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Weiss, Stephane. ""Le jour d'après" : organisations et projets militaires dans la France libérée : août 1944 - mars 1946." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2080/document.
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A la mi-septembre 1944, la France métropolitaine se trouve en grande partie libérée. Au terme de quatre années d'occupation, l'outil militaire national est à reconstruire. Soucieux de préparer l'avenir et, à court terme, de contribuer significativement à la victoire alliée, le gouvernement provisoire de la République française entend s'y atteler sans attendre, en négociant, un nouveau plan de réarmement avec les Alliés et en mettant à profit le potentiel humain constitué par les Forces françaises de l'Intérieur (FFI). Les négociations avec les Alliés aboutissent laborieusement au plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944, dont la mise en œuvre va tourner court au printemps suivant. Quant à l'intégration des hétérogènes FFI dans l'Armée, elle donne brièvement lieu à un bras de fer politique durant l'automne 1944. Le gouvernement provisoire n'est en effet pas la seule entité politique française à envisager la refondation d'une armée nationale. Sans attendre le gouvernement, une part des cadres et des organes issus de la Résistance intérieure a en effet d'emblée engagé des initiatives militaires, dérégulées et décentralisées, bien que non nécessairement divergentes par rapport à l'action gouvernementale. La présente thèse propose d'étudier ces projets et ces organisations, ainsi que les voies de leur intégration au sein des projets gouvernementaux, en prêtant une attention particulière aux dynamiques régionales. Cette thèse est divisée en quatre parties. La première partie, intitulée Tous en rangs !, est consacrée aux jeux d’acteurs français. Cette partie a pour centre de gravité la question du rétablissement par le gouvernement, avec un mode opératoire tantôt dirigiste, tantôt négocié, d'une administration militaire territoriale, sous la forme de régions militaires, destinées à servir de matrices incubatrices pour la formation de nouvelles unités. La seconde partie, intitulée Formez vos bataillons !, traite des modes de construction des projets de réarmement de 1944-1945. Outre une réinterrogation du plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944 et des raisons de son échec, cette partie est consacrée aux initiatives décentralisées de grandes unités (avec une douzaine de projets de divisions FFI) et au parcours souvent sinueux ayant conduit des bataillons de marche FFI de l'automne 1944 aux nouveaux régiments du printemps 1945. Une troisième partie, intitulée Engagez-vous !, décrit les modalités de réunion des ressources humaines nécessaires aux projets de réarmement, sans se limiter aux FFI ni à la seule question de l'amalgame pratiqué au sein de la 1re Armée française. Enfin, la dernière partie, intitulée Aux armes !, présente les modalités d’accès aux ressources matérielles requises pour l’équipement des forces recréées en métropole, en se focalisant sur les voies alternatives au matériel américain qui n'a guère été perçu en 1945 que sous forme d'échantillons. Cette partie aborde successivement l'emploi de matériels britanniques de seconde main, les essais de relance d'une production industrielle française dès l'automne 1944 et le recours à la récupération de matériels de prise, abandonnés par les forces allemandes. Au final, la présente thèse expose une dynamique de refondation militaire hybride, sensiblement différente de celle opérée en Afrique du Nord en 1943. Dans un environnement mouvant et concurrentiel, en l’absence des livraisons escomptées d'armement américain, le projet gouvernemental initial a été largement amendé, intégrant une part des initiatives décentralisées et entrepreneuriales issues de la Résistance intérieure, tout en les canalisantIn September 1944, the main part of France has been liberated. Thus, for the French provisional government as for the Allied headquarter, time was to rearmament by using the French manpower and the metropolitan industrial plants. The place for innovation is weak: what was planned, was just the continuity of allied schemes and of the pre-war French military institution. But, without waiting for governmental or allied instructions, a part of the Resistance's leaders has developed different local or global rearmament programs, especially by using the volunteers of the French Forces of Interior, in order to contribute to the final victory as to the renaissance of a new French army earned by the Resistance's ideas.The present thesis deals with the organizations and the projects born in this frame: their conditions of apparition, their ways of development and their integration’s modalities within the French Army and within the Allied strategy. A large importance is accorded to the regional and decentralized dynamics observed through the French territory. As a result, compared to the rearmament occurred in North Africa in 1943, the French rearmament's approaches took on the French ground a different and novel path, including initiatives and entrepreneurship
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Freysselinard, Éric. "Louis Marin (1871-1960), itinéraire, place et rôle d'un dirigeant des droites françaises du premier vingtième siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL040.pdf.
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Louis Marin, passionnément lorrain, ethnologue, défenseur des minorités nationales, déploya une importante carrière universitaire jusqu'à son élection à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques en 1944. Député de Nancy pendant 46 ans, président du conseil général de Meurthe-et-Moselle pendant 22 ans, huit fois ministre, il fut président, à partir de 1925, de la Fédération républicaine, à droite de l'échiquier politique. Hostile à l'Allemagne, adversaire des gauches et des loges maçonniques, catholique, libéral et réformateur, proche de François de Wendel, il réussit à transformer son parti en machine de guerre pour faire tomber le Cartel des gauches. Son intransigeance vis-à-vis de l'Allemagne l'isola cependant peu à peu de la classe politique, amenant de nombreux soutiens à l'abandonner comme Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis ou Jean Ybarnégaray. En 1940, pendant que ses cadres comme Xavier Vallat ou Philippe Henriot rejoignaient l'État français, il se retrouva presque seul, parmi les parlementaires de droite, à résister à l'occupant allemand. Sa constance idéologique et le rejet des personnalités montantes (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle) l'amenèrent, quelques années après la guerre, à se replier sur sa vie privée avec sa femme Fernande qui consacra ses vingt dernières années à sauvegarder sa mémoire. Cette thèse dépeint d'abord un homme pétri de contradictions et de fêlures, qui, fils d'un père enfant naturel, avait perdu sa mère à cause des Allemands, et se maria sur le tard avec la femme de sa vie sans avoir d'enfants. Elle analyse aussi la difficulté de la droite à construire son unité aussi bien pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des questions d'ego. Marin sauva peut-être l'honneur de la droite en 1940, mais échoua à en devenir un vrai leaderLouis Marin, proud of his Lorraine origins, was an ethnologist and an advocate for minority groups. He had a successful academic career before his election at the Moral and Political Sciences Academy in 1944. He was a member of Parliament representing Nancy for 46 years, President of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle for 22 years, appointed Minister eight times, and he became President of the Republican Federation right-wing party in 1925. Marin was an enemy of Germany, opponent of the left-wing parties and masonic leagues, Catholic, a conservative in favour of reforms, and friend of François de Wendel. He managed to transform his party into an effective weapon against the “Cartel of the Left”. His intransigence against Germany led him to be isolated and lose support from other politicians, including Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis and Jean Ybarnégaray. In 1940, as his comrades such as Xavier Vallat and Philippe Henriot joined the Vichy government, he was one of the only right-wing members of Parliament to resist the German occupation. His ideological steadfastness and opposition to new political figures (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle), led him to withdraw from public life several years after the war and focus on his private life with his wife Fernande, who would dedicate her last twenty years to honoring his memory. This thesis depicts a man steeped in contradictions and flaws; having a bastard father, losing his mother because of the Germans and marrying his wife late in life without ever having children. It also analyses the difficulties of the right-wing parties to create unity, as a result of ideological issues as well as those of ego. Marin indeed saved the honour of the French right-wing in 1940, but failed to become a true leader
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Guan, Bing. "Homeowners' resistance to local government in Shenzhen /." View abstract or full-text, 2007. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202007%20GUAN.
