suffi cient conditions for the use of modern strategies and technologies of interstate confrontation. The proxy war strategy provides for the possibility of using the self-proclaimed “Republic of Kosovo” as a proxy agent for the US and NATO for a military attack on Belgrade. At the same time, preparations are underway for a coup d'état in the course of a color revolution in order to bring to power a government manipulated by the West. Practical recommendations are given for organizing a rebuff to hybrid aggression.
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Kadir Ahmad, Abd. "The Whip Law, Implementing Shari’a Formalization at Local Community: The Case Of Padang Village In Bulukumba, South Sulawesi." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 2.29 (May 22, 2018): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i2.29.13644.
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Indonesia experienced a major change after the reformation. Various new religious organizations emerged followed by the movement of formalization and politicization of religion. The regions seem to compete in issuing Shari'a regulations. Even the formalization of the religion is not only applicable at the district level but also in certain areas have reached the village level in the form of Muslim Villages. One of the Muslim Villages in South Sulawesi is the Muslim Village of Padang in Bulukumba District. This village makes a Village Regulation on the Law of Whip. The aim of the research is to understand the existence, sustainability and the supporting factors of the caning law. The research finds the implementation of Whip Law as one of the instruments supporting the implementation of Islamic Shari’a in Padang Village only runs at the beginning of its enactment. Some of the factors causing the failure of the step are changes in leadership and priority program differences by local leaders, political competition at the village government level and lack of cultural support from the local community.
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Henriksen, Helle Zinner, and Jan Damsgaard. "Dawn of E-Government – an Institutional Analysis of Seven Initiatives and Their Impact." Journal of Information Technology 22, no. 1 (March 2007): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jit.2000090.
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Most countries have defined strategies for e-government. The objectives for implementing e-government are often defined but the means for fuelling the adoption and diffusion of e-government are typically less well clear in the policy statements. The present study assesses the impact of latest Danish initiative implemented to stimulate e-government adoption. The e-Day initiative simply yet powerfully states that ‘one governmental authority has the right to demand that its communication with another authority must be in electronic format’ which is expected to create ripple effects both internally and externally. The e-Day initiative represents a drastic change in the former policy statements concerning IT adoption and diffusion in Danish government. The policy statements had previously been based on voluntary adoption focusing on visions and pedagogical intervention in governmental agencies, but the e-Day initiative marked a departure from that strategy and the carrot has been exchanged by the whip, and the voice is imperative.
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Fadlia, Faradilla, Ismar Ramadani, Siti Nur Zalikha, and Maghfira Faraidiany. "Eksekusi Hukuman Cambuk Saat Pandemi: Standar Ganda Pemerintah Aceh Terhadap Kebijakan Larangan Kerumunan." Journal of Governance and Social Policy 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/gaspol.v4i1.30992.
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This paper will discuss how the implementation of whipping execution continues in Aceh even during the COVID-19 pandemic. This shows how the Aceh government continues to implement Islamic law through the law of caning rather than maintaining health and safety by avoiding crowds, considering that this law has requirements to be carried out in public and displayed. In other words, the caning is still carried out in open spaces even though it is stated that they have complied with health protocols. The hypothesis of this paper is that the Government has a double standard against the crowd prohibition policy. The government issued a ban on the community to congregate, but in the implementation of this whip execution, the government actually attracted the people to assemble in public places through the implementation of the caning law in public spaces. The method used is qualitative with literature studies and interviews. This research will be conducted in Banda Aceh, Aceh.
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Putra, Fajar Adi. "IMPLEMENTASI PERATURAN GUBERNUR ACEH NOMOR 5 TAHUN 2018 DI KABUPATEN ACEH TIMUR." Suloh:Jurnal Fakultas Hukum Universitas Malikussaleh 9, no. 1 (August 7, 2021): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/sjp.v9i1.4801.
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Aceh is a province in Indonesia that applies Islamic law in law enforcement, not infrequently in law enforcement in East Aceh District by prosecutors experiencing obstacles in applying Aceh Governor Regulation No. 5 of 2018 for the perpetrators of Jarimah, so that the implementation up to now the Prosecutor is guided by the Aceh Qanun Number 7 of 2013 concerning Jinayat Procedural Law. This study aims to find out how the implementation of the Aceh Governor's Regulation No. 5 of 2018 by the Prosecutors in East Aceh District and why the implementation of the Aceh Governor's Regulation is experiencing obstacles. This study uses an empirical juridical approach to the research location in Lapi Class II B Idi, as well as using secondary data and primary data, then collecting data from literature, interviews and observations, and from the results of these data the data are arranged in a descriptive analysis. The conclusion of this study is that Aceh's Governor Regulation Number 5 Year 2018 cannot be implemented in Idi Class II B Prison, so that in carrying out the Prosecutor's whip uqubat based on Article 262 Aceh Qanun Number 7 of 2013, this is due to obstacles encountered by the Prosecutor in implement the Governor Regulation Number 5 of 2018, including the absence of facilities and infrastructure in Class II B Idi prison, the absence of Technical Instructions and Implementing Guidelines related to the implementation of Governor Regulation Number 5 of 2018 from the Aceh High Prosecutor Office and Class II B Idi Prison, the budget which is limited from the local government, will cause a commotion between prisoners, and the community does not know the whip, given the spirit of the whip is to give the effect of shame on the perpetrators and provide lessons for the community.
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Madhekeni, Alois, and Gideon Zhou. "Legal and Institutional Framework: The “Achilles Heel” Of Local Authorities and Raison D’etre of Ministerial Intervention in Zimbabwe." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 3 (July 28, 2012): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i3.2017.
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Centre-local relations have been an area of controversy in Zimbabwean local governance both as a discipline and as a practice. Local authorities have traded blows with central government particularly accusing the responsible Ministry of reducing them to spectators in their own field through excessive ministerial intervention. Meanwhile the ministry of local government has cracked the whip on local authorities accusing them of mismanagement and compromised service delivery. The independent media has described the scenario as a “Bloodbath” in local authorities. What appears to be misconstrued by many however is the fact that the governing legal and institutional framework of local governance in Zimbabwe provides room for the responsible Minister to legally enable or disable local authority administration. This governing framework has been and is still the “Achilles heel” of local authorities and the raison d’être of ministerial intervention in Zimbabwe.
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Dumbrell, John. "The Johnson Administration and the British Labour Government: Vietnam, the Pound and East of Suez." Journal of American Studies 30, no. 2 (August 1996): 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800027055.
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Recent accounts of Anglo-American relations in the mid-1960s revolve around the supposed existence of “deals” made between President Lyndon Johnson and Prime Minister Harold Wilson. The memoir of Edward Short, Wilson's Chief Whip, goes so far as to describe a “deal” done before the 1964 general election, whereby the US would support the pound in return for an undertaking not to devalue if a Labour Government were to be returned. Clive Ponting, Philip Ziegler and Ben Pimlott all accept that a “deal” or “secret agreement” — Pimlott's phrase — had been made by the early summer of 1965. The US would organise a multilateral rescue for the sinking pound, in return for British policies of deflation at home, retention of overseas military commitments, and (limited) support for the Vietnam war. The 1965 “deal” appears to have been reinforced during the sterling crisis of July 1966, only to come adrift in 1967. Wilson's own account has him rejecting the excessive demands accompanying an American sterling rescue in 1967, and devaluing as — in effect — an assertion of British sovereignty.
