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1
Funke, Michael, and Holger Strulik. "Growth and Convergence in a Two-Region Model of Unified Germany." German Economic Review 1, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00018.
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Abstract The paper sets up a two-region endogenous growth model to discuss growth and regional convergence of unified Germany. It emphasizes the role of private and public capital accumulation during the developing process. The theoretical part derives fiscal policy rules which establish convergence of regional output per capita and convergence of regional human wealth. To assess the speed of convergence the model is calibrated with German data. Given a fiscal policy rule that is consistent with the data on government spending in East and West Germany after unification the model suggests that East Germany will reach 80 per cent of West Germany's income per capita between 20 and 30 years after unification and that actual transfers are approximately sufficient to equalize regional human wealth. The results are compared with an extension of the model that includes wage-setting behaviour and unemployment in the eastern region.
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Potrafke, Niklas. "Public Expenditures on Education and Cultural Affairs in the West German States: Does Government Ideology Influence the Budget Composition?" German Economic Review 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2010.00507.x.
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Abstract This paper examines whether government ideology influenced the allocation of public expenditures on education and cultural affairs in the West German states in the 1974-2006 period. I explicitly consider the allocation of policy responsibilities between the federal and the states’ governments. The results suggest that leftist governments slightly increased public spending for schooling, whereas right wing governments spent somewhat more on universities and cultural affairs. This spending pattern appears to be in line with the preferences of the governing parties’ constituencies and indicates political competition in a time of declining electoral cohesion.
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Skousen, Mark. "The Perseverance of Paul Samuelson's Economics." Journal of Economic Perspectives 11, no. 2 (May 1, 1997): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.11.2.137.
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A reflection of the economics profession through Paul Samuelson's Economics. Samuelson offers an uneasy mix of laissez faire in micro and government interventionism in macro. In earlier editions, Keynesian thinking dominated, with an antisaving, progovernment bias and a need for an activist fiscal policy aimed at alleviating unpredictable chronic business cycles under private enterprise. Middle editions had chapters on the Soviet Union and China, rather than Japan and West Germany. Recently, Samuelson and coauthor William Nordhaus have gradually shifted from antithrift to prosavings policies, from deficit spending to fiscal restraint, and from fiscal policy to monetary policy as effective countercyclical tools.
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Logemann, Jan. "Is it in the interest of the consumer to pay taxes? Transatlantic differences in postwar approaches to public consumption." Journal of Consumer Culture 11, no. 3 (November 2011): 339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540511417995.
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This article is a comparative analysis of American and West German consumer policy and its underlying definition of the consumer interest during the decades following the Second World War. It traces diverging government responses to a transatlantic debate among economists, policy makers and a wider public over the proper balance between private and public consumption. Whereas postwar America put an emphasis on unrestrained private purchasing power and limited public spending, West German policy makers were more likely to include the provision of publicly supported and tax-funded goods and services as part of their definition of the consumer's interest. This contributed, the article proposes, to a fundamentally different perspective on government spending and taxation by middle-class consumers in both countries. Drawing on media sources, contemporary scholarly literature and government documents, I want to elaborate on our understanding of what counted as ‘consumption’ and ‘consumer goods’ and thereby encourage scholars in the growing field of consumption studies to look beyond the usual array of private goods. I furthermore question the influential notion of an ‘imperial’ reach of the American consumption model in the postwar era. Approaches to consumption and balancing private/public spending were markedly different in Western Europe, and the German case provides a prominent example of this.
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Hayo, Bernd, and Florian Neumeier. "Public Preferences for Government Spending Priorities: Survey Evidence from Germany." German Economic Review 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): e1-e37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12149.
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Abstract Employing data from a representative survey conducted in Germany, this paper examines public preferences for the size and composition of government expenditure. We focus on public attitudes towards taxes, public debt incurrence and public spending in six different policy areas. Our findings suggest, first, that individual preferences for the use of additional tax money can be categorised as either capital-oriented expenditure or public debt reduction. Second, we find that fiscal preferences differ along various dimensions. Specifically, personal economic well-being, economic literacy, confidence in politicians, political ideology and time preference are significantly related to individual attitudes towards public spending, taxes and debt. The magnitude of the effects is particularly large for time preference, economic knowledge and party preference. Third, public preferences for public spending priorities are only marginally affected when considering a public budget constraint.
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Dianda, Issa, and Gnanderman Sirpé. "Effects of the Quality of Governance on Domestic Government Health Spending in West Africa Economic and Monetary Union Countries." Research in Economics and Management 5, no. 1 (December 6, 2019): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v5n1p1.
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Government health spending is an important source of sustainable health funding in order to attain the health-related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In low and middle-income countries, domestic government per capita spending on health needed to ensure universal coverage with the most essential health services is estimated at $112 according to Stenberg et al. (2017). In 2015, in West Africa Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), average domestic government spending on health per capita was $26 (about one quarter of all health spending), far short of the $112 target. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the determinants of domestic government health spending with emphasis on the quality of governance. We used panel data from the eight WAEMU member states covering the period 2000-2015 and the generalized least squares method for empirical investigation. The results show that an improvement in the quality of governance increases domestic government health spending. The study suggests the policy-makers of the WAEMU member state to improve the quality of governance in order to increase domestic government health spending and allow people to access essential health services and enjoy a better state of health.
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Schniewind, Aline, Markus Freitag, and Adrian Vatter. "Big Cabinets, Big Governments? Grand Coalitions and Public Policy in the German Laender." Journal of Public Policy 29, no. 3 (October 22, 2009): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x09990092.
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AbstractThe inauguration of Germany's grand coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democrats (SPD) raises questions about the public policy performance of a coalition of ideological opposite. This paper turns attention to influence of coalition governments on the size of government in the German Laender from 1992 to 2005. We investigate whether grand coalitions at the sub-national level in Germany systematically affect government spending for education (including cultural affairs) and internal security. The article argues that the effects of grand coalitions on the size of the public sector are moderated by partisan politics but sometimes in unexpected ways. For example, government spending in the field of education is reduced when leftist parties are powerful in the Laender.
