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Journal articles on the topic 'Government, Resistance to – Ireland – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Touhill, Blanche M., and Charles Townshend. "Political Violence in Ireland: Government and Resistance Since 1848." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852720.

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2

Holohan, Carole, Sean O'Connell, and Robert J. Savage. "Rediscovering poverty: moneylending in the Republic of Ireland in the 1960s." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 168 (November 2021): 282–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.56.

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AbstractIn 1969 R.T.É.'s 7 Days dealt with the issue of illegal moneylending, claiming that Dublin was ‘a city of fear’ where 500 unlicensed moneylenders used violence as a tool to collect debts. The Fianna Fáil government rejected the suggestion that loan sharking was widespread and that Gardaí responses to it were ineffectual; a tribunal of inquiry was established to investigate 7 Days. Previous analyses situated these events within the context of government concerns over the influence of television journalism. This article takes a different approach, analysing moneylending ― rather than 7 Days ― within the context of the rediscovery of poverty during the 1960s. It examines how social and economic changes, including the growth of consumer credit and the re-housing of large numbers of Dubliners, combined to make illegal moneylending more visible. Historical accounts of Ireland in the 1960s have had a top down focus on economic policy and growth. Here, the focus is shifted to personal rather state finances to offer a more nuanced portrayal of a decade often understood as a boom one. Moreover, analysing the nature and conclusions of the tribunal lays bare the contemporary resistance to those attempting to reframe the problem of poverty.

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3

Shailbala, Shailbala, and Amarendra Kumar. "Eco-friendly management of late blight of potato– A review." Journal of Applied and Natural Science 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 821–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31018/jans.v9i2.1282.

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Late blight of potato caused by fungus Phytophthora infestans responsible for Irish famine in the year 1845, is one of the most dramatic episode caused by plant pathogen in human history. One million people died due to famine in Ireland. So eco-friendly management of potato late blight disease is a necessary goal to be accomplished.During last many years, management strategies solely relied upon the application of fungicides due to rapid development of late blight epidemics. However, indiscriminate use of fungicide posesses a serious threat to the environment and human health. It is also responsible for built up of resistance in the pathogen and have adverse effect on beneficial organisms such as nitrogen fixers, resident antagonism and mycorrhizal fungi. So to minimize the fungicide use, eco-friendly means for late blight management are required on a priority basis. In recent years, significant changes in isolates of late blight fungus have been recorded including changes in aggressiveness to the crop also. Since, late blight is a community disease so, effective eco-friendly management must be adopted by the all producers, farmers, gardeners and growers with the help of government agencies, extension specialist and crop consultants etc. The strategy to control late blight is the prevention of establishment of Phytophthorainfestans in potato crop. In this context, disease management by cultural practices is the first line of defense while forecasting system, physiological strategies, biological control, host plant resistance and bio-technological approach are essential for efficient, effective and eco-friendly management of late blight of potato.

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4

MacMillan, Gretchen, and Charles Townshend. "Political Violence in Ireland: Government and Resistance since 1848." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 14, no. 2 (1989): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25512747.

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5

McDowell, Moore. "Family, Economy and Government in Ireland." Population Studies 44, no. 2 (July 1, 1990): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000144686.

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6

McDaid, Shaun. "The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Council of Ireland: a vehicle for unity?" Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 150 (November 2012): 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001139.

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In December 1973, the British and Irish governments and the Northern Ireland Executive designate agreed to the formal establishment of a ‘Council of Ireland’ as part of the historic Sunningdale Agreement. This council was to have executive functions and co-ordinate the provision of certain services on both sides of the border; it would have ‘executive and harmonising functions and a consultative role, and a consultative assembly with advisory and review functions’. The Council of Ireland proposal was the British government's formal recognition of the ‘Irish dimension’ which it had accepted in the March 1973 White Paper, the Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals. The proposed council was one of the most divisive issues in Northern Ireland politics during the 1972–4 period, and was strongly resisted by a majority of unionists. The council issue led to the collapse of the power-sharing Executive which had taken office in January 1974. Loyalist opponents of Sunningdale argued that the Council of Ireland, if allowed to operate, would be a stepping-stone to a united Ireland. Recently, some scholars have retrospectively endorsed this interpretation of the council, arguing that the Irish government, in concert with the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), sought a particularly strong institution – with the goal of Irish reunification. But was the proposed Council of Ireland really intended as a vehicle for future Irish unity?