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James, Alan. "The navy and government in early modern France : 1572 - 1661 /." Woodbridge [u.a.] : Boydell Press, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0415/2004004380.html.
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Meade, Rosemary Raphael. "Analysing collective action : intersections of power, government and resistance." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2018. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/2980/.
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This research takes the form of ten journal articles and book chapters that were published between June 2008 and February 2018. This body of work encompasses outputs that are focused on community development, community arts, youth work and social movement praxis. These fields of praxis are understood as constituting a vital part of a variegated and differentiated Irish civil society and, while acknowledging their specificities, the body of work situates them together within the contested terrain of collective action. The Covering Document elucidates how, across the ten outputs, collective action is theorised: as the site of and target for complex and dynamic power relationships; as imbricated with various governmental projects through which multiple societal actors seek to mobilise citizens; as a potential site of and resource for resistance to particular expressions of government, ideology and power; and as developing alternative social relationships, organisational forms and modes of communication. The boundaries between the state and civil society are imprecise and fluid: civil society and state actors seek to induce desired forms of conduct and relationships from each other. This research exposes and critically interrogates associated power dynamics, overlaps, and contestations, and how they in turn shape expectations of collective action. Drawing together findings from youth work, community development, social movement, and community arts praxis, the research illuminates; how and by whom collective action is rationalised and (de)legitimised; the changing role of the state in governing civil society; and the potential for collective action to prefigure alternative forms of relationships and to resist particular forms of government. Therefore, the body of work analyses how the meanings, forms and purposes of collective action are constantly reworked, just as they give expression to important societal struggles. The Covering Document details the theory, methodology and methods that have underpinned the research. It offers an integrated thematic overview of the ten research outputs, highlighting their coherence, originality, and relevance for a critical analysis of the dynamics of collective action in contemporary Ireland. The research analyses the discourses of collective action as they have been expressed in key policy documents, in newspapers such as the Irish Independent and in the documents of protest of social movement organisations. It highlights and interrogates the political, economic and cultural context for collective action in 21st Century Ireland, paying particular attention to the ways though which the recent regime of austerity has impacted on civil society, the state and on relations between these spheres. The research is critical in orientation, but it draws upon and articulates diverse critical traditions as it analyses the power dynamics associated with collective action. Gramscian style, cultural materialist and Foucauldian governmentality perspectives are variously adopted and adapted within specific outputs. The Covering Document also outlines how and why the body of work troubles the boundaries between community development, community arts, youth work and social movement research and praxis. It calls for an articulated and dialogical theory and practice that challenge the assumed estrangement of these fields. As the Covering Document outlines, the research records how state policy now seeks to govern youth work, community development and community arts organisations through an increasingly intrusive and prescriptive set of policy ordinances, self-reporting techniques, and accountability measures. Against that, it also points to the potential for collective action to re-politicise issues otherwise framed as non-political by policy-makers and media, to build and be based upon reflexive forms of solidarity, and to reclaim the arts and tactics of protest.
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Desbarats, Catherine M. (Catherine Macleod). "Colonial government finances in New France, 1700-1750." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41576.
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This thesis considers government finances in New France during the first half of the eighteenth century. By looking directly at government accounts from Canada and l'Ile Royale, and at the administrative structures which gave rise to them, it seeks to reconcile ostensibly rival quantitative and 'administrative' approaches to the literature on France's Ancien regime finances. Evidence is found to suggest that colonial finances emerged as an integral part of French naval finances, not as a result of deliberate policy, but as a by-product of the continued presence of naval troops in the colonies and of the early failure of the Domaine d'Occident to generate net revenue flows to France. Especially in the case of Canada, the accounts of the colonial branch of the naval treasury do not yield a continuous series of figures. Nonetheless, they provide ranges for the size, distribution and changes through time of government expenditure in the colonies, as well as indications of its importance relative to the general level of economic activity, and of the net cost to France of running its North American colonies.
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Longwell, Ann E. "France, man and language in French Resistance poetry." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13376.
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The Second World War witnessed what was recognised at the time as a poetic revival in France. The phenomenon of Resistance poetry in particular commanded literary attention throughout the war. Immediately afterwards, however, this large corpus of poetry was widely dismissed as an unfortunate aberration. Viewed as ephemeral poetry of circumstance with only a documentary value, as tendentious poésie engagée, as propaganda or as conservative patriotic verse, it was thought unworthy of consideration as poetry. Marked by the reputation it gained just after the war, Resistance poetry has been given short shrift in critical studies, and has only rarely been the focus of academic attention. This study reexpounds in detail and with a wide range of reference the debate concerning Resistance poetry, and draws attention to a number of poets who are not widely known, or who are not known as Resistance poets. It demonstrates through a thematic and formal analysis of a selection of Resistance poetry that it is in fact no different from poetry as implicitly understood by critics who have dismissed it. A description of commitment in Resistance poetry is followed by a thematic study of its three related objects, namely France, man and language. Detailed examinations of these three major concerns in the poetry challenge the received view that Resistance poetry is conservative in its patriotism, dogmatic or essentialist in its commitment, and reactionary in its use of language. This thematic study is complemented by illustrative analyses of individual poems or parts of poems, and by a concluding commentary.