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حسون عباس, ا. د. صبحي. "دور أدوات السياسة المالية في ردم فجوة الناتج دراسة تحليلية في عينة من الدول للمدة 2000-2020." Iraqi Journal For Economic Sciences 2022, no. 72 (March 1, 2022): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ijes2022.72.3.
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The importance of the research and its distinction from the previous research lies not in dealing with the ability of fiscal policy tools, i.e., government spending and taxes, to bridge the output gap, but also in it calculating the required amount of spending and taxes to close the output gap, as long as there is some amount of spending and taxes more or less than that. The required limit may cause damage to the economy, i.e., the outbreak of inflation or recession. Consequently, this research is considered as a guide for policy makers to know the required change in government spending and taxes accurately to avoid economic problems and achieve economic stability. The output gap, whether positive or negative, is a non-positive case, as long as it generates damage to the economy, represented by inflation or recession. Fiscal policy, with its various tools, may be unable to close the output gap due to the deficiency in the performance of these tools, which requires monetary policy assistance. The research problem is also indicated that when there is a recession, an expansionary fiscal policy (increasing government spending and reducing taxes) is necessary. But when there is inflation, a contractionary policy should be followed (reducing spending and raising taxes). However, the problem is that if the exact amount of government spending and taxes changes is not determined, severe damages are generated, such as an inaccurate drug dose. This is not to mention the slowdowns or lags in the transmission of the impact of fiscal policy measures to the targeted variables. The research chose a time frame that extended from 2000 to 2020. As for the spatial aspect, it was represented in a sample from different continents in order to make a successful comparison between them. These countries are the United States, Germany, Japan and Iraq. The research found that in all countries of the research sample, the government spending gap was positive, which means that it is at a level higher than the level required to bridge the output gap, perhaps because there are other items for spending on it other than closing the output gap, as is the case for the tax gap, which exceeded the required limit to eliminate Output gap, excluding Iraq.
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Micah, Angela E., Catherine S. Chen, Bianca S. Zlavog, Golsum Hashimi, Abigail Chapin, and Joseph L. Dieleman. "Trends and drivers of government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa, 1995–2015." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 1 (January 2019): e001159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001159.
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IntroductionGovernment health spending is a primary source of funding in the health sector across the world. However, in sub-Saharan Africa, only about a third of all health spending is sourced from the government. The objectives of this study are to describe the growth in government health spending, examine its determinants and explain the variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.MethodsWe used panel data on domestic government health spending in 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa from 1995 to 2015 from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. A regression model was used to examine the factors associated with government health spending, and Shapley decomposition was used to attribute the contributions of factors to the explained variance in government health spending.ResultsWhile the growth rate in government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa has been positive overall, there are variations across subgroups. Between 1995 and 2015, government health spending in West Africa grew by 6.7% (95% uncertainty intervals [UI]: 6.2% to 7.0%) each year, whereas in Southern Africa it grew by only 4.5% (UI: 4.5% to 4.5%) each year. Furthermore, per-person government health spending ranged from $651 (Namibia) in 2017 purchasing power parity dollars to $4 (Central African Republic) in 2015. Good governance, national income and the share of it that is government spending were positively associated with government health spending. The results from the decomposition, however, showed that individual country characteristics made up the highest percentage of the explained variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.ConclusionThese findings highlight that a country’s policy choices are important for how much the health sector receives. As the attention of the global health community focuses on ways to stimulate domestic government health spending, an understanding that individual country sociopolitical context is an important driver for success will be key.
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Yuliarti, Yuliarti. "Realisasi Pengeluaran Pemerintah Daerah Terhadap Pertumbuhan Ekonomi di Provinsi Sumatera Barat." JESS (Journal of Education on Social Science) 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jess.v4i1.253.
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To create positive economic growth and maintain economic stability, the role of the government is needed. The implementation of regional autonomy since early 2001 is a form of government strategy to encourage economic growth not only in the regions around the center but also in areas that are far from the center's reach. The implementation of regional autonomy is in accordance with Law No.22 of 1999 concerning regional autonomy, as well as Law No. 32 of 2004 concerning local government. The government can regulate the course of the economy by determining the amount of government revenue and expenditure each year, which is reflected in the National Budget (APBN) for the national budget and the Regional Budget (APBD) for the region or region. This government expenditure is a form of fiscal policy. During the period of 2010-2019, it can be seen that the realization of the expenditure of the government of West Sumatra is more used for indirect expenditure than direct expenditure. For the average economic growth rate over the past ten years, West Sumatra has the second highest average growth rate compared to other provinces, which is 2.24%, but the growth rate per year is still fluctuating and even more often decreases in percentage. Therefore, the authors are interested in examining how the influence of the realization of government spending on economic growth in West Sumatra. The purpose of this study is to find out how much influence the realization of government spending on economic growth in West Sumatra Province. This research uses quantitative data. The data analysis model used is simple linear regression and includes statistical tests. The results of the study show that government spending has a significant effect on economic growth in the province of West Sumatra.
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Barrell, Ray J., and Sylvia Gottschalk. "Fiscal Policy in Europe." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083047.
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In the past twelve months the government budget situation in Germany has improved markedly, and the budget deficit has moved from 3.2 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 1.7 per cent in 2006, with further improvements in prospect. Over the same period in France, the budget deficit moved marginally from 3 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 2.5 per cent of GDP in 2006. The prospects for further improvement appear limited as the new government plans to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Projections for budget deficits are very uncertain, as they are the difference between two large numbers (receipts and spending) that are difficult to predict accurately. Figures 1 and 2 plot the errors around our budget projections for France and Germany based on stochastic simulations on NiGEM. The 95 per cent confidence limit for our forecast one year ahead is around 1 per cent of GDP around our central forecast, and uncertainty increases into the future. As we can see from figures 3 and 4, our forecast errors for France and Germany have been well within the 95 per cent bands in the past three years, except for our one year ahead forecast for Germany for 2006. The budget improved by 1.5 per cent of GDP more than we had anticipated, and this appears to have been due to unexpectedly high tax receipts, rather than to changed policy.
