Academic literature on the topic 'Government purchasing – european union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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Burlacioiu, Cristina. "Online Commerce Pattern in European Union Countries between 2019 and 2020." Societies 13, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13010004.
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The development of information technology, along with the high growth and diversification of consumer needs, has revolutionized the way in which business-to-consumer transactions occur. All this progress was boosted by the COVID-19 pandemic period in a different manner in each EU country, depending on different local aspects. The main goal of this paper is to determine the key characteristics of e-commerce in European Union countries in a pandemic context, based on Eurostat Digital Economy data for 2019–2020. Therefore, for an easier visualization, based on PCA, using 27 analyzed variables, new unique dimensions were revealed: 1. heavy online purchasers, 2. triggers for embracing digital purchasing, 3. perceived barriers against buying online (privacy concerns, security, or not having a card), 4. dynamics of online interaction with public authorities, and 5. enterprise online sharing. Moreover, clustering techniques set four groups of countries with different online commerce patterns that might require attention, according to their specificities, both from a government level and from a business perspective. Special attention is paid to Romania, which has one of the biggest e-commerce industries in Southeastern Europe, but with the share of e-commerce in total retail still quite low, despite this great increase. The models of other countries could be important in helping Romania to catch up with the most successful economies in terms of e-commerce.
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Lebedeva, Irina, Larisa Nоrіk, and Stepan Lebedev. "Government expenditure on education in the light of the paradigm of sustainable development: Econometric spatial models and models of dynamics." Development management 21, no. 3 (July 5, 2023): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.57111/devt/3.2023.43.
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The knowledge economy is a paradigm of the post-industrial stage of the development of society, therefore research on the relationship between the level of the main economic indicators and state spending on education is relevant. The purpose of this article was to assess the impact of the main economic indicators on the state spending on education both in total and per capita. Econometric models based on spatial data as well as dynamics models were constructed, and the Goldfeld-Quandt test was performed. The study was conducted on the example of the most influential countries of the world and the member states of the European Union. It is shown that the growth of the total volume of gross domestic product and purchasing power parity is accompanied by the growth of the total volume of state education deductions and education deductions per capita. For countries with relatively low purchasing power parity, the correlation between these indicators is tight, and the dispersion of empirical data relative to theoretical data derived from the econometric model is not statistically significant. On the contrary, for countries with high purchasing power parity, the dependence between these indicators does exist, but there is a significant dispersion of empirical data relative to theoretical data. The Goldfeld-Quandt test showed that the countries that were selected for the study should be classified according to this feature to different sample populations. It was found that the volume of deductions for education per capita has little effect on the effectiveness of the educational process. Studies of the dynamics of education expenditures have shown that although Ukraine belongs to countries with a relatively low purchasing power parity and during 2015-2022 the growth rate of education expenditures significantly lagged behind the growth rate of economic indicators, the effectiveness of education remains relatively high. The obtained research results should be taken into account in practice in order to optimize the costs of financing the educational sector
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Csáki, Csaba, Clifford P. McCue, and Eric Prier. "Utilizing Open Data: A Primer for Public Procurement Research." European Journal of Public Procurement Markets 1, no. 2 (December 2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54611/lhov1465.
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Numerous open data initiatives by governments around the globe ostensibly promote better transparency and accountability, yet questions have arisen regarding the immediate usability of these datasets. This research reports on an attempt to utilize purchasing data published under the open data program of the European Union, which provides all expenditure data over certain thresholds from 33 European countries. However, the data and its informational quality as it has been published in CSV format leaves holes in trying to close that accountability gap across countries. This case study offers a recursive model which clearly conceptualizes the quality of data and information, and the research serves as a functional primer warning for users of the experientially-based issues of utilizing this and other open data. Key findings illuminate potential issues when working with open data and provide eight specific caveats on how to navigate the open data initiatives by governments.
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Bobeshko, A. V. "Emigration of Hungarians to Great Britain at the beginning of the 21st century in the context of the migration policy under the V. Orban government." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 2 (2023): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.2.2.