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Smyth, Peter. "‘The right flower to stick to’: the Unionist Party's questionable choice in 1959." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003631.
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In 1959 the Ulster Unionist Party (U.U.P.) abandoned the idea that relations between the government in Belfast and the two main parties in Westminster should be maintained with a semblance of impartiality. Hitherto, although the Unionist M.P.s at Westminster had taken the Conservative whip, overt criticism of Labour had remained comparatively muted, if only to ensure that those with socialist sympathies would remain under the Unionist umbrella rather than defect to the Northern Ireland Labour Party (N.I.L.P.). In the run-up to the 1959 Westminster general election, however, the U.U.P. not only made offers of unconditional support to the Conservatives, but accompanied them with disparagement of Labour policies and objectives. The logic of that choice was not only contrary to the experience of inter-governmental relations with London since 1945, it also carried a high risk at a time when key areas of the Northern Ireland economy were becoming dependent on support from the British government, and a Conservative victory in the election was by no means certain. It therefore raised the inter-related questions of whether relations with the Labour party had been so toxic, and whether the attitude of the Conservatives, who had been in government in Westminster for most of the decade, had been so benevolent as to justify abandoning the approach which formerly had prevailed. Support for the Conservatives was the U.U.P. default setting, but unless carefully managed, that support carried with it the danger of alienating the Labour party which, given the rotation of power at Westminster, was bound someday to form the government with which Northern Ireland ministers would have to work.
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Zorin, Artem. "The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia: Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Muslihudin, Muslihudin, Tri Wuryaningsih, Tyas Retno Wulan, Solahuddin Kusumanegara, Triana Ahdiati, and Purwono Purwono. "Waste Final Processing Site Based on Environment and Education in Banyumas, Central Java, Indonesia." E3S Web of Conferences 448 (2023): 03051. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202344803051.
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One of the environmental problems found in developing countries, including Indonesia, is the waste problem. Waste management is the authority of the district or city government. Banyumas Regency is one of the areas that has experienced waste problems because the Final Processing Site (FPS) for its waste was closed and residents refused. In 2018, the Banyumas district received the title of waste emergency. At that time, in almost every corner of the city, there were piles of dirty and stinking garbage. Since the incident, it seems to be a whip for the local government to fix the waste problem. At present it can be said that they have been relatively successful in managing their waste, even to the point where the motto is that waste management is environmentally sound and educational. Based on that, it is interesting to study how the efforts were made and the criteria so that they dare to declare it as environmental and environmental-based waste management. The method used in this research is qualitative with interactive analysis. The results of the research show that waste management has been based on the environment with evidence in the form of; sorting waste from the source, processing which results in reducing the volume of waste at the sub-district and village level, product diversification from waste, processing into Refuse Derived Fuel (RDF) to achieve what is called zero waste. It has educational value because in the process of changing waste management through public education widely, especially in urban areas and more specifically to workers who are involved in various waste processing sites. In addition, the success of Banyumas Regency in managing waste is often used as a comparative study destination or a vehicle for education from various other local governments.
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Gus Oka Ciptahadi, Ketut. "Multimedia Pembelajaran Pengenalan Tari Topeng Arsa Wijaya Berbasis Android." Jurnal Ilmiah Binary STMIK Bina Nusantara Jaya Lubuklinggau 5, no. 1 (April 5, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.52303/jb.v5i1.87.
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Topeng Arsa Wijaya dance is a dance that characterizes a king of Dalem as a king who holds the whip of government in the reign of the kingdom. The development of the topeng Arsa Wijaya dance is currently very rare, especially for teenagers. At schools such as SMA N 2 Amlapura, dance learning media is also limited to face-to-face and extracurricular, so it is difficult to introduce topeng Arsa Wijaya dance to students. Multimedia learning can be a solution to introduce dance and preserve Balinese culture, especially topeng Arsa Wijaya. The multimedia learning of topeng Arsa Wijaya's dance packaged in the Android operating system can make easier to introduce dance because it combines text, images, audio, video, and animation the information is more informative and interactive. This application is designed using the MDLC (Multimedia Development Life Cycle) method with Adobe Animate CC 2019 software using the ActionScript 3.0 programming language. Testing is done by black box testing and distributing questionnaires. Based on the implementation that has been done, it can be concluded that all buttons in the application are running well and the results of the questionnaire to 50 respondents get a score of 87.4% in the very good category.
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Yang, Hongxiong, and Yunpeng Wang. "Research on the Path of Manufacturing Enterprises Supply Chain Integration from the Configuration Perspective." Processes 9, no. 10 (September 29, 2021): 1746. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pr9101746.
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In digital transformation and development, supply chain integration has become a key strategy to improve supply chain synergy efficiency and enhance enterprise competitiveness. Based on the survey data of 185 manufacturing enterprises in Tianjin, the fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fs QCA) method is used to explore the synergistic mechanism of government policy, supply chain partnership, information sharing, risk avoidance, and intelligence degree on supply chain integration and the interaction among them. The results show that: (1) a single factor does not constitute a necessary condition for promoting supply chain integration, but the formation and development of supply chain partnership plays a universal role in promoting supply chain integration; (2) the “multiple concurrent” of five factors constitute the diversified configuration of a driving supply chain integration path, that is, the driving supply chain integration path has the characteristic of “all roads lead to the same destination”; (3) there is a “sharing” type, a “cooperative” type, and a “cooperative-sharing” type three equivalent path, whereby the formation of supply chain partnership can enhance the trust between manufacturing enterprises and suppliers and customers, increase the transaction frequency of upstream and downstream enterprises, and improve the cooperation efficiency. The utility model can effectively reduce the “long whip” problem caused by the information asymmetry, and improve the operational efficiency and stability of the whole supply chain. The purpose of this study is to inspire manufacturing enterprises in the context of digital supply chain integration to improve the collaborative efficiency of the supply chain.
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Dogo, Harun, David Sklar, and Chris Tausanovitch. "A Troika of Fellows." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (September 27, 2012): 815–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512001084.
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This year was an unusual one for the APSA Congressional Fellowship Program—three fellows were placed with the same congressional office. The fact that three fellows, each with very different backgrounds, were drawn to the Senate Finance Committee, says something about the unique role that the committee plays in congressional policymaking. As one of the “A”s of the four “Super-A” committees, along with Appropriations, Armed Services, and Foreign Relations, the Senate Finance Com-mittee is one of the committee assignments most sought after by Senators. Its vast policy jurisdiction enables members to affect many different parts of the economy, society, and government. In addition to Chairman Baucus, the majority membership of the committee includes chairs of six other committees: Senators John Kerry of Foreign Relations; Jeff Bingaman of Energy and Natural Resources; John D. Rockefeller of Commerce, Science, and Transportation; Debbie Stabenow of Agriculture and Forestry; Kent Conrad of Budget; and Chuck Schumer who serves both as chairman of the Rules Committee and the Democratic Policy and Communications Center. On the minority side, in addition to the ranking member, Senator Orrin Hatch, the panel includes three ranking members of other committees: Senators Chuck Grassley of Judiciary, Olympia Snowe of Small Business, and Mike Enzi of Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. They serve alongside with the Republican Whip Senator Jon Kyl, the Republican Conference Chair John Thune, and the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee Chairman John Cornyn of Texas. This concentration of senatorial experience testifies to the importance of the work undertaken by the Finance Committee.