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Hsing, Yu. "Is Real Depreciation and More Government Spending Expansionary? The Case of Montenegro." Review of Economic and Business Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rebs-2017-0056.
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AbstractEmploying an extended IS-MP-AS model to study the effects of the exchange rate, fiscal policy and other related variables in Montenegro, the paper finds that real depreciation of the Euro, a lower government spending-to-GDP ratio, a lower real lending rate in the Euro area, a lower lagged real oil price, a higher lagged real GDP in Germany, and a lower expected inflation rate would promote economic growth.
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Tendengu, Simbarashe, Forget Mingiri Kapingura, and Asrat Tsegaye. "Fiscal Policy and Economic Growth in South Africa." Economies 10, no. 9 (August 24, 2022): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10090204.
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Several fiscal policy strategies have been implemented in South Africa since 1994, starting from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR), Broad-Black Economic Empowerment strategy (BEE), AsgiSA (Accelerated and shared growth initiative for South Africa), and the New Growth Path framework (NGP) with the aim of boosting economic growth. However, the rate of economic growth in the country over the years is not convincing. It is also important to note that poverty still remains prevalent and persistent, predominantly in the poverty-stricken areas of provinces such as Eastern Cape, Limpopo, North West, and Mpumalanga. In light of this, the main aim of the study was to examine the effect of fiscal policy instruments on economic growth in South Africa for the period from 1988 to 2018, utilising the autoregressive distributed lag model, mainly due to the order of integration of the variables. Empirical results revealed that there is a positive relationship between fiscal policy instruments (public sector expenditure, public consumption spending, and taxation) and economic growth. Based on the findings, the study recommends that the government should distinguish between productive and unproductive spending and increase spending on productive sectors. The implication of these findings is that South Africa’s economy is likely to perform better if more resources are diverted from government consumption to investment spending.
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Konukiewitz, M. "Urban Economic Development and Intergovernmental Policymaking in West Germany." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 4, no. 4 (December 1986): 471–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c040471.
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Urban industrial decline has provided a challenge to the traditional policy structures for urban and regional policies in West Germany. Policy responses at the federal level are restrained by the need to maintain a delicate regional balance and limited to incremental adaptations of existing programs. Deeper effects can be observed from nontargetted sectoral industrial policies. The institutional framework of cooperative federalism is now under critical review. As a result, the federal government is likely to limit its future responsibilities in the field of urban development.
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Berg, Tim Oliver. "Time Varying Fiscal Multipliers in Germany." Review of Economics 66, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 13–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/roe-2015-0103.
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Abstract This paper provides novel evidence on the time varying impact of government spending shocks on output in Germany over the years 1970 to 2013. In a first step, I use an expectations-augmented vector autoregressive model with time varying parameters (TVP-VAR) to show that fiscal multipliers are not stable over time but exhibit a ushaped pattern. While multipliers fluctuate around 2 at the beginning and end of the sample, they are much smaller in between. In a second step, I discuss which factors determine the magnitude of German multipliers and hence explain the observed variation. It turns out that fiscal policy is more effective when business uncertainty is high but less in periods of financial market stress, while the state of the business cycle is of minor importance. Moreover, I find that fiscal sustainability is a crucial determinant of the multipliers. I conclude that policy recommendations based on average multipliers are misleading.
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Adelowokan, Oluwaseyi Adedayo. "Fiscal Policy, Private Consumption, and Economic Growth among the Economic Community of West African States." Jurnal Ekonomi & Studi Pembangunan 22, no. 2 (October 25, 2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jesp.v22i2.10966.
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This study examines the impact of fiscal policy and private consumption on economic growth among the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) spanning from 1988 to 2017 using the Panel Pool Mean Group. The results depicted that the government’s recurrent expenditure for growth was inversely but significant to economic growth, while capital expenditure was positively and statistically significant to explain economic growth in Nigeria. It can be seen that capital expenditure is vital for economic growth. Besides, private consumption’s negative effect on economic growth was a disconnection between economic output and private consumption. The results further showed that tax revenues in ECOWAS countries had a positive and significant influence on economic growth. Therefore, the study recommends re-visit government policy(ies) channeling government spending to increase ECOWAS output rates and spur regional economic growth.
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Suprun, Natalia. "Resources and mechanisms of the post-war reconstruction of West Germany (1945–1962)." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2022, no. 55 (December 10, 2022): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2022.55.039.
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The article is devoted to the definition of the most effective resources and mechanisms of the post-war reconstruction of Germany (1945–1962). The study was carried out on the basis of a comparison of the effectiveness and role of the management measures of the occupation authorities, the mechanisms of the Marshall Plan and the economic reforms of the German government in the restoration and further economic rise of Germany. This question is considered in the context of the study of the mutual influence of antagonistic economic doctrines (planning-directive and neoliberal) and a comparative analysis of the doctrinal approaches of the occupation authorities and the national government, which determined the configuration of their interaction and the leading mechanisms of post-war reconstruction in Germany. The article shows that despite large-scale American financial and organizational assistance within the Marshall Plan, the framework conditions for successful transformations were laid by the effective policy of the German government, which was directed at ensuring national interests and realizing the competitive advantages of national production. It was determined that the institutional basis of the economic reforms of the German government of K. Adenauer was the liberalization of the economy and the development of the model of the social market economy, the initiator of the implementation of which was the Minister of National Economy, and later the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany L. Erhard. One of the basic components of economic liberalization reforms was the large-scale deregulation of business, which provided for the removal of most blocking regulations and the creation of stimulating norms for the development of private entrepreneurship, in particular, the liberalization of tax and credit instruments. The strategic direction of the government's reform policy was determined to be the modernization of the national economy, which included support for the development of strategically important industries and renewal of industrial production. The effectiveness of economic reforms was ensured by a clearly defined vision of building a national model of the social market economy, doctrinal stability and political consistency of the government's course.