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7

Curtis,, L. P. "Political Violence in Ireland: Government and Resistance since 1848. Charles Townshend." Journal of Modern History 58, no. 3 (September 1986): 716–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243055.

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8

Maguire, Martin. "Review: Local Government in Nineteenth Century Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 22, no. 1 (June 1995): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939502200122.

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9

Edwards, Peter, and Padraig Lenihan. "Conquest and Resistance: War in Seventeenth-Century Ireland." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (July 2002): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093367.

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10

McBride, Lawrence W., and Arthur Mitchell. "Revolutionary Government in Ireland: Dail Eireann, 1919-22." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171569.

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11

FARRINGTON, CHRISTOPHER. "Reconciliation or Irredentism? The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Communiqué of 1973." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730600364x.

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AbstractThis article uses recently released archival material to examine the role of the Irish government in the negotiation of the Sunningdale communiqué of 1973, which marked, among other things, an agreement to establish a Council of Ireland and was therefore a key part of the first attempt to establish a power-sharing devolved executive in Northern Ireland. The article will problematise the distinctions which have been made between various strains of political thought held by leading intellectuals and politicians on the national question and show how the discourse of ‘revisionist nationalism’ and reconciliation which sponsored the key institution of the Sunningdale communiqué, the Council of Ireland, was in contradiction to the meaning attached to the functions of the Council, which was in fact closer to traditional nationalist aims.

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12

Little, Patrick. "The first unionists? Irish Protestant attitudes to union with England, 1653–9." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 125 (May 2000): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014644.

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The enforced union of England and Scotland under the Cromwellian Protectorate has been extensively studied, not least because it stands half-way between the union of the crowns in 1603 and the Act of Union of 1707. Without this historical imperative, however, the way in which Ireland was incorporated into the English state remains largely neglected. When dealing with the theory and practice of union in the 1650s, historians have usually dismissed Ireland in a few lines before turning to Scotland — an approach which creates the impression that the English state had absorbed Ireland almost unconsciously. According to David Stevenson, ‘Ireland presented few problems as to her status once conquered ... When the English Parliament had abolished monarchy in England and established the republic, it had done the same in Ireland: the new Commonwealth was that of England and Ireland.’ Others have agreed. Ivan Roots has described the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland as creating ‘ade factounion’, while the Instrument of Government of 1653 (which provided the constitutional basis for protectoral government in England) ‘assumed a union’ between the two nations. By the end of 1653, as John Morrill asserts, Ireland was ‘presumed’ to have been ‘incorporated into an enhanced English state’. Thus, either by the mere fact of conquest, or by implication through the 1653 constitution, union had been achieved without any complications.

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13

Burns, Robert E., and Steven G. Ellis. "Reform and Revival: English Government in Ireland, 1470-1534." American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (April 1988): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859971.

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14

Clark, Samuel, and Brian Jenkins. "Era of Emancipation: British Government of Ireland, 1812-1830." American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162780.

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15

Loeber, Rolf, and Pádraic Lenihan. "Conquest and Resistance: War in Seventeenth-Century Ireland." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 1142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061669.

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16

Calvert, Leanne. "Women, reform, and resistance in Ireland, 1850-1950." Women's History Review 27, no. 3 (January 16, 2018): 498–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2018.1424750.

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17

Campbell, I. C. "Resistance and colonial government." Journal of Pacific History 40, no. 1 (June 2005): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223340500082418.

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18

Elements and Czar Sepe. "Ireland Reimagined." Elements 17, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/eurj.v17i1.14895.

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Ireland's decade of centenaries (2012-2022) commemorates historial milestones that led to the country's independence from Great Britain and the creation of the Republic of Ireland. However, since the advent of the Irish nation, its history has always been a contested space - where opposing political social, and cultural groups negotiate between historical narratives - to lay claim to a 'true' Irish history. This paper presents the competing historiographies involved in the Irish government's decade of centenaries and identifies the socio-political agenda behind state commemorations. A historical analysis of the commemorations that took place in the 2010s proves that socio-political considerations factored in the way Ireland's founding was portrayed by the Government, the public, and civil society. Overall, this paper concluded that the Irish Government's chief aims were to strike a conciliatory tone with northern Ireland, 'crowd-out' opposing historical narratives, and project Ireland's economic progress through the irish proclamation. Neverthless, academic historians and the public intervened in this negotiation to create reimagined histories of Ireland.