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Amoah, Jewel, and Tom Bennett. "The Freedoms of Religion and Culture under the South African Constitution: Do Traditional African Religions Enjoy Equal Treatment?" Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001910.
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On Sunday, January 20, 2007, Tony Yengeni, former Chief Whip of South Africa's governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), celebrated his early release from a four-year prison sentence by slaughtering a bull at his father's house in the Cape Town township of Gugulethu. This time-honored African ritual was performed in order to appease the Yengeni family ancestors. Animal rights activists, however, decried the sacrifice as an act of unnecessary cruelty to the bull, and a public outcry ensued. Leading figures in government circles, including the Minister of Arts and Culture, Pallo Jordan, entered the fray, calling for a proper understanding of African cultural practices. Jody Kollapen, the Chair of the Human Rights Commission, said: “the slaughter of animals by cultures in South Africa was an issue that needed to be dealt with in context. Cultural liberty is an important right. …”That the sacrifice was defended on the ground of African culture was to be expected. More surprising was the way in which everyone involved in the affair ignored what could have been regarded as an event of religious significance. Admittedly, it is far from easy to separate the concepts of religion and culture, and, in certain societies, notably those of pre-colonial Africa, this distinction was unknown. Today in South Africa, however, it is clearly necessary to make such a distinction for human rights litigation, partly because the Constitution specifies religion and culture as two separate rights and partly because it seems that those working under the influence of modern human rights seem to take religion more seriously than culture.
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Minayev, Andriy, and Tatiana Minayeva. "Prečo sa vytratil „svet 60. rokov“? O príčinách úpadku mládežníckeho protestného hnutia druhej polovice 60. rokov v krajinách západnej Európy a USA." Acta historica Neosoliensia 26, no. 2 (February 2, 2024): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/ahn.2023.26.02.107-118.
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The article is about the reasons of the decline of the Western European and USA youth protest movement in late 60s of the 20th century. According to the authors, the main reasons for the decline of the Movement are: the spontaneity of the protests, the absents of the joint coordination of actions, mistrust political institutions, the narrowness and limitations of ideas and slogans). The change of attitude towards the youth by the government circles and public of the Western countries in the early 1970s played an important role in the minimization of protest activity. As the result of it was the development of a fundamentally new youth policy based on the “whip and gingerbread” method: on the one hand, there was a strengthening of the repressions against riots participants, and on the other hand, the involvement of youths representative into political, state, business and public institutions with the aim of integration began protest activists in public life. Finally, the new trends in the social and political development of the Western countries in early 1970s become the significant factor in the decline of the protest movement. Such trends included changes in economic, political and cultural interactions in countries of Western Europe and USA, in particular the deterioration of the economic situation, as well as the extension of the social elite at the expense of students and graduates of technical and economic faculties. Finally, the new trends in the social and political development of the Western countries in early 1970s becаme the significant factor in the decline of the protest movement, in particular the deterioration of the economic situation, as well as the expansion of the social elite at the expense of students and graduates of technical and economic faculties. This contributed to the further erosion of the social base of the protests and the focus of youth on their careers.
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Krug, Barbara, and Irene van Staveren. "Gender Audit: Whim or Voice." Public Finance and Management 2, no. 2 (June 2002): 190–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/152397210200200205.
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“Ethical auditing” is regarded as a new device for monitoring the behaviour of firms and governments. the best known example is the EU-guideline for eco-auditing which aims a monitoring compliance with “voluntary” environmental protection standards. Unlike eco-auditing which covers firms, “women's auditing” focuses on national budgets and the behaviour of governments. It is assumed that checking revenue and expenditure item-by-item gives a clearer picture about discrimination than merely looking at tax legislation or sectoral budgets. the first country where women's auditing became institutionalised was South Africa, quickly followed by Australia, Canada, and the labour government in the UK. The paper will give a descriptive analysis of women's budgets. It attempts to clarify in how far item-by-item monitoring does indeed help to overcome the specific asymmetric information problem at stake: Asymmetric information here, takes on the form of governments claiming that budgets are gender-neutral. the high individual search costs for getting access to budget proposals before they pass parliament in combination with the generally low representation of women in parliaments defines a formidable threshold for women. A further question to be addressed is whether or not an institution such as women's auditing can be an effective device in situations in which consumer/voters’ interest are hard to organise.
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Grishaeva, Lidiya. "Withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan: impact and influence on the national security of Russia." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2201-03.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the national security of Russia. The reasons that influenced the intensification of threats in connection with the events in Afghanistan are identified. The analysis of all the circumstances that caused the exacerbation of the situation in Afghanistan. The article convincingly shows that the main reason for the destabilization of the situation in Afghanistan was the ill-considered and poorly organized withdrawal of US and NATO troops from the country, which provoked a humanitarian catastrophe in the country. The author notes that over the 20 years of the US stay in Afghanistan, it has not been possible to solve urgent political and socio-economic problems, political stabilization has not occurred. The crisis worsened in the country, the official Afghan government, which held power for several decades with US military support, could not resist. The Taliban (banned in the Russian Federation) came to power in the country, with the support of the majority of the population, and in a non-military way. The author believes that it is now unclear whether the moderate Taliban, seeking to establish international contacts, will remain in power, or the radical terrorist Islamist elements of the Taliban movement (banned in the Russian Federation) will prevail, whose activities are to whip up a terrorist threat, impose radical Islamism, and spread drug trafficking, etc. Migration flows from Afghanistan will increase, among which suicide bombers can penetrate into other countries. All this is not only an internal affair of Afghanistan, but also poses a threat to overall international security. For the countries adjacent to Afghanistan — Russia, China, Iran, Pakistan, India, Central Asian countries and Turkey — a number of serious questions arose about the prospects for the development of the situation in Afghanistan, including significant threats to regional security: international terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime, support for extremist and separatist movements from the territory of Afghanistan, encouragement of radical Islamists in neighboring countries with the victory of the Taliban (banned in the Russian Federation), etc. Russia is making every effort to establish constructive cooperation with neighboring countries and the United States in order to resolve the Afghan crisis.
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Middleton, Alex. "Conservative politics and Whig colonial government, 1830–41." Historical Research 94, no. 265 (June 3, 2021): 532–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab008.
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Abstract This article explores Conservative critiques of Whig colonial rule in the 1830s. Its case is that imperial administrative and constitutional issues occupied a more prominent place in the Tories’ politics of opposition during the ‘decade of Reform’ than historians have assumed. Conservative writers and politicians styled themselves as vigorous defenders of imperial integrity, colonial constitutions, and the colonial church, against the incoherent centralizing and liberalizing innovations of the Whigs. These arguments rested on wider assumptions about the inherent failings of Whiggism, Reformed government and the pernicious global consequences of ‘liberalism’. The article asks how these claims affect our understanding of Conservative politics after the Reform crisis, and reflects on the emergence of new forms of political engagement with issues of colonial government in early nineteenth-century Britain.