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Ramdayani, Syofia Sofatunisa, Bayu Kharisma, and Kodrat Wibowo. "Local Government Spending on Social Protection, Security Order, and Crime." Jurnal Economia 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/economia.v15i2.26828.
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Abstract: This study aims to analyze the effect of government spending on social protection and security order sectors on crime using police data from 26 police stations in West Java during 2012-2016. The research method used is the fixed effect Pooled EGLS (Cross Section Weights). Also, to test the consistency of the main variables studied, this study features robust First Difference-Generalized Method Moment (FD-GMM) and System-Generalized Method Moment (SYS-GMM). The results showed that the combination of government spending in the security order and social protection sectors had a negative and significant effect on the total amount of crime. These results prove that the government's budget policy can create a positive contribution to reducing crime rates.Keywords: fixed effect, crime, government spending, social protection, security orderPengeluaran Pemerintah Sektor Perlindungan Sosial, Ketertiban Keamanan, dan KriminalitasAbstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat menganalisis pengeluaran pemerintah di sektor perlindungan sosial dan ketertiban keamanan terhadap kriminalitas dengan menggunakan data kepolisian dari 26 polres di Jawa Barat selama tahun 2012-2016. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah fixed effect Pooled EGLS (Cross Section Weights). Selain itu, untuk menguji konsistensi dari variabel utama yang diteliti, penelitian ini juga dilengkapi robust First Difference-Generalized Method Moment (FD-GMM) dan System- Generalized Method Moment (SYS-GMM). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kombinasi pengeluaran pemerintah di sektor ketertiban keamanan dan perlindungan sosial berpengaruh negatif dan signifikan terhadap jumlah total kriminalitas. Hasil tersebut membuktikan bahwa kebijakan anggaran pemerintah mampu memberikan kontribusi positif terhadap penurunan angka kriminalitas. Kata Kunci: fixed effect, kriminalitas, pengeluaran pemerintah, perlindungan sosial, ketertiban keamanan
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Isiaka, Abdulaleem Moyosore. "How Does Government Spending Affect Labour Force Participation and Unemployment Within the WAMZ Countries?" International Journal of Social Science Research 8, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v8i2.16412.
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This study utilizes static and dynamic models in examining the short run and long run impacts of government spending on labour force participation and unemployment within the West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) over the period 1991-2018. While the static models are estimated using the Pooled Ordinary Least Squares (POLS) technique and the Least Squares Dummy Variables (LSDV) technique, the dynamic models are estimated using the GMM-IV technique. The GMM-IV technique better addresses endogeneity issues relative to the other techniques utilized and also, the parameters obtained from the technique are confirmed to be consistent by the Arellano-Bond test for zero autocorrelation. Accordingly, this technique is given preference in this paper. The results from the technique reveal that government spending increases the labour force participation rate but has an ambiguous impact on unemployment rate. In the long run, the parameter estimates largely remain unchanged in terms of their sign and significance; however, they increase in size. Based on these findings, this paper firstly recommends that policy makers intensify efforts in increasing government spending; as a reduction may impact negatively on the labour force participation rate. Secondly, this paper recommends the formulation and implementation of fiscal policies that are robust enough to reduce the unemployment rate as they increase the labour force participation rate.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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BERNARDINI, GIOVANNI. "Principled Pragmatism: The Eastern Committee of German Economy and West German–Chinese relations during the early Cold War, 1949–1958." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000329.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the interplay between the political authorities and economic actors in the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of establishing relations with the People's Republic of China after 1949. Within this framework, the article will assess the role played by the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft (Eastern Committee of German Economy), a semi-official organization recognized by the West German government. Both the ability of German economic actors and China's urgent need for economic contact with the West caused German-Chinese trade relations to circumvent the strict non-recognition policy followed by the West German government. The article also argues that, while economic relations heralded official recognition of the People's Republic of China by other Western European countries, in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany a division between the two spheres was finally accepted by the major actors involved, and ended only after the change of attitude imparted by the Nixon presidency in the United States during the early 1970s.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Tichenor, Kimba Allie. "Protecting Unborn Life in the Secular Age: The Catholic Church and the West German Abortion Debate, 1969–1989." Central European History 47, no. 3 (September 2014): 612–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001666.
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In 1969, the newly elected coalition government of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) in West Germany announced plans to reform Paragraph 218, the law that regulated women's access to abortion. This announcement prompted a public debate in West Germany on the state's obligation to protect unborn life—a debate that continues today in reunified Germany. Through an analysis of key events in that debate between 1969 and 1989, this article makes a twofold argument. First it argues that despite West Germany's increasingly secular orientation, the Catholic Church exercised significant political influence with respect to abortion policy throughout the history of the Federal Republic. Second, it argues that the West German Church's participation in these debates exposed deep rifts within the Catholic community, which, in turn, contributed to the formation of a smaller, more activist, and conservative Church. This smaller Church has achieved a remarkable degree of political success in reunified Germany by mobilizing its conservative core constituency, embracing new arguments, and pursuing issue-specific alliances.
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Driedger, Jonas J. "Inertia and Reactiveness in Germany's Russia Policy." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400407.
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Abstract Despite signs that Russia was preparing an invasion of Ukraine, the newly elected German government stayed with pre-existing approaches that involved engagement and the threat of limited sanctions. However, in February 2022, just before the invasion began, Germany blocked the Nord Stream 2 pipeline system, announced weapon deliveries to Ukraine, and massively increased defense spending. This article shows that inertia and reactiveness heavily influenced the timing, nature, and extent of this massive shift in Germany's Russia policy. German leaders continued the existing policy in part because it had been formed by still influential figures and was in line with societal views. However, at the dawn of the invasion, the failure of previous policies had become undeniable, pressure from Ukraine and nato allies peaked, and societal views finally shifted. Reacting to this untenable situation, key figures in the German elite pushed through a series of measures that nato allies and Ukraine had long demanded.