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Meade, Phillip L. "Civil disobedience as a pro-life tactic a consensus approach to its justification and parameters as drawn from three contemporary evangelical thinkers /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.
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Shin, Won Ha. "Christian ethical responsibility in resisting evil in government." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.
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Jones, Benjamin F. "Freeing France the Allies, the Resistance, and the JEDBURGHs." Lawrence, KS : University of Kansas, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA488406.
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Durand, Stephane. "Pouvoir municipal et société locale dans les petites villes de l'Hérault aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles le cas de Mèze de 1675 à 1815 /." Lille : Atelier national de reproduction des thèses, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=BFeNAAAAMAAJ.
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Chartrand, Vicki. "Prisoner subjectivity: Exploring forms of self-government and everyday acts of resistance." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26326.
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Through a qualitative approach of seven life-sentenced prisoner interviews, I explore prisoner practices, relations, and perceptions to gain a certain insight into how the prisoners manage themselves and their sentence. The research findings reveal that, through self-forming activities and practices, prisoners self-govern their conduct in an attempt to maintain an autonomous sense of self while attempting to improve their chances for release.
I conclude that a Foucauldian analysis of subjectivity is a useful tool to investigate the prison as it reveals how prisoners continually negotiate their concept of 'self' between the goals of the prison and with their own ways of 'doing' and 'being'. Despite its controlling nature, prisoners subtly resist individualizing forms of power that seek to submit them towards conformity. Such an approach opens a space for prisoner agency to emerge and directs our attention towards those forming activities of the prison that fail to correspond with the lived realities of the prisoner and their concept of 'self'. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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ATTARABKENAR, Mohammad. "Resistance to the Government in Afghanistan's Modern History; a Case - Study Approach." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389083.
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This study has examined two epochs of reform and resistance to the government in Afghanistan’s modern history. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the internal and external factors that terminated the government’s efforts in consolidating the central authority and modernizing the country in failure which consequently resulted in the long lasting civil war and anti-western tendencies in Afghanistan. The first selected regime is the monarchy of King Amanullah Khan (1919-1929) and the second one is the communist regime of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (the PDPA), under the Soviet hegemony (1978-1989).
This study has provided a conceptual model, which hypothesizes the functions of different social, political, and religious factors in the process of consolidating the central power and conducting the reform programme. In this regard, the Afghan governments’ inappropriate social, political, and economic policies, which provoked several reactions from tribal and religious forces, are identified as the internal factors. Furthermore, the colonial competitions between Russians and the British, the Great Game, and the tension between the Soviet Union and the West, the Cold War, are indicated as external elements.
The study demonstrates how King Amanullah initially was able to attain legitimacy from religious elites, and attract the public support to attain Afghanistan’s complete independence from Britain and successfully implement initial stage of his reform programme while the PDPA in consequence of its military coup from the beginning was involved in the legitimacy crisis.
According to comparative analysis of two selected regimes, this study has concluded several significant findings regarding the factors that were supposed to be under the Afghan government’s special consideration and also the characters of the several resistances that occurred throughout the two regimes.
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Bartley, David D. "John Witherspoon and the right of resistance." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720155.
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This study investigated one central aspect of the political views of John Withexspoon: His steadfast belief in the right of resistance. A product of the Reformation and Enlightenment movements, this doctrine offered justification for questioning the authority of magistrates acting contrary to their sovereignty: it further compelled disobedience to unjust laws and the removal of unjust officials to protect the instituted social order. The context of post-Union Scottish society provided a distinct setting for Witherspoon's introduction to resistance theory. As a devout Scottish Presbyterian and a learned Enlightenment scholar, Withexspoon commanded a thorough understanding of this civil-religious right and duty to protect society.Through his education at Edinburgh University, Witherspoon became acquainted with the substance of Scottish Enlightenment philosophy. Edinburgh instructors utilized the writings of Commonwealth theorists and the classical writers to construct their views of society and social obligation: Society was a constituted civil order, restrained by law, preserved by the efforts of every individual citizen. Witherspoon's Scottish ecclesiastical heritage served to vindicate his Enlightenment education by echoing a similar view of restraint and balance.Covenant Pianism, the product of the 16th-Century reformer John Knox and the Westminster Assembly of the 1640s, invoked the supremacy of a sovereign God over all instituted states. In the Scotsman's view, human depravity and selfish ambition would destroy government if not for the diligent vigil of involved, virtuous citizens. Members of society were thus obliged to oppose tyranny -the unjust, illegitimate exercise of civil-religious authority. Hence, both academic enterprise and doctrinal conviction provided Witherspoon a firm theoretical foundation to support the right of resistance.As President of Princeton during the Anglo-American crisis of the 1770s, Witherspoon directed the education of many future leaders of the new American nation. He was certainly not an idealistic crusader nor a reluctant follower, but consistently argued for the right of American colonists to resist the tyranny of England's Parliament. An early supporter of independence, Witherspoon was the only clergyman to sign Jefferson's Declaration. His most significant contributions, though, were made as a committee member in the Second Continental Congress.Department of History
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Ancelovici, Marcos 1971. "Between adaptation and resistance : labor responses to globalization in France." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/46656.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.Includes bibliographical references (p. 267-289).