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19

CUNNINGHAM, JOHN. "Lay Catholicism and Religious Policy in Cromwellian Ireland." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 4 (September 9, 2013): 769–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691100265x.

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The conquest of Ireland between 1649 and 1653 created almost as many problems as it solved for the English government of the country. Not least of these was how, if at all, the majority Catholic population was to be won over to Protestantism. This article reassesses Cromwellian religious policy towards the Catholic laity and traces its evolution up to the end of the decade, taking account also of Catholic responses to official measures. It argues that the supposed leniency of government policy has been overstated and that Catholics who refused to conform to Protestantism in fact risked heavy penalties.

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20

Privilege, John, and Greta Jones. "Crisis and Scandal: Government, Local Government and Health Reform in Northern Ireland, 1939–44." Irish Economic and Social History 42, no. 1 (December 2015): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/iesh.42.1.2.

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21

Temple, Wm. "Text." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 136 (November 2005): 456–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000643x.

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After the Conquest of Ireland by Henry the 2nd most of the Lands in Leinster & Munster were Distributed among those English who Served in that or the Succeeding Expeditions of our Kings into Ireland. From those English were Derived most of the Great Families in Ireland: Few of the Old native Irish remaining in those provinces besides those of Bryan or Maccarty of any Great Notte or Titles.Some of the Great English Families were Generally Imployed in the Cheif Government of this Province ‘till the tyme of Henry the 7th but Cheifly those of Ormond or Kildare.

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22

Canning, Paul M., and Eunan O'Halpin. "The Decline of the Union: British Government in Ireland, 1892-1920." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 779. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873848.

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23

Keogh, Dermot. "Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.

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24

Nic Dháibhéid, Caoimhe. "Historians and the Decade of Centenaries in Modern Ireland." Contemporary European History 32, no. 1 (January 23, 2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000522.

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The Irish ‘Decade of Centenaries’ is, at last, drawing to a close, ending the ‘interminable round of national soul-searching’ which one prominent historian warily anticipated in 2013.1 The final major event to be commemorated is the Civil War of 1922–3, when the Irish republican movement split bitterly and violently over the terms of the treaty granting the southern part of Ireland partial independence from Britain. As it turns out, the government in charge of overseeing that commemoration is a coalition made up of the two principal political parties that emerged from the aftermath of that civil war. Where for a century these parties had formed the binaries of the Irish political division, now their peaceful cooperation in government could be seen as proof of the ‘end of history’, Irish-style. Even erstwhile political enemies – whose ancestors one hundred years ago executed and assassinated each other – could unite in a shared project of ‘inclusive’ and ‘ethical’ commemoration informed by an expert advisory panel made up of prominent academic and public historians. Their unprecedented political cooperation would be encapsulated by the peaceful swapping of the position of Taoiseach (Prime Minister) half-way through the government's term. The third great strand of the Irish Revolution, the labour movement, was fortuitously represented by the election to the Irish Presidency in 2007 of Michael D. Higgins, an academic sociologist and former Labour Party TD (member of parliament). Casann an roth, as Higgins declared in one of his many addresses during the ‘Decade’, as it is colloquially known in Irish history parlance.2 The wheel turns, and this time had come full circle, repairing the fractures in the national movement and restoring national political unity.

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25

Butler, William. "The formation of the Ulster Home Guard." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 158 (November 2016): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.26.

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AbstractThis article explores the problems encountered in the formation of the Ulster Home Guard, supposedly a direct equivalent to its well-known British counterpart, as part of the paramilitary Ulster Special Constabulary in Northern Ireland, during the Second World War. Predictably, the Ulster Home Guard became an almost exclusively Protestant organisation which led to many accusations of sectarianism from a variety of different national and international voices. This became a real concern for the British government, as well as the army, which understandably wished to avoid any such controversy. Though assumptions had previously been made about the numbers of Catholics in the force, this article explores just how few joined the organisation throughout the war. Additionally, the article investigates the rather awkward constitutional position in which the Ulster Home Guard was placed. Under the Government of Ireland Act, the Stormont administration had no authority on matters of home defence. It did, however, have the power to raise a police force as a way to maintain law and order. Still, the Ulster Home Guard, although formed as part of the Ulster Special Constabulary, was entrusted solely with home defence and this had wider implications for British policy towards Northern Ireland throughout the Second World War.