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Reiner, Sabine. "Gutes Leben und gute Arbeit weggespart." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 41, no. 163 (June 1, 2011): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v41i163.351.
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Increasing public debts during the crisis are now a justification for broad cuts in expenditure. However, in many countries public debt was critically debated before and irrespective of the crisis. Germany even discussed and in 2009 finally adopted a severe constitutional debt brake. The paper illustrates how a tax reduction policy of the German federal government drained public households and forced federal and regional authorities to cut public spending and benefits. The post-crisis cuts now are just an expression of an accelerated reduction of public welfare. Increasing public debt is only second best, the paper argues. The first choice to fight increasing debt would be a revised and just tax policy.
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Peters, Hans Peter. "The credibility of information sources in West Germany after the Chernobyl disaster." Public Understanding of Science 1, no. 3 (July 1992): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/1/3/006.
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In West Germany the `information disaster' after Chernobyl offered an opportunity to study the credibility of different information sources. A representative survey conducted in May 1987 of the West German population showed that on average the Federal Government—although heavily criticized because of its information policy and risk management—was rated most credible while the nuclear industry was judged least credible. On the whole, mean credibility ratings differed surprisingly little between sources; ratings of competence and public interest orientation varied more. These variables, interpreted as the classical credibility factors `expertise' and `trustworthiness', were important predictors of credibility. But beliefs and expectations recipients posess about individual sources also appear to influence credibility.
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Building Domestic Support for West Germany's Integration into NATO, 1953–1955." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (May 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00941.
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Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.
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Jaskułowski, Tytus. "Real breakthrough or pragmatic continuation? The Polish People’s Republic in the assessment of German diplomacy on the eve of imposing martial law in Poland – discussion theses." Review of Nationalities 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2021-0010.
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Abstract The author of the following Contribution text was interested in whether December 13, 1981 – it means also the Martial Law in Poland – really changed anything for West Germany from the point of view of its own foreign policy. The answers of this Question, formulated on the basis of the Research in the political archives of the West German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aim at explaining the reasons for the behavior of certain institutions or politicians in West Germany after the breakthrough of 1980-1981. The main Thesis of the author are: The West German primacy of stabilisation meant doing everything to avoid a soviet military intervention in Poland. How? Through diplomatic and military messages stating that the intervention would be too costly. Besides, in agreement with the US State Department, West Germany tried to avoid doing anything which could give the Communist Party of the Soviet Union arguments for an invasion. Last but not least, General Jaruzelski, as a figure publicly referring to national and patriotic feelings, but also enjoying some form of support in Moscow, was able to provide a difficult, but real stabilisation, even with the use of violence. The diplomacy of West Germany needed nothing more. Therefore was the message given to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic after December 13 was crystal clear. Unless blood was shed, West Germany would not condemn General Jaruzelski’s government more than the country’s loyalty to NATO required it to.
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Ellermann, Antje. "When Can Liberal States Avoid Unwanted Immigration? Self-Limited Sovereignty and Guest Worker Recruitment in Switzerland and Germany." World Politics 65, no. 3 (July 2013): 491–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000130.
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Advanced democracies, it is commonly argued, are unable to prevent unwanted immigration because their sovereignty is “self-limited” by virtue of their normative, legal, and economic liberalism. This article challenges this claim by examining a critical test case that is at the heart of self-limited sovereignty arguments: guest worker recruitment in postwar Switzerland and West Germany. The author shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the unintended settlement of guest workers was not a universal given but instead was far less extensive in Switzerland than in West Germany. This difference in exposure to unwanted immigration, she argues, was the result of path-dependent processes that can be traced back to the inception of each country’s recruitment program. Whereas West German officials made no concerted effort to control settlement until the program’s termination, Swiss policy from its beginning was marked by state-enforced worker rotation and the prevention of family unification. To account for these critical differences in policy design, the article argues that each guest worker system was fundamentally shaped by two sets of factors. First, program design varied depending on whether or not political elites could draw policy lessons from past experience with temporary worker programs. Where past recruitment had resulted in unwanted settlement, as had been the case in Switzerland, political elites sought to adopt policy provisions designed to prevent the past from repeating itself. Where past policy failure was absent, as was the case in West Germany, policymakers were less concerned with preempting settlement. Second, recruitment policy reflected the degree to which policymakers were able to operate autonomously from cross-cutting interests. Whereas the West German government could pursue recruitment relatively insulated from both business and popular pressure, Swiss policymakers had to repeatedly accommodate both sets of actors, in the process devising a recruitment system firmly premised on the principle of worker rotation.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.
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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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ABDULRAZQ, MUSTAFA. "Adapting State Capitalism to Compensate for shortcomings of private sector in Iraq." Journal Ishraqat Tanmawya 27 (June 2021): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51424/ishq.27.28.
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The Iraqi decision-maker decided to move to a market economy after 2003, without the private and public sectors being able to compete against the policies of economic openness. Because of the great risks, local capital has fled and at the same time foreign investment has not been attracted, so the public sector has taken on the burden of tackling unemployment, which led to disguised unemployment and the spread of corruption and bureaucracy, so it is important to search for a policy that compensates for the shortcoming of the private sector while absorbing the disguised unemployment. It is appropriate for the Iraqi economy to follow the policy of "state capitalism" as it has been followed by many countries, both at the stage of creating free economies (Japan, Switzerland, Germany) or to support the development process (China, India, Brazil), or when faced with economic crises (1929,2008) In this policy, government spending is directed towards the establishment of productive (not administrative or service) projects that aim at profit and generate a capital accumulation that can support the government budget and absorb the surplus workers (disguised unemployment), especially since these projects have been examined by the (Nation Investment Commission), will be protected by government policies, as well as lower labor costs, mainly driven by the government budget, and the ultimate goal is to create a competitive production sector that Iraq can then sell to the private sector. Keywords: State Capitalism, General Policy, Economic Reform, Iraqi policy, Economic transition, Financial Policy, Government Investment, Government Projects
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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.