This dissertation aims at accounting for labor responses to globalization in France. It addresses this issue through a comparative study of two labor organizations-the French Democratic Labor Confederation (CFDT) and the General Confederation of Labor (CGT)-that today respond differently to globalization even though they held common positions in the past: while the CGT opposes globalization, the CFDT sees it as an opportunity for French workers. I call the former response the resistance strategy and the latter the adaptation strategy. This dissertation claims that responses to globalization are formed and transformed over time as the environment of organizations changes and intraorganizational struggles unfold. More specifically, it argues that in France the formation of labor responses to globalization stemmed from a path dependent process constituted by three different steps. First, organizational failure, illustrated by union decline, implied a critical juncture that fed intraorganizational struggles and opened the way for a reorientation of labor organizations. Second, once the crisis was acknowledged, whether organizations would take the path to adaptation or resistance depended on three factors: (1) resources inherited from the past that limit the range of options that actors can conceive and choose; (2) the presence and content of two mechanisms of change-bricolage and identity shift-that describe how actors used their inherited resources; and (3) the ability of leaders to articulate a narrative that would appeal to enough people inside their organizations so as to induce cooperation. The third and last step of this path dependent process refers to the stabilization of the new path that the CFDT and the CGT had taken. The central mechanism that stabilized these paths was a shift in the organizational opportunity structure. Although labor organizations were not completely locked in the new path, once the organizational opportunity structure had shifted it was very difficult to return to the previous path or engage in a substantially different one.
(cont.) Therefore, unless another critical juncture takes place, the CFDT and the CGT are likely to stick with their current responses to globalization for many years.
by Marcos Ancelovici.
Ph.D.
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De, Caunes Aude. "Resistance and re-appropriation : music and politics in postcolonial France." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/resistance-and-reappropriation(25453548-c1e6-4dc2-9305-f47ee4c8dcfa).html.
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As a privileged vehicle for expressing the protean diversity of resistance without endangering the consistency of its politics, culture (and activist culture even more so) stands as a core foundation of struggle, the hidden arena of contestation, and a fertile terrain for reconfiguration of activism in France. Yet the pivotal political role culture may play in the age of globalisation has tended to be overlooked by recent academic research on contemporary social movements in France. Numerous monographs, articulated around studies of specific social movements, cultural trends or genres, have undertaken to partially analyse this ’culturalist’ evolution of politics: studies detailing the ethos of specific instances of the altermondialiste movements taken in their cultural context; studies of cultural movements (such as the Creole cultural movement); or of sub-cultures such as French hip hop placed in their social context. And yet the study of the broader dynamic remains an overwhelmingly underexplored area of scholarly research. This thesis undertakes an analysis of the inter-penetration between some contemporary musical forms and political resistance to neoliberalism, inscribed in a more global logic of cultural resistance to domination and oppression. One of its main purposes is to address the reasons why and the extent to which political resistance in contemporary France has taken an almost irremediable cultural turn. It presents a study of the dynamic of re-appropriation of symbolic power at stake in the emergence of a counterculture of resistance. The underlying concern of this project lies in identifying the extent to which musical practice is a particularly relevant form of political appropriation, or of re-appropriation of social identities, especially in areas of exclusion wherein the latter are very often denied or stigmatized, or at least generally essentialised by a variety of dominant narratives and discourses. Thus, it explores musical practices of resistance to neoliberal domination in socially marginalised areas of France, often associated with postcolonial communities. The aim is to better understand the kind of impact musical resistance has in the shaping of social identities in postcolonial France through their relation to political activism.
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Ramirez, Sanchez Martha Areli. "'We are all Government' : Zapatista political community : contexts, challenges, and prospects." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/we-are-all-government-zapatista-political-community-contexts-challenges-and-prospects(09ce3d64-e2ab-48b1-92b2-2c1d4e94b1fb).html.
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This thesis demonstrates how, through diverse daily life practices, a Zapatista community, referred to here as La Humanidad, creates a model of autonomy in the Mexican State of Chiapas. Based on ethnographic information, this study explores the meanings that this community attributes to practices and notions such as Autonomy, Resistance, Memory, good government and bad government. I contend that these practices represent an attempt to confront and resist the neoliberal model of Good Governance and consequently reconstruct the social fabric, revive communitarian practices, and develop models of self-sufficiency in regard to economics, health and education. Although La Humanidad constitutes just one case study, it highlights little known aspects of what is meant by grassroots participation in regard to this particular Zapatista community, allowing us to gain deeper insight into how indigenous campesino autonomy has been constructed following the Zapatista Uprising. Furthermore, through multi-sited fieldwork, I demonstrate the variety of organisational experiences of The Good Government Council among the five different Zapatista Caracoles: Oventic, La Garrucha, Morelia, Roberto Barrios, and La Realidad. In order to contrast these Caracoles with official forms of government organization, this study also addresses aspects of the constitutional government in the Municipality of San Andres Larrainzar.
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Boisvert, Pierre Yves. "Regionalisation and decentralisation in France, with special reference to Corsica and its special status." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670331.
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Duck, Roger James. "Local government in the Bas-Languedoc, 1789-1801." Thesis, London : Royal Holloway, University of London, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409465220.
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Norton, Mason. "Resistance in Upper Normandy, 1940-1944." Thesis, Edge Hill University, 2017. http://repository.edgehill.ac.uk/10030/.
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This thesis aims to make an original contribution to knowledge by looking at the phenomenon of resistance in the French region of Upper Normandy between 1940 and 1944 from a perspective of ‘history from below’, by looking principally at the testimonies of former resisters, and demonstrating a political history of resistance. The introduction defines what is meant by Upper Normandy and justifies its choice as a region for this study, before analysing both the historiography and the epistemology of resistance, both locally and nationally, and then giving a justification and an analysis of the methodology used. The main body of the thesis is then divided into four chapters. Chapter one looks at resistance that was designed to revolutionise society, by looking at Communist resisters and the idea of the grand soir, as well as the sociological origins of these resisters, and how this influenced their resistance action. Chapter two looks at more gradualist forms of resistance, which were conceived to slowly prepare for an eventual liberation and the struggle against Vichyite hegemony, arguing that these resisters formed a ‘resistance aristocracy’, aiming to slowly forge a post-Vichy vision of the polis. Chapter three analyses resistance purely from a patriotic angle, and identifies three different forms of patriotism, before arguing that resistance was part of a process to ‘remasculate’ France after the defeat of 1940, and that these resisters saw their engagement as primarily being one of serving France. Chapter four looks at auxiliary resistance, or resistance actions that were designed to help people, whether they were fleeing persecution or were active resisters, aiming to show that resistance went beyond just organisations and networks, and could be about facilitating other actions rather than direct confrontation. The conclusion then argues for a new understanding of resistance, not as une organisation or even un mouvement, but as a form of la cité, or polis, engaged in creating a new form of polity. It shows that the political history of resistance is a combination of institutional politics and expression politics, and that resistance, even if not necessarily politicised, was political by its very nature.