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Introduction. The complex processes taking place in the European Union after Brexit and COVID-19 as well as the outbreak of conflict in Ukraine in 2022 have once again drawn the attention of the academic community and the public to the development problems of Central and Eastern Europe. One of these problems is the migration process taking place in the region and their economic, cultural and political consequences. The V. Orban government pursues a cautious policy of accepting Ukrainian refugees. Such actions are both politically and economically motivated. Materials and Methods. In the process of working on the topic, the author used the publications of Russian and foreign researchers on the Hungarian emigration, as well as historical sources, including statistical materials, documents reflecting the life of the Hungarian community in the UK and journalism. When working on the topic, the theoretical and methodological developments of migrationology in Russia and foreign countries were used. Analysis. The article raises the issue of emigration of Hungarians after the 2008 economic crisis to Great Britain, which, unlike other European Union countries, including Germany and France, pursued a liberal migration policy. The article points out that the economic recovery of the late 1990s and early 21st century slowed down emigration of Hungarians to the EU states. Therefore, it was classified as “belated migration”. The article stresses that the main reason for the emigration of Hungarians to the UK and other European Union states has been the increase in unemployment in the country since 2008 and the falling purchasing power of Hungarians at home. The coming to power of Orban’s government did not contribute to Hungarian emigration, except for a group of liberal intellectuals. The author analyses the gender, educational and regional specifics of Hungarian emigration to the UK. The article pays special attention to the peculiarities of the life of the Hungarian community in the UK, its desire to maintain contacts with the homeland and its national identity. In the conclusion of the article, the author examines the migration policy of the V. Orban government aimed at returning emigrants to the country and reducing potential emigration among Hungarians. Results. The author concludes that the actions of the Orban government did not find support among most Hungarians living in Great Britain. Part of the emigrants returned to their home country concerned about Brexit and influenced by the spread of the COVID-19 epidemic. Most Hungarians are happy with their life in the UK and do not consider returning to Hungary.
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Zimon, Grzegorz, Marek Sobolewski, and Grzegorz Lew. "An Influence of Group Purchasing Organizations on Financial Security of SMEs Operating in the Renewable Energy Sector—Case for Poland." Energies 13, no. 11 (June 7, 2020): 2926. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13112926.
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European countries are increasingly using renewable energy. Poland is an outsider of such solutions. The Polish energy sector is primarily based on energy produced from coal. However, environmental changes and regulations of the European Union are forcing the increased use of energy from renewable sources. Renewable energy is an industry that is still developing in Poland. At the same time, Poland is a country where the political decisions of the government over the last few years have resulted in a significant limitation of the possibilities of renewable energy development. These actions have also resulted in lowering the profitability of the currently operating renewable energy enterprises, especially those from the sector of small and medium-sized enterprises. An opportunity for SMEs operating in the renewable energy sector is to merge into industry purchasing groups. The aim of the article—and at the same time the research question—is: Is it financially safer for renewable energy companies to operate within purchasing groups compared to companies operating independently in this industry? Traditional ways of purchasing can be transferred to integrated purchasing systems, which will be created by purchasing groups associating renewable energy companies. For this purpose, the financial effects of the implementation and functioning of the purchasing groups in the renewable energy sector in relation to entities operating independently were examined. In the research of renewable energy SMEs, a comparative analysis of key indicators determining the possibility of continuing the activity of these entities was made. The following indicators were examined: current financial liquidity ratio, return on sales, operating cycle, cash conversion cycle, share of receivables in current assets, share of inventory in current assets, turnover ratios, level of receivables, liabilities and profitability. The scientific literature is dominated by studies on purchasing groups in the pharmaceutical and construction industries. Thanks to the research conducted, it has been indicated that the renewable energy industry can also improve its profitability, and thus the possibility of safe continuation of operations by extending the business model to inter-entity cooperation within purchasing groups. Increasing the efficiency of individual entities of the renewable energy industry within purchasing groups becomes particularly important during the COVID-19 pandemic. Statistical analyses and their graphic presentation present the significant impact on the safety and profitability of renewable energy entities in the form of purchasing groups.
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Derevyanko, B., and O. Turkot. "LEGAL SUPPORT FOR COMPENSATION OF THE FINANCIAL LOSSES EXPERIENCED BY UKRAINIAN AGRICULTURAL PRODUCERS: ROLE OF THE STATE, THE EUROPEAN UNION, INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Pravo 13, no. 25 (2023): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3047-2023-13-25-5-15.
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The aim of the article is to identify the role of the state, the European Union, and international organizations in the processes of legal support for reimbursement of the financial losses experienced by Ukrainian agricultural producers because of hostilities and aggression of the Russian federation against Ukraine, and to outline prospects by analyzing the current situation, regulatory, scientific and other sources. The conducted research confirms important position of the state in providing legal support for financial loss compensation, however, proves its mainly advisory and assisting character. The government has shaped the minimum necessary legal basis regulating the order of documenting losses caused by Russian aggression to citizens and business entities. The state has also initiated the process of exemption from taxes on the property and lands which are temporary occupied, located in the zones of active hostilities, are mined or poisoned, etc. It is confirmed that the EU member-states are objectively interested in effective work of Ukraine’s AIC enterprises, because otherwise there is a hazard of migration crisis from the poorest countries of Africa and Asia. These EU states have launched a program of humanitarian mine clearance and specific aid for some regions and business entities on their area. Thus, entities of Ukraine’s AIC receive support for purchasing and repairing agricultural machinery, fuel and lubricants, seeding material, fertilizers, etc. Significant support is also provided by international organizations. The amount of aid which is provided by the government, the EU member-states and international organizations and which is intended to compensate financial losses for Ukrainian agricultural producers can be increased by the state performing as a guarantor under agreements of loan, rent, leasing, as well as by proper informing other countries and international organizations about Ukrainian AIC entities which are potential recipients of the aid. It is proposed to delegate such liabilities to local territorial communities and chambers of commerce and industry. Key words: agro-industrial complex, farmers, losses, movable and immovable property, land, military invasion, EU member-states, international organizations, humanitarian mine clearance, taxation, deoccupied area, food safety.