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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
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Kunze, Heinrich, Thomas Becker, and Stefan Priebe. "Reform of psychiatric services in Germany: hospital staffing directive and commissioning of community care." Psychiatric Bulletin 28, no. 6 (June 2004): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.28.6.218.
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The German mental health care system differs significantly from the system in the UK. There is no central organisation with overall responsibility as in the National Health Service (NHS), and the government is not entitled to prescribe details of policy or set specific targets. It can only determine the legal framework, define general goals and, with difficulties, influence the spending level. Responsibilities for mental health care, as for other fields of health care, are shared between federal authorities, the 16 states (Lander), local authorities, and semi-statutory organisations, which govern out-patient health care provided by psychiatrists in office-based practices. Virtually every citizen is health-insured and there is free access to health care for those who have no insurance coverage, in which case social services usually cover the costs. Social services also directly fund various services in the community. The fragmented system can be difficult to comprehend. However, many of the challenges are similar to those in other countries, and policy makers and practitioners elsewhere might be interested to know some of the lessons learnt in the German system.
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Sharpe, L. J. "Central Coordination and the Policy Network." Political Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1985): 361–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1985.tb01150.x.
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Where responsibility for a public service is divided between the centre and sub-national government, legislative intention is unlikely to match service delivery. This is the implementation gap or control deficit, which, it is claimed, will always arise because of inherent limitations on central coordinative capacity. However, this claim seems to be derived from states like West Germany where conditions are such that the centre is severely handicapped. In states where the centre has fewer constrictions, like the United Kingdom, the centre appears to be able to minimize control deficits by a number of means, including the co-option of national associations of sub-national professionals, and sub-national units themselves. The UK centre is also able to restructure the sub-national system itself in order to enhance its control capacity.
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Kenworthy, Lane. "Are Industrial Policy and Corporatism Compatible?" Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 1990): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005821.
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ABSTRACTAs intense international competition along with rapidly changing product markets and technology have come to dominate the economic environment for firms, industries, and nations, government pursuit of a coordinated, proactive industrial policy has increasingly been viewed as a key to national economic success. Owing largely to its utility in generating consensus-formation, corporatist concertation has been suggested by a number of commentators as an ideal mechanism for implementing industrial policies. However, the legitimacy of corporatism as a mode of interest intermediation rests on the capacity of interest group representatives to win benefits for all their members, while industrial policy decisions are by nature selective or discriminatory. This feature of industrial policy casts doubts upon its compatibility with corporatism. The postwar policy-making experiences of Japan, Sweden, and West Germany support this skepticism.
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Belov, Vladislav. "THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF GERMANY AND GERMAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120226778.
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On December 8, 2021, the new coalition government of Germany began its work, an important area of the country’s foreign policy development is relations with Russia, Germany’s leading partner in the post-Soviet space. In many ways, they determine the parameters of cooperation between the European Union and the Russian Federation and its partners. The SPD, Union 90 / Greens, FDP, during difficult negotiations, agreed on common approaches to cooperation with Russia, which eventually united the value, economic, civil and political «Russian» denominators of the three party election programs. At the same time, the provisions enshrined in the coalition agreement are based on the foundation of bilateral relations built by the last two cabinets of ministers under the leadership of A. Merkel, incl. during 2021, the year that marked the end of the era of the former Chancellor. Just a week after the start of the government, bilateral relations were tested for strength in the political and economic spheres. The new year 2022 began in difficult conditions of escalating confrontation between the collective West, including Germany, and official Moscow. Under these conditions, on January 18, the German and Russian foreign ministers held talks, clarifying their mutual positions on the most important issues on the bilateral and international agenda. On February 15, Russian President V.V. Putin and Chancellor O. Scholz continued to discuss the most important topical issues of cooperation. The author sums up the political and economic results of cooperation between the two leading countries of the European continent in 2021, and also analyzes its prospects in 2022, paying special attention to the role of Germany and the Russian Federation in resolving the intra-Ukrainian conflict.
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PIERSON, PAUL, and MIRIAM SMITH. "Bourgeois Revolutions?" Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 4 (January 1993): 487–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093025004003.
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Much of the literature on reform politics has focused on social democratic governments. This article reexamines the dynamics of reform by concentrating on conservative governments in four advanced industrial democracies during the 1980s: Britain, Canada, the United States, and West Germany. Conservative governments have attempted to dismantle well-institutionalized systems of government intervention in market economies. The authors argue that the structure of national political institutions is of central importance in explaining variation across these cases in government goals, strategies, and success rates. This article also stresses the need to consider the distinctive characteristics of different policy arenas. Governments found market-oriented reforms considerably easier to implement in some policy arenas than in others.
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Samir, Heba, and Aya Maher. "Public Private Partnership: Insights from the Egyptian Experience." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 8, no. 3 (July 31, 2018): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v8i3.13450.
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Partnership between private and public organizations has become very vital for policy implementation. PPP contracts have been successful for the recent years in many countries such as United Kingdom, Germany, Netherlands, South Africa, and The United States. Egypt is considered to be one of the MENA region leaders in the PPP field. PPPs are considered to be on the top of the Egyptian economic reform agenda so as to increase the private sector involvement in public services through leveraging private sector spending against public spending. The objective of this theoretical paper is to analyze the role of public private partnership in Egypt with regards to developing meaningful cooperation between the governments and businesses in a way that enables effective provision of cost efficient quality public goods, services and facilities. The significance of the study lies in the fact that PPP has become a crucial need for the government of Egypt for rendering an efficient public services and projects amidst all the challenges for developing the country after the 25th of January Revolution.
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Sturm, Roland. "Budgetary Policy‐Making under Institutional Restrictions: The Experience of Britain, France, West Germany and the United States." Government and Opposition 21, no. 4 (October 1, 1986): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00031.x.