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Dziennik, Matthew. "‘Armailt làidir de mhilìsidh’: Hanoverian Gaels and the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745." Scottish Historical Review 100, no. 2 (August 2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2021.0514.
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In 1745–6, thousands of troops were raised in the Highlands and Islands in support of the house of Hanover. Often neglected due to the intense focus on Highland Jacobitism, these Gaels were instrumental in the defeat of the Jacobites. The study of pro-Hanoverian forces in the Gàidhealtachd tells us much not only about the military history of the 1745 rebellion but also about the nature of the whig regime in Scotland. In contrast to the ideological frameworks increasingly used to make sense of the Jacobite period, this article argues that pragmatic negotiations between the central government and the whig clans helped mobilise and empower regional responses to the rebellion. Exploiting the government's need for Gaelic allies in late 1745, Highland leaders, officers, and enlisted men used military service to shore up a nexus of political, financial and security imperatives. By examining the recruitment and service of anti-Jacobite Gaels, this article shows that—even in the epicentre of the rebellion—the Hanoverian state possessed important structural strengths that enabled it to confront the threat of armed insurrection. In so doing, the article reveals the political and fiscal-military networks that sustained whig control in Scotland.
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吳舒嵐, 吳舒嵐. "明代的軍站與站軍." 明代研究 39, no. 39 (December 2022): 071–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/160759942022120039003.
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<p>驛傳是中國古代官方的交通、通訊系統，其運營有民遞、軍遞等不同形式。到了明代，驛傳作為一種特殊的徭役，雖然主要從民戶中僉派，但有一類特殊驛夫，稱為站軍，其應役場所稱為軍站。儘管站軍承擔著與民驛夫類似的公文遞送、置辦鋪陳之責，但其戶籍歸屬於軍戶，行政管理上也隸屬「衛所─都指揮使司─五軍都督府」這一系統之內。這一現象的出現，與明初對於元代「諸色戶計」差役的調整密切相關。隨著衛所軍士的逃亡，以及民驛折銀化的出現，從嘉靖年間起，各地巡撫也開始從軍費或各府庫調撥專款，為軍站提供協濟，同時軍站內部也出現了少量的雇役因素。這一改革在維繫邊防一帶的驛遞系統之際，也使得明末「一條鞭法」的精神滲透入衛所系統中，軍站與民驛得以進一步合流。</p> <p> </p><p>The postal relay system in ancient China served as the official method of communication and transportation and included both civil and military delivery. In the Ming dynasty, the postal relay system created a new special corvée labour status. Even though the majority of the work was assigned to civilian households, there remained a special class of workers, called Relay Postal Personnel (zhanjun). This group worked at sites that were designated military postal stations. The postal personnel were responsible for the delivery of official documents and managed the distribution of supplies—similar to that of civilian households—yet their household registration fell under the jurisdiction of military households and fell under the government administration which subordinated them under the military garrison system—the Commander-in-Chief of the Military Command—the Five Chief Military Commissions. The emergence of this phenomenon was closely related to the adjustments made in the early Ming dynasty to the corvée labour system inherited from the Yuan Dynasty. After the garrison guards fled their posts, and the emergence of the tax system of ‘splitting the silver taels’ was instituted at the civilian postal stations, every provincial governor from the mid-Jiajing era onward began to transfer funds from military budgets and the government treasury to provide assistance to the military stations. At the same time, military postal stations experienced a shortage of hired labor. These reforms shored up the the courier system in border areas and extended the spirit of the ‘Single-whip Method’ of levying taxes to the Garrison (weisuo) system, military postal stations, and civilian postal stations which could thus all develop along the same trajectory.</p> <p> </p>
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Havard, John Owen. "Arbitrary Government: Tristram Shandy and the Crisis of Whig History." ELH 81, no. 2 (2014): 585–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/elh.2014.0015.
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Root, Hilton L. "The Redistributive Role of Government: Economic Regulation in Old Régime France and England." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 2 (April 1991): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017059.
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The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.
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Orr, D. Alan. "A Prospectus for a “New” Constitutional History of Early Modern England." Albion 36, no. 3 (2004): 430–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054367.
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The study of English constitutional history has fallen on hard times. Once an intellectually thriving field, constitutional history now conjures up visions of bad tweed and bow ties coupled with dryly-legalistic discussions of statutes, charters, parliamentary debates, Year Books, and legal reports. Indeed, whether Whig, Neo-Whig, Revisionist, or Post-Revisionist in orientation, constitutional history has traditionally concerned itself with the “activity of government”; it has emphasized the formal structures of government, their historical origins, their changing composition, their evolving roles, and functions. These formal structures, the Crown, Parliament, the Council, the established church, and the law courts, together constituted the sinews of government. Constitutional controversy arose when the respective roles and functions of these formal structures came into conflict. Accordingly, constitutional historians became experts on the anatomy and development of the particular organs of government and their changing roles yet they were often unable to see the broader conceptual forest in which they were standing. As a result, some critics have lampooned constitutional history and its leading proponents as lacking theoretical engagement and being overly preoccupied with the minutiae of government at the expense of conceptual sophistication and breadth of vision.
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MORI, JENNIFER. "THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE BOURBON RESTORATION: THE OCCUPATION OF TOULON, 1793." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 699–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007371.
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This article addresses the development of the British government's policy towards the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in France, which arose from the British occupation of Toulon from 28 August to 19 December 1793. The discussions conducted by prime minister William Pitt and foreign secretary Lord Grenville on the shape of Toulon's civil government under occupation clarify official British perceptions of an ‘ideal’ Bourbon monarchy in France. British thoughts on this subject were determined, not only by traditional English whig beliefs about the institutional foundations of political, constitutional and civil liberty, but also by consideration for the upheavals that the French Revolution had witnessed. Alhough Pitt and Grenville were interested in establishing a model government capable of healing the French social and political conflicts that had emerged since 1789, their deliberations on the fate of Toulon reveal that the French ancien régime was still a negative entity in British minds despite the advent of the French Revolution and Revolutionary Wars.
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Zuhra, Nadia Maulida. "PENERAPAN HUKUMAN CAMBUK BAGI PELAKU PELECEHAN SEKSUAL DALAM PERKARA JINAYAT DIHUBUNGKAN DENGAN JAMINAN AKAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA ATAS RASA AMAN DAN PERLINDUNGAN BAGI KORBAN." DiH: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 16, no. 2 (July 14, 2020): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dih.v16i2.3668.