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Ferrari, Giuseppe Franco. "La complessitŕ dei mercati energetici e la necessitŕ di una regolazione multilivello." ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no. 3 (July 2009): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2008-003006.
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- The energy markets are very complex, because, on the one hand, they imply several different activities and, on the other hand, they involve various levels of govern- 183 ment. The energy market is divided indeed in different segments: supply (generation or purchasing), transmission, distribution and sale, which are allocated at different levels of government, from the international and European level (with reference to the security of energy supply), to the local level (with specific regard to the distribution and sale). This complexity makes the energy sector particularly critical, under the pressure of political interests and economical needs. Another sensitive point is linked with the environmental protection, since the consumption of energy is one of the most polluting human activities, and the demand of energy is growing up together with the economical growth of the developing Countries. This problem is increasingly discussed at the international level, with reference to the climate change issue, in order to plan a sustainable development for the whole globe: because of it, the Kyoto Protocol was issued within the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change. It establishes legally binding commitments for the reduction of four greenhouse gases for all the 183 ratifying Countries, according the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and provides for the promotion of renewable energy. The European Union ratified the Protocol implementing the relative obligations through, for instance, the creation of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The European Union most of all addressed the competitive issue, since the 70s, in order to achieve the result to create a free energy market in Europe. The last results of the European energy policy were the directives on electricity and natural gas in 2004, that imposed the complete opening of the energy markets in almost all the European Countries (with few exceptions). The implementation of the European directives requires the intervention of the national level, since each Country has to modify its own regulatory framework, in order to comply with the directives. Everywhere in Europe, this process faces with several difficulties, but it is particularly hard in Italy, since the energy sector is traditionally public owned. Indeed, in our Country, the privatization and liberalization processes are strictly linked to another trend: the decentralization of legislative and administrative powers from the State to the Regions and Local Communities. Thus it is evident that the global governance of the energy sector, for its complexity and its sensibility, can only derive from a network of interventions by several levels of government, and different international, national and local actors, which realize a typical case of multilevel governance.Key words: Energy markets, competition, sustainable development, multilevel governance.JEL classifications: K21, K23.Parole chiave: Mercato energetico, concorrenza, sviluppo sostenibile, multilevel Governance.
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Bogacki, Sylwester, Wińczysław Jastrzębski, and Agnieszka Laskowska. "Housing policy in the social and economic sphere. Housing policy relationships and other specific policies." Journal of Modern Science 54, no. 5 (December 18, 2023): 677–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.13166/jms/176399.
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Abstrakt Housing policy aspiring to have a general social impact, subtracting from the scale of the state, like any other policy in this scope, is conducted in the European Union countries by the public sector. This sector remains a significant point of reference for this policy. The activity of the public sector in the countries of post-war Western Europe varies in intensity over time and is carried out at different spatial levels - also in relation to housing. The public sector has been subject to a tendency towards apparent self-limitation for at least the last four decades. This occurs mainly by reducing the importance of the state and its agencies in socio-economic development. Housing policy is one of the important sectoral policies of the state - including the government and local authorities - engaging public entities, political and social organizations and private entities to achieve the main and long-term goals in the area of housing, which are: creating conditions for purchasing or renting apartments by all citizens; ensuring the availability of the housing stock, i.e. implementing an appropriate scale of housing investments using primarily the market mechanism, and supporting the appropriate quality of the housing stock throughout the entire period of use of the property.
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Kuruvilla, Sarosh. "Shifting Modes of Labor Regulation in Global Supply Chains." Asia Policy 19, no. 1 (January 2024): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2024.a918873.