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26

CUNNINGHAM, JOHN. "OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE ‘CROMWELLIAN’ SETTLEMENT OF IRELAND." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 919–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000427.

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ABSTRACTOliver Cromwell remains a deeply controversial figure in Ireland. In the past decade, his role in the conquest has received sustained attention. However, in recent scholarship on the settlement of Ireland in the 1650s, he has enjoyed a peculiarly low profile. This trend has served to compound the interpretative problems relating to Cromwell and Ireland which stem in part from the traditional denominational divide in Irish historiography. This article offers a reappraisal of Cromwell's role in designing and implementing the far-reaching ‘Cromwellian’ land settlement. It examines the evidence relating to his dealings with Irish people, both Protestant and Catholic, and his attitude towards the enormous difficulties which they faced post-conquest. While the massacre at Drogheda in 1649 remains a blot on his reputation, in the 1650s Cromwell in fact emerged as an important and effective ally for Irish landowners seeking to defeat the punitive confiscation and transplantation policies approved by the Westminster parliament and favoured by the Dublin government.

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27

OLLERENSHAW, PHILIP. "War, Industrial Mobilisation and Society in Northern Ireland, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 16, no. 2 (May 2007): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003773.

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AbstractArchive-based regional studies can contribute much that is new to the economic, political and social history of the Second World War. This paper considers the process of industrial mobilisation in Northern Ireland, a politically divided region which was part of the United Kingdom but which had its own government. It examines the changing administrative framework of war production, the debate on military and industrial conscription, the role of women and the economic implications of geographical remoteness from London. The paper adds to our limited knowledge of regional mobilisation and contributes to a neglected aspect of the history of Northern Ireland.

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28

McEvoy, Gráinne. "American government in Ireland, 1790–1913: a history of the US consular service." Irish Studies Review 21, no. 1 (February 2013): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2012.757928.

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29

Maginn, Christopher. "After the Armada: thanksgiving in Ireland, 1589." Historical Research 93, no. 259 (January 14, 2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htz002.

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Abstract Following the failure of the Spanish Armada, Elizabeth I ordered a formal and public thanksgiving for England’s deliverance. Soon after, the queen and her privy council determined that her kingdom of Ireland should also give thanks. This Irish thanksgiving, celebrated in late January 1589, represents a rare example of a government-ordered national event that sought to draw together Elizabeth’s subjects in Ireland to give thanks to God and to pray with one voice for their queen and the continued success of her reign. This article explores the circumstances surrounding Ireland’s first thanksgiving to see what this national day of commemoration can tell us about the state of English rule in later Elizabethan Ireland. The very fact that a public display of this kind was held in Ireland at all is significant. It was indicative of the confidence of a government which had at last exerted its control over most of Ireland and which could reasonably expect the queen’s subjects there to behave as they had in England.

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30

Morris, R. J. "Reading the riot commission: Belfast, 1857." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.50.

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AbstractThe year 1857 saw the first of the great riot commissions which provided much source material for Belfast history. It should be read as a continuation of the street conflict of that summer. Careful reading shows the skill with which the weak Catholic/Liberal alliance of the city managed the flow of witnesses and the naiveté of the Orange/Protestant lawyers. The Catholic/Liberal side ‘won’ the inquiry, achieving their aim of convincing the Dublin government that the local police force was ineffective if not sectarian and that Orange Order culture and evangelical street preaching was responsible for the disorder. Practical outcomes were limited. Resources were limited due to demands in other parts of Ireland and the process of taking first-class troops from Ireland to deal with the Indian mutiny. Considered in light of theories of ‘civil society’, the court was a means of countering the imperfections of representative government. Considered in the context of Ireland as a whole, events demonstrated the weakness of the Dublin authorities, their ignorance of Belfast and the importance of the resident magistrate. Much was concealed from the inquiry. The following months revealed evidence of an active Ribbon-style organisation, and the animosity of the local police and the constabulary. Attention to working class sectarianism diverted attention from elite failure to manage the class relationships of a fractured civil society.

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31

Fedorowich, Kent. "The problems of disbandment: the Royal Irish Constabulary and imperial migration, 1919–29." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 117 (May 1996): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012591.