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AbstractQanun Aceh Number 6 of 2014 Concerning Jinayat Law as part of the Indonesian state legal system is a statutory regulation thats equivalent to other provincial regional regulations governing the administration of government and the society’s life of Aceh. The Jinayat Law Qanun strictly regulates any actions that contrary to Islamic law. Sexual harassment as one of the jarimah that regulated in is also prohibited in the teachings of Islam which is threatened with several types of alternative punishment threats such as caning, imprisonment or fines. However, the tendency towards the application of caning in each rulings of the other jarimah that set out in the Jinayat Law Qanun has significant consequences for other forms of punishment, such as sexual harassment. The application of caning in several cases of sexual harassment is considered to be less effective for deterring the effect of perpetrators. That will have an impact on the survival of the victim after a criminal event occurs because after the execution of the whip or the execution of the decision carried out the defendant can directly and freely return to his daily life, while the situation is inversely proportional to the psychological and mental conditions of the victim as well as the vulnerability of repetition Jarimah that might happen to her. So that, the guarantee of the right to feel safe and protected as a human right for everyone without any exception as mandated in the 1945 Constitution will have a problem in its realization.Keywords: caning; jarimah; protectedAbstrakQanun Aceh Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 Tentang Hukum Jinayat sebagai bagian dari sistem hukum negara Indonesia merupakan peraturan perundang-undangan yang setara dengan peraturan daerah provinsi lainnya yang mengatur tentang penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dan kehidupan masyarakat Aceh. Qanun Hukum Jinayat mengatur secara tegas mengenai setiap perbuatan maupun tindakan yang bertentangan dengan syariat Islam. Pelecehan seksual sebagai salah satu jarimah yang diatur didalamnya merupakan perbuatan tercela yang juga dilarang dalam ajaran agama Islam yang dalam hal ini diancam dengan beberapa jenis ancaman hukuman alternatif seperti cambuk, penjara atau denda. Akan tetapi, kecenderungan terhadap penerapan hukuman cambuk pada setiap putusan akan jarimah yang diatur dalam Qanun Jinayat membawa konsekuensi yang cukup berpengaruh terhadap bentuk penjatuhan hukuman pada jarimah lainnya seperti pelecehan seksual. Penerapan hukuman cambuk pada beberapa putusan kasus jarimah pelecehan seksual dianggap kurang efektif guna menimbukan efek jera bagi pelaku. Hal tersebut akan berdampak pada kelangsungan hidup korban pasca peristiwa pidana terjadi, dikarenakan setelah eksekusi cambuk atau pelaksanakan putusan dilaksanakan, terdakwa dapat secara langsung dan dengan bebas kembali pada kehidupan sehari-harinya sedangkan keadaan yang berbanding terbalik dihadapkan dengan kondisi psikologis dan mental korban serta kerentanan akan pengulangan jarimah yang mungkin akan terjadi kembali terhadapnya, sehingga jaminan akan hak atas rasa aman dan perlindungan sebagai hak asasi manusia setiap orang tanpa terkecuali sebagaimana diamanatkan dalam Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 akan bermasalah perwujudannya. Kata kunci: hukuman cambuk; jarimah; perlindungan
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Romney, Paul. "From the Rule of Law to Responsible Government: Ontario Political Culture and the Origins of Canadian Statism." Historical Papers 23, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030983ar.
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Abstract It is a commonplace that the Canadian political culture is more “conservative” or “statist” than the American. This trail is usually explained in terms of cultural continuity, the underlying idea being thai Canada was formed from a congeries of cultural fragments which esteemed paternalistic collectivism and deplored American “liberalism” and “individualism,” and that this initial bias, reinforced as it was by fear of the United States, affected even liberal thought. This paper approaches the Canadian political culture from the opposite direction. Focussing on Ontario, it traces Canadian statism to the transformation of Upper Canadian Reform ideology by the contingencies of domestic history. A fundamental inconsistency within Whig constitutionalism — the hegemonic ideology of the English stale and as such the ideological foundation of British rule in Upper Canada — was crucial to that transformation. In proclaiming the existence of indefeasible constitutional principles, but setting no limit to Parliament's power to legislate in derogation of those principles. Whig constitutionalism permitted contradictions between “the constitution” and “the law.” Upper Canadian Reformers were especially sensitive to this inconsistency because of the apparent failure of legally established institutions to function according to constitutional precept. The imperial failure to remedy these functional defects impelled leading Reformers to forsake Whig constitutionalism for the ideology of responsible government. The circumstances of the struggle for responsible government fostered the apotheosis of the community and imparted a special authority to the common will as expressed in legislation. This development promoted a drift from constitutionalism towards legalism in relations between the state and the individual, but because it was the provincial, not the “national” community that was thus exalted, constitutionalism remained predominant in federal- provincial relations. The persistence of this cultural dualism is evident from a comparison of the decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada in Morgentaler's cases with its decision in the Patriation Reference.
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SAINTY, JOHN, and GARY W. COX. "The Identification of Government Whips in the House of Commons 1830-1905." Parliamentary History 16, no. 3 (March 17, 2008): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1997.tb00581.x.
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Robbins, R., E. Rosenberg, L. K. Barger, M. Weaver, S. F. Quan, J. Zeepvat, C. A. Czeisler, and M. A. Grandner. "1187 What Types Of Organizations Provide Sleep-focused Workplace Health Promotion Programs For Their Employees? An Analysis Of The 2017 CDC Workplace Health In America Survey." Sleep 43, Supplement_1 (April 2020): A453—A454. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sleep/zsaa056.1181.
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Abstract Introduction There has been a rise in workplace health promotion programs (WHPP)’s in the U.S., designed to improve a variety of employee health behaviors such as exercise and nutrition. Yet, relatively few focus on the third pillar of health: Sleep. Methods The CDC collected data from a nationally-representative cohort of companies in 2017. Participants in this Workplace Health in America study completed online surveys reporting the type of WHPP offerings at their worksite and characteristics of their worksite, including occupational field (e.g., agriculture, management, wholesale/retail), workforce size (i.e., small: <100; moderate: 100-499; and large: 500+) and company type (e.g., non-profit, profit-private, profit-public, government). We identified factors associated with an increased likelihood of sleep-focused WHPP using logistic regression adjusted for company size and type. Analyses were weighted for nationally-representative estimates. Results Of the N=2,843 companies that provided information, N=261 (11.74%) reported having a sleep program. Worksites with large workforces (OR=4.8, p<0.0005), for-profit public companies (OR=9.0, p<0.0005), in wholesale/retail (OR=3.8, p<0.0005), and those with employer-subsidized full health insurance (OR=12.7, p<0.0005) were more likely to have a sleep-focused WHPP. Other predictors included more long-standing WHPP programs (6 years, OR=4.4, p<0.0005), the presence of employee health in the company’s mission (OR=4.5, p<0.0005), leadership buy-in (OR=3.5, p=0.007), and an annual health promotion budget >$50,000 (OR=11.3, p<0.0005). Conclusion In general, workplaces with higher budgets, more well-established health promotion programs, and a mission to promote workplace health are more likely to include a sleep program. Also, publicly-traded companies and government were more likely than private companies to have a sleep program. Future research may consider defining barriers among small business and non-profit organizations for implementing sleep-focused workplace health programs. Support T32HL007901
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Humphrey, John M., Marsha Alera, Leslie A. Enane, Bett Kipchumba, Suzanne Goodrich, Michael Scanlon, Julia Songok, et al. "Effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on late postpartum women living with HIV in Kenya." PLOS Global Public Health 3, no. 3 (March 29, 2023): e0001513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001513.