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executive summary: This essay outlines the changing modes of regulation of labor conditions in global apparel supply chains, which are mostly concentrated in Asia; assesses the effectiveness of 25 years of private voluntary regulation by global firms; and examines critically the implications of new European regulation now mandating what was previously a voluntary corporate activity. main argumentAsia is the global center of apparel production, with Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Vietnam all being major exporters. Since the 1990s, activist pressure in developed country markets has forced global apparel and footwear companies to adopt voluntary methods to ensure that their products are not made under sweatshop conditions. Companies developed codes of conduct for the first-tier factories in their supply chains and found ways to audit whether supplier factories were in compliance. However, this voluntary private-regulation model has not been adequate to alleviate labor and workplace concerns in global apparel supply chains. A shift from private regulation to public regulation—the beginning of which may be currently underway in the European Union with the recent introduction of mandatory due diligence legislation—may prove to be a more effective means of bettering labor rights and conditions. policy implications• If the recent EU legislation allows global companies to be legally liable for violations of mandatory due diligence requirements regarding labor rights and conditions in supply chains, a sea change in worker rights and labor practices could occur. • The new legislation would require global companies to adopt more responsible purchasing practices so that their practices are not responsible for labor violations. • The EU legislation could have an impact on sourcing locations, as companies compete for locations that are more likely to provide institutional environments with lower risk of violations. Global suppliers would have a greater incentive to take the high road in terms of employment practices to obtain more business from European buyers. National governments in apparel-exporting countries may be motivated to improve enforcement of labor regulations.
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Nehrey, M., and O. Trofimtseva. "Analysis of the agriculture sector of Ukraine during the war." Bulletin of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Economic Series, no. 102 (June 30, 2022): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2311-2379-2022-102-06.
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Russia's war against Ukraine has significantly increased food security risks and caused disruptions in agricultural production, supply chains, and trade, leading to unprecedented levels of global food and fertilizer prices. The current situation in the world agricultural markets by the middle of 2022 has shown the importance of the Ukrainian agricultural sector for the global market of agricultural products in general and the economy of the European Union, in particular. The article examines the place of the Ukrainian agriculture sector in the world agricultural market. The structure of export and import of agricultural products was analyzed. The dynamics of agrarian exports of Ukraine have been studied and the main reasons for its negative change have been determined. It has been established that the main problems during the war for the Ukrainian agrarian sector were: the occupation of Ukrainian territories, breaking of logistic chains inside and outside the country, reduction of the volume of the domestic market, and decreasing purchasing power of the Ukrainian population, insufficient resources for agricultural production, problems with labor force and theft of Ukrainian agricultural machinery and products. The domestic agricultural sector needs support from both the state and foreign funds, organizations, and countries. The Ukrainian government created several programs to support agricultural producers during military operations. In the tax, the support took place at the expense of VAT reduction, payment of taxes for FLP of 1 and 2 groups at will, payment of ERU by the state for the mobilized workers, cancellation of excise tax on oil products, etc. State support of the agrarian sector in the financial sphere is realized by providing access to cheap credits and the opening of new grant programs. Deregulation processes also took place at the state level: cancellation of business inspections, the introduction of the declarative system of business operation, and simplification of customs procedures. The prospects of the agricultural sector in the post-war economy have been studied. In particular, it was found that the key factor of agrarian sector development is people. Important for the recovery of the agricultural sector is the development of agricultural education and science, creation of sustainable chains in the regions, integration with competitive products into world markets, adaptation to the climate, sustainable and ecological agriculture, technological development, and digitalization of the agricultural sector.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. "Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions: The case of European competition policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
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One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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Prosser, Christopher. "Rethinking representation and European integration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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Li, Xin. "European identity, a case study." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
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Harvey, Matthew. "Constituting a Commonwealth for Europe and beyond." Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5642.
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Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). "A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.
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This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Lai, I. Tak. "Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.
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Zhang, Lu. "Is the EU a social union? :the function of common social policy for European integration." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.
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IBANEZ, GARZARAN Zyab Luis. "Access to non-vulnerable part-time employment in the Netherlands, Spain and the UK, with special reference to the school and local government sectors." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12002.