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When the Anglo-Irish campaign ended in July 1921, the British government, in accordance with the agreed settlement, initiated the disbandment of the Royal Irish Constabulary (R.I.C.). For over a century the Irish police force, renamed the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1867, had carried the burden of policing in Ireland, and after 1916 it bore the brunt of escalating republican intimidation and violence. Now that the conflict was over and the R.I.C. faced dissolution, a number of questions remained outstanding. What would Whitehall do to assist former members of this force once British troops had withdrawn? What contingencies, if any, had been made by the British government for the speedy removal of these men who could not remain in Ireland ‘simply because they [had] performed their duty fearlessly as loyal servants of the Crown’? Was compensation forthcoming, and if so, what forms would it take? One suggestion which received close scrutiny was their resettlement in the overseas dominions — but how receptive were the dominion governments to this proposal?

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Neary, J. Peter, and Cormac Ó. Gráda. "Protection, economic war and structural change: the 1930s in Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 107 (May 1991): 250–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010531.

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If I were an Irishman, I should find much to attract me in the economic outlook of your present government towards greater self-sufficiency. (J.M. Keynes)The 1930s were years of political turmoil and economic crisis and change in Ireland. Economic activity had peaked in 1929, and the last years of the Cumann na nGaedheal government (in power since the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922) saw substantial drops in output, trade and employment. The policies pursued after Fianna Fáil’s victory in the election of February 1932 were therefore influenced both by immediate economic pressures and by the party’s ideological commitments. The highly protectionist measures associated with de Valera and Lemass — key men of the new régime — sought both to create jobs quickly and to build more gradually a large indigenous industrial sector, producing primarily for the home market.Political controversy complicated matters. De Valera was regarded as a headstrong fanatic by the British establishment. His government’s refusal to hand over to Britain the so-called ‘land annuities’ — a disputed item in the Anglo-Irish settlement of 1921 — led to an ‘economic war’, in which the British Treasury sought payment instead through penal ‘emergency’ tariffs on Irish imports. The Irish imposed their own duties, bounties and licensing restrictions in turn. The economic war hurt Irish agriculture badly; the prices of fat and store cattle dropped by almost half between 1932 and mid-1935. Farmers got some relief through export bounties and the coal-cattle pacts (quota exchanges of Irish cattle for British coal) of 1935-7, but Anglo-Irish relations were not normalised again until the finance and trade agreements of the spring of 1938, and the resolution of the annuities dispute did not mean an end to protection. The questions ‘Who won the economic war?’ and ‘What was the impact of protection on the Irish economy?’ are analytically distinct, but they are not that easy to keep apart in practice.

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33

Barry, Frank, and Clare O’Mahony. "Regime Change in 1950s Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (August 16, 2017): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.

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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign ownership. The fact that the United States had overtaken the United Kingdom as the major global source of FDI made it easier to secure Fianna Fáil support. US firms were particularly interested in access to European Economic Community (EEC) markets, however, which was not within Ireland’s gift. The export processing zone at Shannon, which might be seen as Lemass’s response to the inter-party initiatives, proved to be of immediate appeal to them. US firms would come to predominate in the non-Shannon region only after Ireland’s entry to the EEC.

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34

Huddie, Paul. "Legacies of a Broken United Kingdom: British Military Charities, the State and the Courts in Ireland, 1923–29." Irish Economic and Social History 45, no. 1 (August 22, 2018): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489318791867.

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Over the past forty years, the historiography of British Army ex-serviceman in Ireland has undergone a veritable ‘historical revolution’. Like its British and international counterparts, the historiography on Ireland has focused on the lives and care of these men after the war within the Irish Free State; Irish government policy towards them; and ex-servicemen’s relationships with the Irish and British governments, British agencies and their own often hostile communities. Researchers continue to document the existence, organisation and activities of two British government agencies: the Land Trust and Ministry of Pensions, with brief analyses being undertaken on the British Legion and more especially the Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association’s vital role in relieving impoverished ex-servicemen and their families. Yet far more can still be said about ‘British’ military charity in Ireland after 1922. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, to discuss two court cases that were fought by the Irish, British and Northern Irish governments and several other Irish interests between 1923 and 1929 over the legacies of two then redundant pre-war Irish military charities. Second, to analyse the place of two court cases within the broader contexts of Irish post-war state-building and the history of the British ex-serviceman, but more especially his family in Ireland. What would their fate be in an independent Ireland?