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Although an estimated 1.4 million women living with HIV (WHIV) are pregnant each year globally, data describing the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on postpartum women in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are limited. To address this gap, we conducted phone surveys among 170 WHIV ≥18 years and 18–24 months postpartum enrolled in HIV care at the Academic Model Providing Access to Healthcare in western Kenya, and assessed the effects of the pandemic across health, social and economic domains. We found that 47% of WHIV experienced income loss and 71% experienced food insecurity during the pandemic. The majority (96%) of women reported having adequate access to antiretroviral treatment and only 3% reported difficulties refilling medications, suggesting that the program’s strategies to maintain HIV service delivery during the early phase of the pandemic were effective. However, 21% of WHIV screened positive for depression and 8% for anxiety disorder, indicating the need for interventions to address the mental health needs of this population. Given the scale and duration of the pandemic, HIV programs in LMICs should work with governments and non-governmental organizations to provide targeted support to WHIV at highest risk of food and income insecurity and their associated adverse health outcomes.
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Ajzenstat, Janet. "Modern Mixed Government: A Liberal Defence of Inequality." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900029243.
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AbstractEighteenth-century British Whig and Tory accounts of mixed government and the balanced constitution are examined together with the similar doctrine favoured by British liberals of the Great Reform Bill period, among them Lord Durham. Durham's Report of 1839 is particularly interesting, it is argued, since it purports to demonstrate the superiority of mixed government to the kind of majoritarian democracy put forward in those years by British and colonial radicals. Durham's proposal to curtail the powers of the democratic branch of government in Lower Canada—the Legislative Assembly, he wrote, had “endeavoured to extend its authority in modes totally incompatible with the principles of constitutional liberty”—is compared to the eighteenth-century “court” party argument for a strong political executive. It is suggested that Durham and the eighteenth-century thinkers together provide grounds for supposing that even today the egalitarian aims of modern societies are furthered by a political system that recognizes man's natural inequalities.
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Taylor, Quentin. "“The true principles of government”: William Henry Harrison and the Whig counter-revolution." American Nineteenth Century History 16, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 129–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2015.1078124.
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Bernstein, George L. "Liberals, the Irish Famine and the role of the state." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 116 (November 1995): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012268.
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The Irish mythology of the Great Famine of the 1840s explained the failure of the British government to prevent the deaths of some one million people in terms of a Whig government and ruling élite driven by a commitment to laissez-faire ideology which left them indifferent to the loss of Irish lives. At its most extreme, this mythology attributed a wilful genocide to the English. The term myth as used here does not necessarily imply that the account is untrue. Rather, the myth comprises a combination of fact, fiction and the unknowable in a narrative of such power that, for the people who accept it, the myth provides a guide to future understanding and action. In this respect, Irish mythology about the English and the Famine is rooted in facts: the resistance of the Whig government to any interference with the market; the staunch commitment to ideology of central figures in the making of famine policy such as Charles Trevelyan (assistant secretary to the treasury) and Sir Charles Wood (chancellor of the exchequer) and shapers of liberal opinion such as the political economists Nassau Senior and James Wilson (editor of The Economist); and the indifference to Irish suffering, and indeed the hostility to the Irish, as demonstrated in the language of the radical M.P.J.A. Roebuck.
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ROSZMAN, JAY R. "‘IRELAND AS A WEAPON OF WARFARE’: WHIGS, TORIES, AND THE PROBLEM OF IRISH OUTRAGES, 1835 TO 1839." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (January 30, 2017): 971–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000467.
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AbstractThis article contends that the Irish policy of both the Whig and Tory parties has received rather short shrift in the historiography surrounding Britain's decade of reform. In an attempt to rectify this gap, the article traces the emergence of the Whig policy of ‘justice to Ireland’ between 1835 and 1839; a policy championed by an emerging activist leadership within the party that promoted Catholics in Irish administration and attempted to pass substantial legislative reform. This ambitious Whig agenda upended a thirty-five-year consensus that relied on coercion to rule Ireland's recalcitrant population. Tories vehemently opposed this change, and used Irish agrarian violence – so-called ‘outrages’ – to undermine the success of the Whigs’ novel approach to governing Ireland through remedial legislation. This confrontation over Irish policy led to an 1839 House of Lords committee on Irish crime that passed a vote of censure on the Whigs’ Irish policy and nearly toppled Melbourne's government. However, the article demonstrates how the Whigs’ Irish policy was the one question that held together their big tent coalition of Whigs, English radicals, and O'Connellites, thus extending their administration for another two years.
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Bradley, James E. "The Anglican Pulpit, the Social Order, and the Resurgence of Toryism during the American Revolution." Albion 21, no. 3 (1989): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050086.
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“And now the new system of government came into being. For the first time since the accession of the House of Hanover, the Tory party was in the ascendant.” So wrote Lord Macaulay concerning the early years of George III's reign. In Macaulay's essay on the earl of Chatham one can find all the elements of the Whig myth of the reign of George III. Most of these ideas have been safely laid to rest by Sir Lewis Namier and modern research; we now know that there was neither a new system of government at the accession of the king nor anything resembling a Tory party. George III was not the tyrant depicted in the Declaration of Independence, there was no plot in the imagined cabinet of “king's friends” to overthrow the constitution, and when, with respect to the colonies, the king declared that he would abide by the decision of his Parliament, he was taking a stand on the side of Whig principles and the Revolution Settlement.One element in the putative resurgence of Toryism that Macaulay and other Whig historians emphasized was High-Anglican political theology. G. H. Guttridge, for example, in his English Whiggism and the American Revolution (1942) well understood the differences between the Toryism of the period of the American Revolution and that of the earlier century. Tories had come to accept the Revolution Settlement, the Hanoverian succession, and even “a modicum of religious toleration.” But if they had lost the bloom of monarchical sentiment, they retained the concept of a state unified above sectional and party interests. Guttridge's formulas were admittedly too simplistic and they justly invited criticism, but one of the overlooked merits of his work was that he located the continuity of conservative thought in its religious aspect. He observed that, “Standing for the two great Tory principles, national unity and a religious sanction for the established order, the Church of England was the central institution of Toryism—the state in its religious aspect, and the divine principle in monarchical government.” The demolition of the Whig interpretation, however, has resulted in a thorough-going neglect of political discourse, and several notable examples of this deconstruction bear directly upon Anglican political thought. In his introduction to the History of Parliament John Brooke wrote that during the American Revolution the Anglican clergy in England had no specific attitude toward the war or any other aspect of government policy. When the reprint of G. H. Guttridge's essay appeared in 1963, Ian Christie wrote a vigorous rebuttal to the idea of a revival of Toryism in the early part of George III's reign without a single reference to the Anglican Church.
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Kriegel, Abraham D. "A Convergence of Ethics: Saints and Whigs in British Antislavery." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385898.
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There is a paradox in the legislative success of British antislavery that invites further inquiry. While one can hardly diminish the role of evangelical Christianity in the abolition of the slave trade and, decades later, of slavery in the empire, each bill was passed by an aristocratic government predominantly Whig in composition. The first measure, the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, was passed by the Ministry of All the Talents, a coalition of Foxite Whigs and Grenvillites, in a parliament that remained almost exclusively a body of the landed interest. While the first reformed parliament of 1833 may not have been quite so preponderantly landed in its composition, it abolished slavery in the empire under the leadership of Lord Grey's government, the most aristocratic of the century. Like the Talents Ministry, the government of Lord Grey was a coalition, at least in its inception. But its moving spirits were Whigs. Yet, with some few exceptions, the role of the Whigs in British antislavery has not received the attention it deserves. In particular, one must inquire how and why a group of worldly aristocrats, especially the older generation of Fox, Grey, and Holland, should have associated themselves with an evangelical crusade. Whig aristocrats, after all, subscribed to an ethic that Evangelicals disdained, particularly in its emphasis on worldly honor; and evangelical humility, in turn, often appeared to at least some Whigs as righteous humbug.