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Defence date: 14 December 2007Examining board: Professor Colin Crouch, University of Warwick (EUI Supervisor); Professor Ramón Ramos Torre, Universidad Complutense; Professor Martin Rhodes, University of Denver; Professor Jelle Visser, Universiteit van Amsterdam
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A large part of the literature on part-time employment stresses that this form of employment contract is the result of employers’ strategies and female employees who need to reconcile work and family life. However, the growth in the number of employees sharing employment and other paid or unpaid interests expands the range and significance of working-time issues. This dissertation claims that where regulation and implementation of working-time transitions are favourable to part-time employment, part-time is likely to expand to more diverse categories of workers than those for whom it was originally intended ( i.e. mothers with caring responsibilities). The research follows a case-oriented comparative approach that draws on documentary information and a total of 48 in-depth interviews with actors’ representatives at three levels: national, sector (education and local government) and organizational, in the UK, the Netherlands and Spain. Initiated in different moments in time, the regulation of working-time transitions appears to follow a similar staged path in the three countries, although the wider institutional context affecting part-time and the active support of main actors varies for each country, especially at the organizational level. In the Dutch case, part-time regulation started off as a mechanism to enable the employment of women with caring responsibilities and, from there, it evolved towards a wider understanding of workingtime flexibility, extending the right to work part-time to other categories of employees. Given the pioneering role of the Netherlands in this area, it could be argued that both the UK and Spain have been following the Dutch example although with different degrees of success. In the Netherlands, after two decades of active support to part-time, there is still a big gender gap among part-timers, and in many sectors and occupations employees face difficulties to change their working hours; still, the general trend seems to be that access to part-time is becoming easier at more sector and occupational levels, in a context where organizations, already facing short full-time working weeks and high percentages of part-time, have been learning to decouple business hours from the different duration of the employees’ shifts. The need to design clear-cut coordination mechanisms that guarantee the steadiness of the service and the 'standardisation' of handing-over procedures, have helped to accept a variety of working-time arrangements. This capacity to dissociate organisations’ operative time from employees’ working hours is also present in British and Spanish 24-hour services, what has favoured exceptional good part-time jobs. However, the political efforts to promote part-time in Spain and the UK are confronted with serious obstacles, their segmented labour forces among them. The long-hours culture in both Spain and the UK, together with the high proportion of temporary contracts in the Spanish case, are the most visible signs of the structural difficulties these two countries face to achieve working-time flexi-curity. In the three countries, there are no clear links between long hours and productivity levels, and the processess that lead to more transparent assessments of work performance seem to facilitate working-time flexibility beyond standard full-time employment contracts. Certainly, different commitments and compromises need to be achieved between conflicting demands and interests about how employees use their own time, but this thesis argues that part-time may help to soften the conflicts between the specialization and hierarchy requirements of the social division of labour and individuals’ time-use autonomy.
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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
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Books on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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1962-, Arrowsmith Sue, and Kunzlik Peter F, eds. Social and environmental policies in EC procurement law: New directives and new directions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Dimitrakopoulos, Dionyssis G. The power of the centre: Central governments and the macro-implementation of EU public policy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.
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Dimitrakopoulos, Dionyssis G. The power of the centre: Central governments and the macro-implementation of EU public policy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.
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Arrowsmith, Sue, and Steen Treumer. Competitive dialogue in EU procurement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Fairgrieve, Duncan, and François Lichère. Public procurement law: Damages as an effective remedy. Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2011.
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Usherwood, Simon McDougall. The European Union. Milton Park, Abingdon, [England]: Routledge, 2011.
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Simon, Bromley, and Open University, eds. Governing the European Union. London: SAGE Publications in association with the Open University, 2001.
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Neill, Nugent, ed. European Union enlargement. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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Bovis, Christopher. Public procurement in the European Union. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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Warleigh, Alex. European Union: The basics. London: Routledge, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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Bednář, Milan. "Fiscal Policy and Government Debt in the Twenty-First Century." In Fiscal Policy in the Southern European Union Countries, 5–15. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29761-8_2.
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Orelli, Rebecca L., Emanuele Padovani, and Eric Scorsone. "E-government, Accountability, and Performance: Best-in-Class Governments in European Union Countries." In Integrated Series in Information Systems, 561–86. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-6536-3_29.
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Nezi, Roula. "After the Crisis: EU Issue Voting in Greece." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 231–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29187-6_9.
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AbstractCompared to the other countries examined in this volume, Greece is the one that suffered the most financially during the economic crisis. Public protest and growing political discontent emerged as a reaction to the strict austerity policies introduces, with European institutions becoming the symbol and the European Union (EU) becoming the main target of discontent. To this end, the Greek case offers a useful example of a country in which EU issues around the economic crisis polarized the general public. This analysis suggests the salience of the EU issue was greater during the crisis, with negative references towards the EU being widespread even among moderate media outlets. However, public opinion analysis suggests the EU issue can only explain the vote for the two parties competing to govern—Syriza and New Democracy (ND). While Syriza successfully closed the circle of the memoranda agreed upon by the Papandreou government in 2009, ND mobilized the emotions of citizens and the public by creating a “rally around the flag” that determined the outcome of the elections.
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Costa Lobo, Marina. "Portugal: EU Issue Voting in Mainstream and Challenger Parties." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 275–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29187-6_11.
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AbstractOne of the “bailout countries” during the Great Recession, Portugal is an interesting case-study to analyse EU politicisation and its effects at the national level. In this chapter, media, parliamentary and voting data provide a comprehensive picture of the role of EU politicisation in Portuguese political behaviour. Trends of EU issue politicisation are presented using salience and tone in mainstream media and parliamentary debates from 2002 to 2019. As expected, the post-2009 period exhibits an increase in politicisation both in media and parliamentary debates. Yet, in a post-bailout stage, and especially since the left coalition government took office in 2015, a degree of depoliticization of the EU issue is detected, with tone improving among the left parties in Parliament. A comprehensive vote model is then set up, using data from a post-2019 election online survey, to examine the degree to which EU issue voting matters, benchmarking with other political issues which were deemed relevant in the election. EU issue voting occurs among Communists but also for the PSD—signalling its importance not only for challenger but also for mainstream parties. Moreover, it matters more than the other socio-economic political issues included in the model.