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35

Doyle, Mark. "From partition to Brexit: the Irish government and Northern Ireland." Irish Studies Review 27, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2019.1624377.

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36

Bowen (emeritus), Desmond. "Era of Emancipation: British Government of Ireland, 1812-1830, by Brian JenkinsEra of Emancipation: British Government of Ireland, 1812-1830, by Brian Jenkins. Kingston and Montreal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988. 388 pp. $37.95." Canadian Journal of History 24, no. 2 (August 1989): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.24.2.263.

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37

Gibbons, Ivan. "The British Parliamentary Labour Party and the Government of Ireland Act 1920." Parliamentary History 32, no. 3 (May 14, 2013): 506–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12024.

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38

WARREN, ALLEN. "Disraeli, the Conservatives and the Government of Ireland: Part 2, 1868-1881." Parliamentary History 18, no. 2 (March 17, 2008): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1999.tb00232.x.

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WARREN, ALLEN. "Disraeli, the Conservatives, and the Government of Ireland: Part 1, 1837-1868*." Parliamentary History 18, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1999.tb00357.x.

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Earls, Averill. "Solicitor Brown and His Boy." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460106.

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In 1941, State Solicitor for Kildare Ronald Brown was charged with fourteen counts of gross indecency. The court records and his unusual life before and after the trial suggest that there is a story worth examining. In independent Ireland, the state was particularly concerned with adult same-sex desiring men corrupting teen boys. Brown’s government position, his lover’s age, and their intergenerational relationship all shaped the outcomes of this case. Although gross indecency cases ruined the lives of the implicated, including Solicitor Brown and his alleged lover Leslie Price, a close reading of the case material reveals a deep affection between a late adolescent boy and an adult man that would otherwise be invisible in a forcibly closeted mid-century Ireland.

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HANNA, ERIKA, and RICHARD BUTLER. "Irish urban history: an agenda." Urban History 46, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926818000196.

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Modern Irish history is urban history. It is a story of the transferral of a populace from rural settlements to small towns and cities; of the discipline and regulation of society through new urban spaces; of the creation of capital through the construction of buildings and the sale of property. The history of Ireland has been overwhelmingly the history of land, but too often the emphasis has been on the field rather than the street, and on the small farmer instead of the urban shopkeeper. But the same questions of property run throughout Irish urban history from the early modern period to the contemporary, as speculators, businesses and government have attempted to convert land into profit, creating new buildings, streets and spaces, and coming into conflict with each other and other vested interests. Indeed, as recent work on Irish cities has shown, a turn to the urban history of Ireland provides a framework and a methodology for writing a textured and complex history of Ireland's distinctive engagement with modernity.

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REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.

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Connolly, S. J. "The Municipal Revolution in Ireland: A Handbook of Urban Government in Ireland Since 1800. By Matthew Potter. Pp xviii, 491. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. 2011. €49.95." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 148 (November 2011): 641–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003382.

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De Cesari, Chiara. "Heritage between Resistance and Government in Palestine." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 747–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000721.

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Heritage is a key site of politics in the Middle East. Recent episodes of the relentless destruction and construction of heritage in the region convey just how deeply intertwined it is with the making (and unmaking) of the postcolonial state. In Palestine/Israel, heritage has developed over a long history into an important site where both state power and resistance against it are produced, reshaped, and disseminated. A current proliferation of urban regeneration projects there is linked to the struggle against the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestinian lands, as well as the incomplete, truncated emergence of a Palestinian state. Most of these heritage projects are carried out by semi- or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). In this essay, I argue for the value of thinking about heritage in terms of government and state-making, or more precisely in terms of a Foucauldian understanding of governmentality, to reveal the kind of work it performs in Palestine and beyond. States govern also by heritage, and both states and the local communities they attempt to control mobilize the language of heritage for a variety of different purposes in a variety of different settings. What is distinctive about Palestine is the central role NGOs play in the institutionalization of a heritage field. In their work, they collapse the divide between mobilizing heritage to defend vulnerable communities and resist the encroachment of the (Israeli) state, and using heritage to develop institutions and help build the (Palestinian) state.

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Peatling, G. K. "New Liberalism, J. L. Hammond and the Irish Problem, 1897–1949*." Historical Research 73, no. 180 (February 1, 2000): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00094.