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Ojo, Oreoluwa, IkeOluwapo Ajayi, and Taiwo Awolola. "Geographical/Ecological Differentials in Insecticide-Treated Net Use among Under-Five Children in Somolu Local Government Area, Lagos State." World Health & Population 15, no. 4 (December 15, 2014): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.12927/whp.2015.24267.
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Datta, Y. "How America Became an Economic Powerhouse on the Backs of African-American Slaves and Native Americans." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 7, no. 5 (December 1, 2021): p121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v7n5p121.
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The objective of this paper is to make the case that the United States became an economic super-power in the nineteenth century on the backs of African-American slaves and Native Americans.It was in 1619, when Jamestown colonists bought 20-30 slaves from English pirates. The paper starts with ‘The 1619 Project’ whose objective is to place the consequences of slavery--and the contributions of black Americans--at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are as a nation.Slavery was common in all thirteen colonies, and at-least twelve Presidents owned slaves. The enslaved people were not recognized as human beings, but as property: once a slave always a slave.The U.S. Constitution, adopted in 1788, never mentions slavery, yet slavery is at the very heart of the constitution. The U.S. government used the Declaration of Independence as a license to commit genocide on the Native Americans, and to seize their land.Racist ideas have persisted throughout American history, based on the myth that blacks are intellectually inferior compared to whites. However, in a 2012 article in the Scientific American, the authors reported that 85.5% of genetic variation is within the so-called races, not between them. So, the consensus among Western researchers today is that human races do not represent a scientific theory, but are sociocultural constructs.After end of the Civil War, the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolished slavery in America, and the 15th Amendment protected the voting rights of African Americans.However, in the Confederate South, Jim Crow laws legalized racial segregation between 1870-1968. In 1965, thanks to the Civil Rights movement, the Voting Rights Act was passed to overcome barriers created by Jim Crow laws to the legal rights of African Americans under the 15th Amendment.British and American innovations in cotton technology sparked the Industrial Revolution during the latter part of the eighteenth century. The British cotton manufacturing exploded in the 1780s. Eighty years later in 1860, Manchester, England stood at the center of a world-spanning empire—the empire of cotton. There were three pillars of the Industrial Revolution. One was the centuries-earlier conquest by Europeans of a colossal expanse of lands in the New World. It was the control of huge territories in America, that made monoculture farming of cotton possible. Second was that the Europeans drastically—and unilaterally--altered the global competitive landscape of cotton. They did it by using their military might, and the willingness to use it—often violently--to their advantage.The third—and the most important--was slavery: without which there would be no Industrial Revolution. America was tremendously suited for cotton production. The climate and soil of a large part of American South met the conditions under which the cotton plant thrived. More importantly, the plantation owners in America commanded unlimited supplies of the three crucial ingredients that went into the production of cotton: labor, land, and credit. And this was topped by their unbelievable political power.In 1793 Eli Whitney’s revolutionary cotton gin increased ginning productivity fifty times, and thus removed the bottleneck of removing seeds from cotton. Because of relying on monoculture farming, the problem the cotton planters were facing was soil exhaustion. So, they wanted the U.S. government to acquire more land. Surprisingly, in 1803 America was able to strike an unbelievable deal with the French--the Louisiana Purchase--which doubled the territory of the United States. In 1819 America acquired Florida from Spain, and in 1845 annexed Texas from Mexico.Between 1803 and 1838, under President Andrew Jackson, America fought a multi-front war against the Native Americans in the Deep South, and expropriated vast tracts of their land, that culminated in the ethnic cleansing of the Deep South.With an unlimited supply of land—and slave labor--even soil exhaustion did not slow down the cotton barons; they just moved further west and farther south. New cotton fields now sprang up in the sediment-rich lands along the banks of Mississippi. So swift was this move westward that, by the end of the 1830s, Mississippi was producing more cotton than any other southern state. By 1860, there were more millionaires per capita in Mississippi Valley than anywhere else in America.The New Orleans slave market was the largest in America--where 100,000 men, women, and children were packaged, priced, and sold.The entry of the United States in the cotton market quickly began to reshape the global cotton market. By 1802 America was the single-most supplier of cotton to Britain.For eighty years--from the 1780s to 1865--almost a million people were herded down the road from the upper South to the lower South and the West, to toil on cotton plantations. The thirty-odd men walked in coffles, the double line hurrying in lock-step. Each hauled twenty pounds of iron, chains that draped from neck-to-neck, and wrist-to-wrist, binding them all together. They walked for miles, days, and weeks, and many covered over 700 miles.The plantation owners devised a cruel system of controlling their slaves that the enslaved called “the pushing system.” This system constantly increased the number of acres each slave was expected to cultivate. In 1805 each “hand” could tend to five acres of a cotton field. Fifty years later that target had been doubled to ten acres.Overseers closely monitored enslaved workers. Each slave was assigned a daily quota of number of pounds of cotton to pick. If the worker failed to meet it, he received as many lashes on his back as the deficit. However, if he overshot his quota, the master might “reward” him by raising his quota the next day.One of the most brutal weapons the planters used against the slaves, was the whip: ten feet of plaited cowhide. When facing the specter of an overseer’s whip, slaves were so terrified that they could not speak in sentences. They danced, trembled, babbled, and lost control of their bodies.When seeking a loan, the planters used slaves as a collateral. With extraordinarily high returns from their businesses, the planters began to expand their loan portfolio: sometimes using the same slave worker as collateral for multiple mortgages. The American South produced too much cotton. However, consumer demand could not keep up with the excessive supply, that then led to a precipitous fall in prices, which, in turn, set off the Panic of 1837. And that touched off a major depression.The slaveholders were using advanced management and accounting practices long before the techniques that are still in use today.The manufacture of sugar from sugarcane began in Louisiana Territory in 1795. In sugar mills, children, alongside with adults, toiled like factory workers with assembly-like precision and discipline under the constant threat of boiling hot kettles, open furnaces, and grinding rollers. To attain the highest efficiency, sugar factories worked day and night where there is no distinction as to the days of the week. Fatigue might mean losing an arm to the grinding rollers, or being flayed for not being able to keep up. Resistance was often met with sadistic cruelty.The expansion of slavery in the first eight decades after American independence, drove the evolution and modernization of the United States. In the course of a single life time, the South grew from a narrow coastal strip of worn-out tobacco plantations, to a continental cotton empire. As a result, the United States became a modern, industrial, and capitalistic economy. This is the period in which America rose from being a minor European trading partner, to becoming the world’s leading economy. Finally, we hope that we have successfully been able to make the argument that America became an economic powerhouse in the nineteenth century not only on the backs of African-American slaves, but also on the genocide of Native Americans, and their stolen lands.