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Mihr, Anja. "European democracy’s Response to the BRI." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 375–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_26.
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AbstractIn this chapter, I will argue that the 2013 Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been neither a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China’s BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered many global and local movements and initiatives that have led alternatively to stronger autocratisation and democratisation in some regions, such as across Eurasia. The quantity of investments under the BRI is not a determinant of whether a country democratises or autocratises.Instead, the BRI and the autocratic leadership of the Chinese government in implementing investments across Eurasia has triggered several countermeasures by the European Union (EU) and the G7. One of these is the Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) which aims to invest in infrastructure and development projects worldwide, but with the key difference that its aim is to promote democratic norms and principles of human rights at the same time. Some of the consequences of the New Cold War between democratic and autocratic political systems including the rising unrest of civil society in the face of autocratic forms of governance and anti-Chinese sentiments, these lead to civil unrest and even wars that destabilise entire regions and countries.
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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Truloff, Shannon, Luitzen de Boer, Xinlu Qiu, and Annik Magerholm Fet. "The Role of Public Sector Buyers: Influencing Systemic Change in the Construction Sector." In Business Transitions: A Path to Sustainability, 155–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22245-0_15.
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AbstractConstruction machinery is essential to all construction projects and is also a significant contributor to both air pollution and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The Non-Road Mobile Machinery Market (NRMM), otherwise known as the construction machinery market, largely operates using diesel fuel nowadays which has significant negative environmental impacts. It is critical that governmental leaders push suppliers to innovate and implement sustainable solutions in the construction sector. Green Public Procurement (GPP) and Innovation Orientated Public Procurement (IOPP) have emerged as potentially powerful instruments to drive green innovation by providing ‘lead markets’ for new technologies. City municipalities, regions, nations, and supranational government structures such as the European Union (EU) are starting to use public purchasing to achieve cleaner construction and Zero Emission Construction Sites (ZEMCONs). Early Market Dialogues (EMD) prior to the release of procurement documents can be an effective tool for achieving innovative solutions and for creating positive buyer and supplier collaboration. This case illustrates how the CapSEM Model and toolbox can operate from a top-down approach, initiating collaborative approaches amongst multiple actors, across multiple CapSEM Levels.
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Bidarratzaga Aurre, Eduardo, and Ángeles Sánchez Díez. "Is the Trade Agreement Between the EU and Colombia Coherent with European Support for Peacebuilding?" In Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies, 103–27. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24797-2_4.
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AbstractTrade agreements between central and peripheral countries or regional groups with very different commercial and productive specializations have been in place for several decades now, since they were first promoted in the 1990s, initially by the US government and later by the European Union (EU). This resulted in the promotion of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) in the first case, and Association Agreements (AAs) in the second, turning different individual economies or Latin American regional groups into preferential partners in these agreements, in the latter based on a model with certain specific differentiating features.This chapter analyses the main characteristics and consequences of the Trade Agreement signed in 2012 between the EU and Colombia, as well as its future prospects in the current context. We inquire to what extent the agreement is consistent with the rest of the EU's cooperation policies, where in recent years support for peacebuilding has gained great weight from a comprehensive perspective in order to end the root factors that generate conflict and promote lasting peace and development in Colombia.
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van Dijk, Frans. "Independence and Trust." In Perceptions of the Independence of Judges in Europe, 77–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63143-7_6.
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AbstractThe Chapter examines the trust of the general public in the judiciary at the national and EU-level. The starting point is that the correlation between the independence of the judiciary as perceived by the general public and the trust in the judiciary by the same public is very strong: trust in the judiciary equals trust in the independence of the judiciary. Trust in the judiciary is generally higher than that in parliament and government. However, the trust in the judiciary is generally at the same level as that in the public administration. It is likely that the general public associates the public administration with desirable, fair and impartial implementation of public policies, and not so much with (divisive) policy formation. Thus, it is too simple to conclude that the judiciary performs better than the other powers of the state. High trust in the judiciary is fostered by the nature of the tasks. At the EU-level the differentiation of trust between the three branches of government is much smaller than at the national level. Trust in the European Court of Justice (the supreme court of the European Union) is higher than in the national judiciary at low levels of trust at the national level, and smaller at high levels of trust. Still, trust in the ECJ is higher in countries with a highly trusted judiciary than in countries with a less trusted judiciary.