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Von, den Steinen Lynda. "Soldiers in the struggle : aspects of the experiences of Umkhonto we Siswe's rank and file soldiers - the Soweto generation and after." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/26207.
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Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.
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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.
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Gay, Bruce Conover. "House church registration in the Peoples Republic of China a biblical analysis of options /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.
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McMullin, Caitlin. "Co-production and the third sector : a comparative study of England and France." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8109/.
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This thesis explores co-production between citizens and third sector professionals (in community regeneration, parents’ organisations, and older people’s services) in Sheffield, England and Lyon, France. I employ an analytical framework of institutional logics to explore how the rules, practices and narratives of the organisations are specific to their contexts and how these shape co-production practices. The study finds that while the Sheffield organisations are characterised by an assimilation of the state, community and market logics, the Lyon organisations demonstrate a blend of a ‘Napoleonic state’ logic, and a ‘local solidarity’ logic. These combinations of logics illuminate two approaches to co-production. In France, co-production is informed by notions of citizenship, solidarity and participative democracy, leading to a greater focus on citizen involvement in organisational governance and influence of rules as an enabler and constraint to co-production. In Sheffield, co-production is seen as a way to improve communities, services and outcomes, and we therefore see more pragmatic attention to co-design and co-delivery activities. This thesis provides an important contribution to co-production theory and practice, by employing institutional theory to demonstrate some of the cultural and contextual subjectivity of co-production, and producing evidence of meso and macro level factors that influence co-production behaviour.
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Rahma, Awalia. "Sufi order and resistance movement : the Sans̄ưiyya of Libya, 1911-1932." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30206.
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This thesis is a study of the Sanusiyya order, in which particular emphasis is placed on its role as a resistance movement. Based on a survey of the social, economic, religious and political activities of this sufi brotherhood and its involvement in the tribal system of the North Africa during the first three decades of this century, an attempt will be made to identify on the one hand the factors that contributed to the strength of its resistance to Italian invasion, and on the other, the elements that led to its failure. It is argued that its initial success in the resistance benefited from the network of the zawiyas where ikhwan from different tribes were integrated socially and economically in accordance with strong Islamic values. However, lack of military training and weapons, dependency on a prominent figure, competing ambitions within the Sanusi family and geographical distance ultimately weakened the resistance.
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Lipkin, Jonathan. "From delegation to participation : citizen politics in Grenoble and Toulouse, 1958-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cededba-391b-41e7-a0a2-68e2b4f63660.
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Examining the period between 1958 (the inception of the Fifth Republic) and 1981 (election of François Mitterrand as President and Socialist parliamentary majority), my research sought to answer the question: why and how did grass-roots mobilisation in favour of citizen participation develop in two French cities, Grenoble and Toulouse? The thesis first develops a general conceptual framework within which to analyse each locality. It elaborates the notion that there existed two public action cycles in France. The first was a 'reform cycle' (1958-1968) which preceded, and was interrupted by, a more critical 'contention cycle' which developed post May 1968 (ending by about 1981); both were triggered by major political crises. The reform cycle was marked by a high level of extra-party organisation through clubs and educational associations, which attempted to change patterns of interaction between civil society and the political process. In contrast, the contention cycle that followed May 1968 was far more radical in its critique, range of themes, organisational structures and forms of action. In the case studies, I explore the contrasting experiences of Grenoble and Toulouse during the two cycles. We see how the development of powerful associative currents in Grenoble during the reform cycle facilitated the emergence in 1964 of a citizen action movement, the Groupe d'action municipale (GAM). The success of the GAM in coming to power in coalition with other parties of the non-Communist Left created a municipality determined to institute improved participationary practice. This commitment to new forms of democracy from within city hall meant that the contention cycle in Grenoble did not precipitate major pressure for fundamental change in local government structures. However, in Toulouse, the reform cycle had no comparable impact upon city politics or associative life in the 1960s. The local associative world was far more fragmented and unable to exert any substantial influence. The traditionalist Socialist administration and subsequently a centre-right, conservative municipality were then confronted with sustained grass-roots opposition in the aftermath of May 1968. What occurred in the city during the contention cycle was typical of patterns elsewhere in France. For close to a decade, a small core of associations, seeking a radical overhaul of municipal decision-making, consistently challenged city hall, using a mixture of diplomatic approaches and direct action techniques. I draw two central conclusions from my research, one empirical, the other conceptual. Firstly, evidence from both the national and local level indicates that associations played a key role in the public action cycles. This challenges the traditional view of France as having inherently weak associative structures. Secondly, my research questions the frequently made connection between a so-called 'new middle class' and innovative forms of political action, showing the term 'new middle class' to be misleading and inexact.
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ANSALONI, FRANCESCA. "Ordering the jungle : territory, atmosphere and resistance at the France-UK border." Doctoral thesis, Università IUAV di Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11578/278748.
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van, der Merwe Justin Daniel Sean. "Sub-imperialism in crisis? : South Africa's government-business-media complex and the geographies of resistance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:db92e002-d7ae-4bf1-b2a0-cd9029242e1e.
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This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa’s (SA’s) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA’s sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA’s GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA’s post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with the region, by analysing counter-imperialist discourses to SA during this period. In order to assess the current state of SA’s sub-imperialism, case studies were taken from the following four areas which cover crucial aspects of SA’s post-apartheid engagement with the region: SA’s parastatal expansion (Eskom); SA’s peacemaking role (Zimbabwe); SA’s state-driven rhetoric of multiculturalism and tolerance (xenophobia); and SA’s hosting of mega-events (2010 Football World Cup). In each of these areas the intended geopolitical and geoeconomic discourses of the GBM complex, and the corresponding responses in the region, are investigated. It is concluded that there is a discrepancy between the intended discourses of the GBM complex and the responses from the region, giving rise to counter-imperialist discourses. These discourses support the claim that SA’s sub-imperialism is in crisis.
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Evans, Peter Christopher. "Transformations of Inuit resistance and identity in northern Labrador, 1771-1959." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648417.