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Abstract Historians have regarded new Liberalism as an ideology primarily concerned with domestic social reform. Yet this does little justice to the intensity and longevity of new Liberals' support of self‐government in Ireland. This side of new Liberal ideology is particularly illuminated by the career of J. L. Hammond (1872–1949), especially his Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938). Hammond's historical scholarship, indeed, was heavily influenced by Liberal ideology, and can be seen as a belated effort to justify Gladstonian Liberalism's long mission in Ireland. Fittingly therefore, Hammond's arguments possessed the same strengths and weaknesses as earlier Liberal efforts to pacify Ireland.

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Powell, John, and Pádraic Kennedy. "XLVIII: Lord Kimberley and the foundation of Liberal Irish policy: annotations to George Sigerson’s Modern Ireland: its vital questions, secret societies, and government (1868)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 121 (May 1998): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013717.

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Late in 1868 the Dublin doctor, author and nationalist George Sigerson (c. 1836–1925) published, under the title Modern Ireland, a collection of widely quoted articles he had written for the Daily Chronicle during the previous year. Among the bewildering flood of Irish commentary on British rule, his was notable for its clear exposition and its moderate tone. From the perspective of the Liberal Party, on the verge of being returned to office, Sigerson’s observations were valuable in representing the views of a moderate, middle-class Irish element which might co-operate in implementing a liberal policy acceptable to all parties in both England and Ireland. His credentials as a nationalist were impeccable, yet he had not been seduced by the Fenian inclination towards violence. The book prompted modest praise from critics and enjoyed a reasonable success in the book trade, going through several printings and two editions. One man who read the first edition was John Wodehouse, first earl of Kimberley (1826–1902), the immediate past viceroy of Ireland, who annotated profusely as he read. His notes are unusual in that they are extensive (52 of 393 pages were annotated), spread throughout the text, and generally lengthy (averaging twenty words per annotated page). A few involve the kinds of ethnically disparaging remarks to which he was prone. However, the majority deal with substantive issues with which Kimberley as viceroy had had to deal (Fenianism and land improvement) or would be dealing later that year as part of Gladstone’s first government (disestablishment and land reform).

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Nunes, João. "Neglect and Resistance in Brazil’s Pandemic." Current History 121, no. 832 (February 1, 2022): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.832.50.

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This article uses the lens of neglect to analyze Brazil’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that the neglect of COVID-19 was the result of a mixture of omissions, obstructions and actions on the part of the federal government and President Jair Bolsonaro. It also suggests that addressing Brazil’s handling of the pandemic as simply a matter of governmental failure risks overlooking the multiple forms of resistance and struggle that emerged as social forces mobilized and sought to push back against the state’s neglect.

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BUTLER, RICHARD J. "RETHINKING THE ORIGINS OF THE BRITISH PRISONS ACT OF 1835: IRELAND AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL-GOVERNMENT PRISON INSPECTION, 1820–1835." Historical Journal 59, no. 3 (January 29, 2016): 721–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000357.

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AbstractWhile the introduction of central-government inspectors for prisons in a British act of 1835 has been seen as a key Whig achievement of the 1830s, the Irish precedent enacted by Charles Grant, a liberal Tory chief secretary, in the early 1820s, has gone unnoticed by scholars. The article sets out to trace the Irish prefiguring of this measure and, in the process, to consider prison reform in the United Kingdom in the early nineteenth century in a more transnational manner. A new analysis of the critical years between 1823 and 1835 in both Britain and Ireland based on a detailed examination of parliamentary inquiries and legislation shows how developments in the two countries overlapped and how reforms in one jurisdiction affected the other. This article explores the channels through which this exchange of knowledge and ideas occurred – both in parliament and through interlinked penal-reform philanthropic societies in both countries. This article also highlights inadequacies with the theory supported by some scholars that Ireland functioned as a laboratory for British social reform at this time, and instead suggests a more fluid exchange of ideas in both directions at different times.

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Fleming, N. C. "The First Government of Northern Ireland, Education Reform and the Failure of Anti-populist Unionism, 1921-1925." Twentieth Century British History 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwm006.

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Crossman, Virginia. "Review: County and Town: One Hundred Years of Local Government in Ireland, ‘Lovers of Liberty’? Local Government in 20th Century Ireland, a History of Local Government in the County of Louth from Earliest Times to the Present Time." Irish Economic and Social History 29, no. 1 (June 2002): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900142.

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