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Han, Xiao, Hua-guang Yan, Jian-dong Kang, and Yang Li. "Strategic Analysis of Hydrogen Energy Policies and Technology Layout in Major Countries." In Proceedings of the 10th Hydrogen Technology Convention, Volume 1, 435–51. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-8631-6_43.
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AbstractIn the context of the global clean and low-carbon energy transition, hydrogen energy has become an important direction for energy technology innovation in the contemporary world. Many countries around the world have paid great attention to the development of hydrogen energy and leveraged it to the national strategies. This study firstly reviews the development of global hydrogen energy, focusing on the global hydrogen energy supply, hydrogen energy demand, the current situation and development trend of hydrogen energy. Secondly, based on data collected from government websites, key R&D institutions and well-known databases (e.g. CODIS database), a strategic analysis of hydrogen energy policies and technologies of main countries is conducted. In terms of policy, textual analysis is used to analyse the global hydrogen energy layout direction and the strategic positioning, strategic layout and strategic objectives of hydrogen energy in countries such as the United States, European Union, Japan and China. In terms of technology, the keyword search method is used to obtain data on scientific research projects in the field of hydrogen energy, and quantitative analysis is conducted to analyse the characteristics of the technical layout of global hydrogen energy research projects, and to analyse the funding of hydrogen energy projects and the focus of hydrogen energy technology research. Finally, suggestions for the future development of hydrogen energy are discussed.
Conference papers on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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FERUNI, Nerajda. "MACROECONOMIC INDICATORS OF HAPPINESS: CASE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In Happiness And Contemporary Society : Conference Proceedings Volume. SPOLOM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2021.23.
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The aim of this paper is to test empirically the relationship between life satisfaction, another term used for happiness, and macroeconomic indicators such as GDP per capita, which is a proxy for economic growth, unemployment, inflation, income distribution and government expenditure in the European Union countries during the period of 2005-2017. The chosen variables are some of the most significant determinants of economic growth as well. Using the Fixed Effects model, which falls under the Panel Generalized Least Square method, the empirical results are in accordance with the literature review and suggest that unemployment and inflation have negative significant impacts on life satisfaction. Additionally, higher government expenditures and a higher level of economic growth lead to a higher level of life satisfaction in the EU countries, while unfair income distribution leads to a lower level of life satisfaction. Keywords: life satisfaction, macroeconomic indicators, economic growth, EU
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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev, and Mairam Baigonusheva. "Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
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Tashevska, Biljana, Marija Trpkova – Nestorovska, and Suzana Makreshanska – Mladenovska. "IS THERE A DOMINANCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION EXPENDITURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION?" In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0003.
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European welfare states, with their comprehensive and generous welfare model, create the largest part of general government expenditures in the European Union member countries. Given the rising trend of social expenditure and the long-run challenges coming from population ageing, this paper addresses the issue of social dominance, a situation in which, particularly when facing limited fiscal space, social expenditure could crowd-out other productive public expenditures, thus undermining growth potentials and possibly threatening fiscal sustainability. Using a panel regression analysis, the aim of the paper is to test whether social protection expenditure has crowded-out expenditures on other purposes in the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The results provide some evidence of crowding-out of infrastructure spending and education spending. Additionally, deficit financing and rising government debt have a significant adverse effect on spending on infrastructure, education and core public services, confirming that they are more prone to cutbacks in times of deteriorating public finance. These findings, along with the long-run fiscal pressure from the ‘greying population’ and the high political costs of welfare reforms suggest significant future risks of social dominance.
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Tunçsiper, Bedriye, and Ömer Faruk Biçen. "The Effects of European Debt Crisis on Turkey’s Exports." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00827.
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The crisis that arose in Greece at the last quarter of 2009 affected the countries that have heavily government debt like Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland as soon as 2008 Global Financial Crisis originating from USA Mortgage Markets affect European Union (EU) countries under heavily debt burden. The effects of that crisis in the short run are demand shrinking and decrease in export. Turkey, which has important economic relations with EU countries in the last fifty years, is the primary country that can be negatively affected from demand shrinking in Europe. Turkey that indirectly experience 2008 global financial crisis because of the decrease in export volume in Europe also seem fatefully affected in this crisis. This article aims to determine the effects of the crisis to Turkey’s export ampirically in the EU countries that have the lion’s share in the Turkey’s export markets. As well, it is trying to explain whether this crisis affects over-all Europe or not.
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Nazlıoğlu, Şaban, Çağın Karul, Ahmet Koncak, and İlhan Küçükkaplan. "On The Purchasing Power Parity in Turkey: The Role of Structural Changes." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02008.