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Hodder, Robert. "Radical Tasmania: Rebellion, reaction and resistance: A thesis in creative nonfiction." Thesis, University of Ballarat, 2009. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/37979.
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Du, Toit Andries, and Toit Andries Du. "The National Committee for Liberation ("ARM"), 1960-1964 : sabotage and the question of the ideological subject." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23207.
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Subject Matter: The dissertation gives an account of the history of the National Committee for Liberation (NCL), an anti-apartheid sabotage organisation that existed between 1960 and 1964. The study is aimed both at narrating its growth and development in the context of South Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, and explaining its strategic and political choices. In particular, the reasons for its isolation from the broader muggle against Apartheid and its inability to transcend this isolation are investigated. Sources: Discussion of the context of the NCL's development depended on secondary historical works by scholars such as Tom Lodge, Paul Rich, C.J. Driver and Janet Robertson as well as archival sources. The analysis of liberal discourse in the 1950s and 1960s also drew heavily on primary sources such as the liberal journals Contact, Africa South and The New African. Secondary sources were also used for the discussion of the NCL's strategy in the context of the development of a theory of revolutionary guerrilla warfare after the Second World War: here the work of Robert Taber, John Bowyer Bell, Kenneth Grundy and Edward Feit was central. The history of the NCL itself was reconstructed from trial records, newspapers and personal interviews. Archival sources such as The Karis-Carter collection, the Hoover Institute microfilm collection of South African political documents, the Paton Papers, the Ernie Wentzel papers were also extensively used. Methodology: The discussion of the discourse of liberal NCL members depended on a post-structuralist theory of subjectivity. The conceptual underpinnings of the thesis were provided by on the work of Jacques Lacan, Louis Althusser, Michel Pecheux, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Zizek. Pechcux's elaboration of the Althusserian concept of interpellation formed the basis of a discourse analysis of NCL texts. In the interviews, some use was also made of techniques of ethnographic interviewing developed by qualitative sociologists such as James Spradley. Conclusions: The analysis focused on the way NCL discourse constructed NCL members as "ordinary persons", a subject-position which implied a radical opposition between political struggle and ideological commitment. The NCL's strategic difficulties were related to the contradictions this discourse, related to metropolitan political traditions that valorised civil society, manifested in the context of post-Sharpeville South Africa. These contradictions were explored in terms of the Lacanian notion of the "ideological fantasy". The dissertation thus closes with a consideration, both of the importance of the ideological traditions identified in the analysis of NCL discourse, and the methodological importance of non-reductive conceptualisations of political identity and ideology.
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Boateng, Janet Serwah. "Women in District Assemblies in Ghana: Gender construction, resistance and empowerment." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2017. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2048.
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Calls for more female participation in politics have featured strongly in developed and developing countries since 1975 when the UN made women’s issues a priority. Ghanaian society’s underlying patriarchal structure has made some progress towards gender equity in politics. Whilst there has been a significant improvement in levels of female participation and representation rates, targets have not been reached and the least amount of progress has taken place in local government. The thesis draws upon theories of gender and development (GAD) that emphasises on gender relations in development and proposed the empowerment of women as central to gender equality. Also, social capital underpins this study in arguing that although social capital tends to be accessed differently by men and women, and that culturally men have more established ways of networking widely, there is potential for women to strategically garner social capital in ways that are beneficial to contesting for political seats. Interviews undertaken individually with 40 women in district assembly (DA) positions, and focus groups of 40 men and 10 women campaigners from 4 zones in the country were transcribed, categorised and coded using Nvivo version 10 software. From this qualitative data, the enabling and precluding factors of participation in local government by women in Ghana were analysed and ranked according to the prevalence in the data. The results identified that enabling factors’ themes were Individual Motivational Strategy, Community Support, Civil Society Support, Family Support and Campaign Strategy. Precluding factors’ themes were Barriers, Challenging Factors, and Discouraging Factors. The issues surrounding gender equity in Ghanaian politics and governance have been comprehensively described against this backdrop of explanations from people with experience of campaigning, taking up official positions, and in some cases withdrawing from politics or competing against women. v Whilst patriarchal beliefs still abound for aspiring and serving female politicians, some candidates have been able to achieve high levels of male support, and many feel voters’ support has come from constituents’ belief that representation by a woman is their best hope of having development addressing women’s issues. The findings are potentially useful to future aspiring female politicians in Ghana, and other stakeholders committed to encouraging and supporting women with the overall aim of achieving gender equity.
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Duman, Ahmet. "Adult education and local government : a comparative study of Turkey, Britain and France." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5192/.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse adult education and local government relations in Turkey, Britain and France. It is based on a method of comparative research which has employed primarily qualitative research techniques. The study attempts to bring macro and micro levels of analysis together in order to make a coherent and comprehensive analysis of educational practices in different societies. Each of the three societies under study have had then- own unique structures of education and politico-administrative systems which are the basis for the development of adult learning opportunities. Central governments in these societies are under pressure to respond to global, national and local requirements for education and training. The complex interaction of adult education-local government relations in different societies reflect their own historical traditions, emergent educational discourses, traditional modes of thinking, resource constraints and opportunities. The decentralisation of local government, education and adult education is a world wide trend. It translates into different kinds of practices in different kinds of society. This study explores the reasons of this. This study has shown that local government adult education (LGAE) policies should be based on the promotion of a decentralised, democratic and effective adult education service aimed at citizen empowerment and at building a learning society. The optimal balance between the central and local control of education, and between the vocational and democratic aims of education and training, has to be achieved. However, this balance has not so far been founded yet in any one of the societies under study.
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Eling, Kim Tobias. "The politics of cultural policy in France : government professionals and networks, 1981-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263268.
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Niklasson, Lars. "Bör man lyda lagen? en undersökning av den offentliga maktens legitimitet /." Uppsala : Stockholm, Sweden : Uppsala University, Dept. of Government ; Distributor, Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27323861.html.
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Orie, Thembeka. "Raymond Mhlaba and the genesis of the Congress Aliance : a political biography." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21837.