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POLITICIANS LIKE TO BE REGARDED AS EFFECTIVE IN THE WORK THEY do. They insist that the promises they make and the programmes they decide on are more than mere declarations of goodwill. To practise what they preach is of special importance to governments which stress that their policies are substantially different from the policies of their predecessors. Thus, a departure from conventional politics on the model of the social-democratic consensus was asserted by the previously more pragmatic, now more ideologically minded, Conservative governments in Britain (1979), the United States (1980) and to some degree also by the electoral successes of Conservative parties in West Germany (1983) and France (1986). The conservative ground-swell in current government policies in Western democracies is, however, not restricted to the countries mentioned here, although Britain and the United States have played a special role as pathfinders for the political reorientation process.
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Oehlke, Paul. "The development of labor process policies in the Federal Republic of Germany." Concepts and Transformation 6, no. 2 (December 3, 2001): 109–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.6.2.03oeh.
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In the years following the Second World War, the West German market economy was to distinguish itself as a social alternative, superior to the real socialism as it existed in East Germany with all its economic weaknesses and democratic deficits. Within the context of this social competition, the crisis of Fordist mass production led to increasing attempts to humanize the workplace. The result in 1974 was that the social/liberal coalition government instigated labor policies that the subsequent Christian Democrat/liberal government continued. As the policies were translated into reality, a reform constellation was to crystallize — a network which, in the 1980s, was able to develop innovative concepts for the labor process. Over the next decade, it promoted extended concepts for production, service and employment which, however, eventually stagnated against the background of increasingly neoliberal strategies of rationalization and deregulation. These resulted in problems for employment and employment policy, the solution of which demands wide-ranging labor policies.
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Lucas, Hans-Dieter. "Sécurité et détente : Dimensions historiques et problèmes actuels de la politique de sécurité ouest-allemande." Études internationales 15, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701699ar.
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Against the background of the latest vehement discussions in West-Germany on the implementation of the NATO twin-track-decision this article analyses the current concepts of security and détente presented by the main political forces as well as their historical dimensions. The Christian Democrat/Liberal government pursues a pragmatic Atlanticist security policy, which is based largely upon Adenauer's principles such as exclusive definition of West German interests in the framework of the Alliance, rejection of one-sided disarmament and nuclear disengagement. Nevertheless, the government Kohl has adopted the main instruments of the new "Ostpolitik" in order to establish the calculability of West German policy in East and West. Détente is no considered as a political aim in itself. The Social Democrat concept of a security partnership with the East is strongly influenced by the principles and methods underlying the new "Ostpolitik". This concept aims at the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe in order to facilitate a real détente between East and West. An optimistic view or détente appears to be an essential element of the political identity of the SPD. The ideas of the Greens and the "Peace Movement" - unilateral disarmament, creation of a denuclearized zone, renunciation on "first Use" - are variations of the pacifistic concepts already developped in the 1950's. The main reason for the formation of the "Peace Movement" is a change in West German political culture involving above all the younger population.
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Whitworth, William. "Genuine Pacifism or Soviet Infiltration? Allied Responses to West German Rearmament Protests, 1950–52." Diplomatica 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03010002.
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Abstract This article examines the reactions of British and U.S. officials to the wave of anti-rearmament protests which erupted in West Germany in the early 1950s. It examines the discourse generated by these officials to argue that the West German protests were either encouraged or condemned by different diplomatic figures. Most officials blamed the Soviet Union for the dissent in Germany and called for widespread concessions to the German government to better calm the situation. Some officials, however, supported the protests and protesters and looked to use the demonstrations to argue for increased contact with the Soviet Union and a thawing of the Cold War. A lasting impact of this discussion was that the image of the German people began to change in the eyes of Western policy makers- with old stereotypes from the Second World War beginning to give way to a new appraisal of Germans as activists and pacifists.
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Akenroye, Temidayo, Jonathan D. Owens, Adekunle Sabitu Oyegoke, Jamal Elbaz, H. M. Belal, and Fedwa Jebli. "SME’s disinclination towards subcontracting in the public sector markets: an attributional perspective." Journal of Public Procurement 22, no. 2 (January 17, 2022): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jopp-05-2021-0032.
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Purpose This study aims to examine the causes of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) disinclination towards subcontracting in public sector markets. Previous studies have revealed that UK SMEs are reluctant to do business with the public sector through the subcontracting route, but the reasons for this lack of enthusiasm have not been widely researched. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on semi-structured interviews with SMEs competing for public contracts in North West England, a qualitative study was performed, from which several themes emerged. Findings The findings were synthesised into a framework underpinned by attribution theory, to portray situationally and dispositionally caused factors that were used to interpret SMEs’ behaviour. Social implications The findings can guide policy development and government interventions in developed and developing countries, aimed at using public procurement as a policy tool to develop the small business sector. Originality/value This paper contributes in a unique way to an emerging discourse on how subcontracting can facilitate the access of SMEs to government procurement spending. It adds to knowledge regarding the explanatory power of attribution theory – from its base in social psychology.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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in't Veld, Jan. "A Public Investment Stimulus in Surplus Countries and Its Spillovers in the EA." National Institute Economic Review 239 (February 2017): R53—R62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011723900113.
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The Euro Area recommendations endorsed by the European Council in 2016 called for a differentiation of the fiscal effort by individual Member States, taking into account spillovers across Euro Area countries. This article shows model-based simulations of an increase in public investment in Germany and the Netherlands and their spillovers to the rest of the Euro Area. While spillovers in a monetary union may be small when monetary policy reacts by raising interest rates, when rates are kept constant and the stimulus is accommodated, spillovers can be sizeable. An increase in (productive) spending in Germany and the Netherlands can boost GDP in these countries and also have significant positive spillovers on the rest of EA GDP, while the effects on current accounts are likely to be small. Effects can be even larger when investment is directed to the most productive projects. With low borrowing costs at present, the increase in government debt for surplus countries will be modest, while there could be an improvement in debt ratios in the rest of the Euro Area.