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Terry Ponte, Otto Franklin, Roque Juan Espinoza Casco, and Doris Rosario Yaya Castañeda. "Management of the budget by results and National Urban Sanitation Program in local governments, Lima 2015." Espirales Revista Multidisciplinaria de investigación 5, no. 37 (April 4, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31876/er.v5i37.789.
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This research aims to determine the relationship that exists between the budget for results and the National Urban Sanitation Program in local governments, Lima 2015. The study is of the applied type, of correlational level, of non-experimental, cross-sectional design, whit a methodology was hypothetical-deductive framed in the statement of the hypothesis that is later contrasted. It is concluded that there are indications to affirm that budget management by results has a moderate and positive relationship (R=0.616**), as well as significant (p <0.05).
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Mutmainah, Kurniawati. "Analisis Determinan Kreativitas Aparat Pengawas Internal Pemerintah (APIP) (Studi Kasus di Inspektorat Kabupaten Wonosobo)." Journal of Economic, Management, Accounting and Technology 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2019): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32500/jematech.v2i1.575.
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This study aims to examine the influence of internal factors for the creativity Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus. Population in this studi is all emplyoeed at Inspektorat of Wonosobo. The number of sample is 30 respondents, the sampling technique in this study was conducted by purposive sampling method. The sample was an auditor and internal supervisory who works in the Inspektorat of Wonosobo. Data were collected through questionnaires and analyzed method used in this study is multiple linear regression whit the help of SPSS statistic v.22 software.
The result of this study indicate that intellectual and idealism have a positive effect on the creativity of Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus. While the gender, job tenure, relativism and motivation have no effect on the creativity of Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus
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Targett, Simon. "Government and ideology during the age of whig supremacy: the political argument of Sir Robert Walpole's newspaper propagandists." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1994): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016484.
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ABSTRACTContrary to received historical wisdom, Sir Robert Walpole, the pragmatist par excellence, was diverted by political ideas. Thus he invested time and an unprecedented amount of money in political newspapers. This article investigates the primary pro-government newspapers and, as well as identifying the leading circle of political writers sponsored by Walpole, addresses the varied and complex arguments that appeared in their ‘leading essay’ each week for twenty years. After identifying some common but misleading historical representations of Walpolean political thought, the article examines the treatment of three broad philosophical questions – human nature, the origin, nature and extent of government, and political morality – so demonstrating that Walpole's spokesmen were not narrowly pragmatic. Subsequently, the article focuses upon the careful pro-government response to the common charges that Walpole corrupted the political system and betrayed traditional whig values. In doing so, the article highlights the skills of some underrated eighteenth-century political writers and, more importantly, emphasizes the union of government and ideology in Walpolean political thinking.
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Kolmakov, M. A. "BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no. 02 (June 30, 2023): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.
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Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state structure, which consisted in strengthening the power of the Whig group through a system of political control over the opposition in parliament and the ministry. The main goal of Walpole's domestic policy was to have MPs and ministers work in the interests of the Hanoverian dynasty, thereby distributing finances among their opponents in the Whig faction. In such realities, the political power of the opposition gradually decreased, and Walpole's influence over the king, parliament and ministries gradually increased. As a result, Walpole kept Parliament and the ministry on his side by supporting the Hanoverian dynasty, including through the introduction of low export duties and a reduction in the public debt. The activity of Robert Walpole was a reflection of the domestic policy of Great Britain in the 20s of the XVIII century, which showed the trends and moods that existed in the country.
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Schwoerer, Lois G. "The attempted impeachment of Sir William Scroggs, Lord Chief Justice of the court of King's Bench, November 1680–March 1681." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 843–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020483.
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ABSTRACTGenerally dismissed by historians as just an hysterical gesture by parliamentary whig leaders disappointed and angered over the failure of the second Exclusion Bill, the attempted impeachment in 1680–1 of Sir William Scroggs was in fact a complicated and important affair. Although a failure in legal terms (because King Charles dissolved two parliaments), it succeeded in political terms when the king dismissed Scroggs. A propaganda ploy to embarrass the duke of York and also the king of England, re-unite the whig party, and re-ignite anti-popery fervour to promote another try at Exclusion (contrary to recent revisionism), the proceedings provoked discussion of many central issues, but most importantly of the legislative authority of parliament, or control of the law; the affair provoked a ‘crisis of authority’. Print culture played an unprecedented role: four of the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs were connected with the press. Press people, in effect, brought down a chief minister of the crown and severely embarrassed the government, an event of signal importance in the history of the press.
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McJimsey, Robert. "Crisis Management: Parliament and Political Stability, 1692-1719." Albion 31, no. 4 (1999): 559–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000063420.
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Ever since J. H. Plumb published his Ford Lectures, The Growth of Political Stability in England, 1679-1725 (1966), the topic of political stability has gripped the attention of England’s early modern historians. In particular Plumb’s characterization of the politics of 1679-1722 as “The Rage of Party” was refined by Geoffrey Holmes, whose British Politics in the Age of Anne ushered in a variety of studies of political warfare in what has come to be known as The First Age of Party. These and succeeding works have elaborated and confirmed the existence of deep and severe differences between Whig and Tory partisans, differences renewing animosities extending back to the Civil Wars and generating a self-perpetuating struggle for power. The consequences of this “rage of party” for the formation and execution of policy were daunting. In particular party rage placed three important restrictions on the executive’s room for maneuver. By rendering all political alliances unstable, partisanship limited the ability of the governments of William and Anne to operate as combinations of the parties. Partisanship also put all government servants under the constant threat of defending their conduct from year to year. And partisanship dictated certain policy options while frustrating others.
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Fu, Chengzhe, Liao Liao, and Weijun Huang. "Behavioral Implementation and Compliance of Anti-Epidemic Policy in the COVID-19 Crisis." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 7 (April 4, 2021): 3776. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18073776.
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Different countries have introduced different urgent policies to control the spread of the novel coronavirus. The compliance behavior of these anti-epidemic policies has always been an important concern to governments, and its effects need to be tested. In recent years, many scholars have paid attention to the mechanism and intervention of policy compliance behavior, which helps to explain the mechanism of anti-epidemic compliance behavior, and to improve the effectiveness of anti-epidemic policy. Therefore, considering the characters of youth groups in the context of the novel coronavirus, this study takes campus anti-epidemic compliance behavior as the research topic, based on 680 effective samples of college students in China, in order to examine the effectiveness of these policies using an investigation experiment. This study revealed that the ‘Nudge’ policy instrument was the most effective way to guide individuals’ behavior during the coronavirus outbreak, the ‘Sermon’ instrument was the least recognized, and the ‘Whip’ instrument (a traditional and classical policy instrument) had its normal effect on individuals’ behavior. Additionally, it found that high accessibility in policy implementation results in more significant policy behavior. By taking the effects of different policy behaviors into consideration, governments may produce better and more effective policy implementation and compliance during the anti-epidemic period.
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Adeneye, Adeniyi, Ayodele Jegede, Margaret Mafe, and Ezebunwa Nwokocha. "Awareness of Antimalarial Policy and Use of Artemisinin-Based Combination Therapy for Malaria Treatment in Communities of Two Selected Local Government Areas of Ogun State, Nigeria." World Health & Population 15, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12927/whp.2014.23719.
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