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Bibliography: pages 122-128.The dominant and current theory about the African National Congress in the 1940s is that the Youth League in particular, led by the young, aspirant middle-class intellectuals, radicalised the organisation: that it was a bourgeois revolution within the ANC that led to its rejuvenation. This thesis presents an alternative viewpoint. The study reveals that in Port Elizabeth, there was a distinctively communist-trade unionist oriented group which revolutionalised the ANC: It was this group which consolidated racial and class co-operation against the apartheid system in the mid-1940s and early 1950s. This thesis postulates that in Port Elizabeth it was the working-class activists such as Raymond Mhlaba, with their militant working-class ideologies that gave the ANC a new lease of life and gave the organisation its broad mass appeal. The thesis therefore examines Raymond Mhlaba as an actor in the founding of the Congress Alliance in Port Elizabeth. It looks at how Mhlaba succeeded in building a firm alliance between the trade union movement, the Communist Party and the ANC. It is through this alliance that we learn about the political transformation of the ANC 'from below', that is, from a working-class cadre of activists rather than the middle-class leadership. Mhlaba himself was involved in all three formations and thus played a key role in the alliance politics. Chapter one examines the period before 1941 in order to provide background to the central focus of the study. It looks at the history of the Eastern Cape, Mhlaba's birth place Fort Beaufort, and his early life in the context of the subject of enquiry, the national struggle in its wider context, and the political economy of the period between 1910 to 1941. Through these perspectives the study is able to examine and show the changing forms that the struggle takes at different periods of time. It gives an understanding of the influence of those historical developments on the period and of the form that the struggle took during the period under study. Chapter two looks at the period 1942 to 1946, the years of Mhlaba's early involvement in the labour and political movements. It examines how, when and why Mhlaba got involved in these movements. The study considers the relationship between the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) trade unionists, the communists and the ANC activists. (Mhlaba belonged to all three formations.) It looks at how the ANC leadership was changed from a middle into a working class and Mhlaba's role in this transformation. Also the study examines how mass action in this period reflected racial and class co- operation; and the emergence of a distinctively working class leadership. Chapter three examines Mhlaba's leadership role in the ANC and the Communist Party. It looks at examples of mass action and a selection of important events that took place between 1947 to 1952, in order to demonstrate how the foundation of the broad Congress Alliance solidified. That unity was influenced by the changing polity, post war conditions, and new leadership which included Mhlaba, in Port Elizabeth. Chapter four examines the clandestine conditions in which Mhlaba operated, from 1953 until his imprisonment at Rivonia in 1963. It looks at: the transition from open mass organisation to underground mobilisation; the implementation of the M-Plan; the activities of the Communist Party underground. At the same time it examines the sustenance of the mass organisation through the formation of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and the use of strategies such as stayaways and consumer boycotts in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The chapter also looks at repression by the government, which led to Mhlaba's departure to China, and finally his arrest at Rivonia in 1963.
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Chuang, Kuang-Tung. "The Christian's submission in Romans 13:1-7." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.
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Xie, Huizhong, and 謝慧中. "Trust transformation and behavioral patterns : peasant resistance under land property conflicts in rural China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/206450.
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Authoritarian China provides a unique context to explore resistance strategies. For one thing, it is alert to both institutionalized resistance and non-institutionalized one. For another, China is different from traditional authoritarian state due to the change of state legitimacy. It now gains support from the public by economic performance rather than ideology control, making it tolerant of resistance claiming for economic requests. Previous literatures have discovered different types of peasant resistance. However, they fail to highlight the diversity in peasant resistance that different types co-exist. Furthermore, prior studies seldom focus on analyzing the rationale behind peasant behaviors.
This thesis examines the state–society relationship by exploring peasant resistance to land conflicts in rural China. Trust in the state is an important intermediate variable that shapes peasant responses to state policy. Through 4 months of ethnographic fieldwork and semi-structured interviews with 45 land-lost peasants in 2 villages, the study finds an interplay between peasant trust and behavior toward state policy. More specifically, the way people trust the central government leads to different resistance strategies. This study uncovers four types of trust in the central government and shows how they lead to specific social actions in terms of intention and capacity: Justice Bao (morally good intention and large capacity), Judge (legally just and large capacity), Clay Bodhisattva (good intention and small capacity), Monster (bad intention and large capacity). Accordingly, peasants develop four types of behavioral patterns based on the trust types: state-dependent and norm-based, state-dependent and policy-based, self-dependent and policy-based, self-dependent and norm-based. It also investigates the opposite process of how those actions lead to a reshaping of trust in the state. In other words, this study places the evolution of trust in a cyclic lifetime learning model where trust shapes behavior and is in turn reshaped by the consequences of those behaviors.
This study contributes to the existing literature in three main aspects. Firstly, it identifies that peasant trust in the central government is diverse rather than monolithic as found by current literatures. Secondly, it displays the connection between trust in the state and corresponding behavioral patterns towards the state policy. Thirdly, it enriches the current literature on trust by indicating that trust evolves in a lifetime learning process. It on one hand influences peasants’ behavioral patterns; on the other is reshaped by the consequences of behaviors.published_or_final_version
Sociology
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Master of Philosophy
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Lyle, Julia A. "The Grass-Roots Challenges with Administration: Conscription Evasion, Contraband, and Resistance in Napoleonic Europe." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1233.
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The French model of the nineteenth century led the way to modernity in establishing centralized administrative governments throughout Continental Europe. Several Napoleonic policies that led to the establishment of a modern centralized state were not positive in their effects on the local communities. Research widely categorizes resistance to the Napoleonic program as either militarily or economically based. This study uses the French court cases from the Court of Cassation dated 1804 to 1820 to provide a different interpretation to the discussion of local resistance to Napoleonic authority on an international level. Conscription fraud, contraband, and resistance to government officials reveal that the local reaction in the French jurisdiction was based on contempt for both economic and military policies. The research exhibits that the grass-roots nature of the resistance against the economic and military policies experienced under the Napoleonic umbrella were comparatively similar in local opposition.
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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
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Decoster, Charlotte Marie-Cecile Marguerite. "Child Rescue As Survival Resistance: Hidden Children in Nazi-occupied Western Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc149581/.