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Roberts, Geoffrey K. "Selection, Voting and Adjudication: The Politics of Legislative Membership in the Federal Republic of Germany." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00096.
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There Has Been Much Concern In The Past Few Years About the ‘decline of parliament’ in West European democracies. In the United Kingdom, criticism of the New Labour government has included its apparent neglect of Parliament demonstrated by the style and strategies of the government, ranging from reduction in the time allotted to prime minister's question-time and the utilization of the mass media rather than Parliament as the forum for important policy statements, to the government's refusal to accept reforms to the method of appointments to House of Commons select committees, as recommended by the House of Commons Liaison Committee. Strong party discipline, coupled with sanctions which can affect the political careers of MPs for failure to obey the edicts of the party leadership, have limited the autonomy of MPs in Britain, and, to a varying degree, in other West European countries also. Certainly the German Bundestag has been criticized for being too much under the control of the leaderships of the political parties, in terms of voting on legislation, the stage-management of debates and the choice of leaders of the parliamentary parties (the removal by Chancellor Schröder of Scharping as leader of the SPD parliamentary party in 1998 at the instigation of Lafontaine, the then party chairman, is a notorious instance).
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BERGER, STEFAN, and DARREN G. LILLEKER. "THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC DURING THE ERA OF NON-RECOGNITION, 1949–1973." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002443.
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The German Democratic Republic (GDR) became the focus of a recurrent and sometimes heated debate within the British Labour party before 1973. The official stance of the party followed an all-party consensus within parliament about the non-recognition of the second German state. Yet many on the left wing of the Labour party came, for various reasons, to perceive such an inflexible stance as governed not by reason but dictated by the West German government. Such ambivalence towards West Germany and the Adenauer government in particular led to ambiguities within the party's policy as a considerable minority, including some key figures within the party, offered alternative strategies for maintaining or improving relations with the GDR. The most radical alternative, official recognition of the GDR as a legal, political entity, was only propounded by a core of hard left campaigners both within and outside the party. This article examines why sections of the Labour left came to sympathize with the GDR and how successful it was in influencing official party policy during the whole period of non-recognition of the GDR between 1949 and 1973.
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Danziger, Sheldon, and Eugene Smolensky. "Income Transfer Policies and the Poor: A Cross-National Perspective." Journal of Social Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1985): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400014719.
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A political revolution now under way among Western countries may have drastic repercussions on the poor. For most of the post-war period, government programmes designed to raise the income share of the poor proliferated and expanded. In the wake of the world-wide slowdown in economic growth following the first oil embargo of 1973, critics argued that the gains from redistributional programmes are far outweighed by adverse side-effects that reduce work and savings. These arguments have been taken with increasing seriousness. In the United States, England, Germany, and even in the Netherlands and Scandinavia, public income transfer programmes have been or are being cut back. On the face of it, only France and Italy seem to be resisting this trend; Switzerland, though it partook in the rapid expansion of the earlier period, has temporarily reached a plateau in spending.
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BOTTA, FELIX A. JIMÉNEZ. "The Foreign Policy of State Terrorism: West Germany, the Military Juntas in Chile and Argentina and the Latin American Refugee Crisis of the 1970s." Contemporary European History 27, no. 4 (February 27, 2018): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000024.
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This article analyses West German foreign policy towards state terrorism in Chile and Argentina and towards political refugees fleeing these regimes. Pressured by grassroots activists, Willy Brandt's government took a hard stance against the Chilean military junta and established an asylum programme for refugees from Chile. Under Helmut Schmidt, however, the official attitude towards state terrorism changed. West Germany welcomed the military coup in Buenos Aires, accepted the Argentinean junta's position that repressive measures were necessary to fight ‘subversion’, flatly refused to accept any Argentinean political prisoners and approved billions of Deutschmarks worth of weapons sales to the junta. This article argues that Bonn's ambivalence towards state terrorism and uneven interest in human rights was due to the different attitudes of both Social Democratic Chancellors towards economic strategising, grassroots activism and, most importantly, the threat of left-wing terrorism.
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Aliyeva, Abuhayat. "Post-Oil Period in Azerbaijan: Economic Transformations, Anti-Inflation Policy and Innovations Management." Marketing and Management of Innovations 2, no. 1 (2022): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2022.2-24.
Full textAbstract:
Azerbaijan's economy is traditionally characterized by a high dependence on the oil industry. Thus, the revenues from producing and selling oil and oil products provided economic growth and financing for most consumer needs. However, the transition from the oil boom to the gradual decline of the oil industry has caused quite serious economic shocks and identified the need for significant structural transformations in the national economy. The article aims to study the potential of innovative development of Azerbaijan's economy in the post-oil period and to determine the priorities of the state's anti-inflationary policy. To test the hypothesis of the need to change the directions of economic regulation and anti-inflationary policy, a dynamic and structural analysis of key indicators of Azerbaijan's economic development (production, employment, exports, inflation, the balance of payments, government spending, etc.) during the oil boom and post-oil period was conducted. The structural transformations in the economy of Azerbaijan that have taken place over the past 20 years have been identified, which made it possible to put forward a hypothesis about the impact of world oil demand on the main parameters of the country's national economy. Regression analysis by the Newey West method (time-series data) revealed the specifics of the relationship between key indicators of oil industry development (oil production and sales, oil prices), inflation (consumer prices, exchange rate), production (structure and value-added of industry, investment, etc.), innovative development (expenditure on research and development, production and foreign trade of high-tech goods and services) and the social sector (government spending, employment, education) in two time periods: the oil boom (2005–2014) and the post-oil period (after 2014). It was proved that the transition from the oil boom to the post-oil period is associated with a change like cause-and-effect relationships between indicators of the development of the oil industry and several indicators of economic, innovative, and social development of Azerbaijan. Based on the identified changes in the specifics of causation, the directions of changing the priorities of state regulation of the economy in the context of overcoming inflation and ensuring the transition to an innovation-driven economy are substantiated.