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The phenomenon of rescue organizations that devoted themselves specifically to hiding and saving Jewish children appeared throughout Nazi-occupied Western Europe (France, Belgium, and the Netherlands). Jewish and non-Jewish rescuers risked their lives to save thousands of children from extermination. This dissertation adds to the historiographical understanding of Holocaust resistance by analyzing the efforts of these child rescue organizations as a form of “survival resistance.” Researching the key aspects of traditional resistance (conscious intent, extensive organization, and effective turn-out) demonstrates that, while child rescue did not present armed resistance, it still was a form of active resistance against the Nazi Final Solution. By looking at rescuers’ testimonies and archival sources (from Yad Vashem, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Centre de documentation juive contemporaine, and Kazerne Dossin), this dissertation first outlines the extensive organization and intent of Jewish rescue groups, such as the Oeuvre de Secours aux Enfants (OSE) and Comité de défense des Juifs (CDJ), in France, Belgium, and the Netherlands. The second part looks at rescue organization and intent by Catholic, Protestant, and humanitarian groups. The dissertation concludes by discussing the effectiveness of organized child rescue. In the end, the rescue groups saved thousands of children and proofs that Child rescue in Nazi-occupied Western Europe was a valid--not to mention heroic--form of survival resistance.
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Burton, Kathleen M. "The Christian resistance in France during the Second World War : its uniqueness and obscurity /." View abstract, 2000. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1581.html.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Central Connecticut State University, 2000.Thesis advisor: Marie-Claire Rohinsky. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts [in Modern Languages]." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-101).
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Klopp, Jacqueline M. "Electoral despotism in Kenya : land, patronage and resistance in the multi-party context." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36972.
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In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co
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Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.
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Kinkead-Weekes, Barry H. "Africans in Cape Town : the origins and development of state policy and popular resistance to 1936." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14285.
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Bibliography: leaves 258-281.This study seeks to develop an understanding of the evolution of state policy towards Africans in Cape Town, and to document the resistance engendered by discriminatory and oppressive laws. Utilizing both primary and secondary sources, the thesis describes and analyses complex social problems and political struggles which originated and developed in the period before 1936. By emphasizing the material and political dimensions, as well as the class interests and social categories involved in this uneven process of struggle, the thesis attempts to transcend the limitations not only of functionalist and "conflict pluralist'' perspectives, but also of the more simplistic Marxist formulations propounded within the field of South African urban studies.
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Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.
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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.
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Weber, Keith Everard. "Learning through experience : an analysis of student leaders' reflections on the 1985-6 revolt in Western Cape schools." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15998.
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Bibliography: pages 304-324.This thesis explores the inter-relationship between theory and practice in a number of ways. I shall mainly be concerned with analysing the effects of participation in the 1985-6 Western Cape struggles upon the political consciousness of former student leaders. A representative, random sample of the 1985 Student Representative Council members of a certain high school in Cape Town was taken and respondents were then interviewed individually during the last quarter of 1990. The subject of the thesis is closely tied to the particular method used to investigate it. I shall argue and present reasons why the ethnographic interviewing commonly used in cultural anthropology is theoretically appropriate as means to collect empirical material for use in the analysis of the topic. Arising from the methodology, a secondary focus of this study concerns the interaction between the biases (or "theory") which social scientists bring to their research and the actual, raw data collected. This variation of the theory-practice nexus is not examined in detail, only when it is directly relevant to the main analysis. How was all of the foregoing arrived at? I shall show that the interplay between action and thought was central to the events which occurred during the 1985-6 rebellion. It is this fact which justifies the study of the above topic and which led to conceptualizing of the research as outlined. In addition, this same feature of the uprising can be used to examine the political consciousness of the ex-students. In other words, their present-day perceptions in regard to past experiences in mass struggle can be analysed in terms of the boycott seen as action (practice) and the boycott seen as symbolising ideas (thought). The main conclusion reached is that there is both a unity and a disjunction of theory and practice in the political outlook of respondents. On the one hand, interviewees understand and evaluated those events in which they directly participated. This was done in contradictory ways and showed a general move away from militancy towards conservatism. On the other hand, the great majority of respondents are still struggling to make sense of the wider social issues produced during the uprising. These aspects of respondent thinking are viewed in relation to one another and I try to give explanations for them. Finally, I suggest what the contemporary significance of the above conclusions for the struggle for socialism could be.
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Legay, Marie-Laure. "Les États provinciaux dans la construction de l'Etat moderne aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles /." Genève : Droz, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38805011q.
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Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.
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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.
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Watson, Jonathan. "The internal dynamics of Gaullism, 1958-1969." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18f0271f-c5da-4486-80e9-8c98a1149511.
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This thesis assesses the contributions of Gaullists to the political practice of Gaullism during the 1960s. Many of those who have written about Gaullism - historians, political scientists, journalists and politicians alike - have tended to focus too narrowly on the personality, beliefs and actions of Charles de Gaulle. Much analysis has been devoted to the General's approach to government, both its substance and its style. However, neglect of the activities of his political associates and supporters has led to an incomplete understanding of the broader political phenomenon that he inspired. This thesis aims to redress this imbalance by highlighting the ways in which individual Gaullists sought to contribute to the policies of successive Gaullist governments during the 1960s and assesses the importance of these contributions in creating an identity for the Gaullist party which, while not always wholly distinct from de Gaulle and though it certainly never developed to the point of outright opposition to him, did lay the foundations for a political movement which could survive the President's eventual departure from office. The research reveals 1960s Gaullism as a much more volatile and heterogeneous phenomenon than has perhaps previously been admitted by some commentators. The thesis considers the political activities of Gaullists at all levels of the movement. First of all, it examines the way in which government was conducted by Gaullist ministers, and argues that their contributions to the identity of the Gaullist movement have been underestimated. In addition, it reveals how there were leading figures within the Gaullist party who attempted to define ways in which Gaullists could contribute to Gaullism in government. Although they never questioned the loyalty of the Gaullist movement to its leader, their awareness of the need for Gaullists to create their own political identity led them to place less emphasis on the importance of the historical figure of de Gaulle to the modern political force which Gaullism would become. The thesis then highlights the neglected fact that Gaullist deputies frequently sought to contribute in their own individual manner to Gaullist government policies in their speeches in the National Assembly. It concludes with an examination of the varied and conflicting comments made on the subject of Gaullism and Gaullist policies by local party members in their local bulletins.