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Turkey as an emerging country and one of the fastest growing economies during the last decade has been implementing the trade-oriented growth model since 1980. The exchange rate policy in that respect is at the center of trade and monetary policies. Given the importance of constructing fundamental equilibrium exchange rates, the long-run PPP hypothesis has been empirically investigated during the last decade. We re-examine the purchasing power parity (PPP) hypothesis for Turkey with her ten major trading partners and find out that when the structural shifts are taken into account, there is a strong evidence in favor of the validity of PPP hypothesis. An interesting finding also is that the PPP hypothesis seems to hold for the European Union countries.
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Ahmadov, Vusal. "Successes and failures in Hungarian family businesses." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.11.
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The Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) are a necessary element of the social and economic development of the national economy from the perspective of their significant contribution to employment, innovative capacity, and flexibility. Innovative SMEs are necessary building block in the restructuring of transition economies. The successful reformers of the Central and Eastern Europe countries can promote policies conducive to the development of innovative SMEs, and consequently benefit from the economic advantages of SMEs. However, the majority of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries are lagging behind significantly. This paper gives the analytical description of the development of SMEs in post-socialist countries during the transition process within the framework of the market reforms. The main barriers to growth of SMEs with innovation capacity are the institutional environment, and the inadequate attitude of the government towards small companies. The countries which integrated to European Union been able to overcome these barriers considerably, while the CIS countries do not have a record of significant achievement in this area.
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Criste, Cristina, Ciel Bovary (Man), and Oana-Ramona Lobonț. "Portraying the Level of Digital Performance and Innovation of the European Public Sector: Contextualising the Relationship Between E-government and Digital Innovation." In 29th International Scientific Conference Strategic Management and Decision Support Systems in Strategic Management. University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46541/978-86-7233-428-9_396.
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Due to the differences among European Union member states in governance quality, public governance effectiveness, financial resource management, and efforts to improve economic performance and well-being, digital innovation is essential for promoting digital governance. Achieving qualitative e-governance requires increased innovation, along with the effective adoption and implementation of digital technology. The main objective of this study is to analyse the connections between public governance and digital innovation in the European Union (EU). Two research methods were considered to carry out the longitudinal data compiled at the EU-27 member states (EU27) level from 2017 to 2022: bibliometric and Gaussian and mixed-Markov graphical (GGMs) analysis. This methodology allows a comprehensive approach to evaluating the interaction of digital innovation with public governance. Scientific documents from the period 2010-2023 from the Web of Science were analysed to explore the relationship between e-government and digital innovation. The analysis revealed that this subject is relatively new, with the most productive years being the last five years. It also identifies the countries and authors in this field that are most concerned and the most relevant documents. Based on GGMs and correlation analysis, the empirical part focused on digitalisation, innovation, world governance indicators, and economic variables from 2017 to 2022 across EU member states to identify links between these variables. Our findings support our assumption that digitalisation and innovation positively impact e-government services. The results reveal the need for countries to align their digital transformation plans to integrate digital technologies and continuous innovation to improve e-government effectiveness. Successful implementation of e-government relies not only on technology but also on well-planned strategies, adequate resource allocation, ongoing innovation, and governmental dedication to ensure accessible, secure, and user-friendly e-services for all citizens. The findings underscore the necessity for countries to reconfigure and align their digital transformation plans by integrating digital technologies into service delivery while continuously promoting innovation to improve the performance of e-government.
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Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.
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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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Stepina, Mairita, and Modrite Pelse. "European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization." In Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
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The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
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Niftiyev, Ibrahim. "A comparison of institutional quality in the South Caucasus." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.9.
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Much has happened in the three countries of the South Caucasus-namely, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia-since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Political events, institutional reforms, and economic development have resulted in greater economic welfare in these countries after the painful transition period of the 1990s. However, it remains to be seen whether they have achieved any solid results or whether they still have much to accomplish. While the answer is ambiguous, each country has followed a different political, geopolitical, economic, and institutional path and achieved different economic outcomes despite their close geographical proximity to each other. This paper compares the available data on economic and institutional quality in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia to portray the overall situation in terms of changes in institutional patterns. Then, special attention is given to Azerbaijan, as the country is considered to be oil-rich and thus resource-dependent. A comparative perspective on institutional quality suggests that Georgia has been a leading country in terms of institutions and effective bureaucracy-building, despite having lower economic indicators compared to Azerbaijan. Moreover, while Armenia is positioned between Georgia and Azerbaijan in terms of institutional quality, its economic growth is similar to Georgia's. Lastly, institutional variables (e.g., control of corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness, and human rights) in Azerbaijan are negatively correlated with oil-related variables. This result aligns with the natural resource curse and Dutch disease theories, which posit that oil boom periods in mineral-rich countries are associated with a deterioration in institutional quality, thereby leading to slower growth. Also, the results are important to build up analytical frameworks to address the Dutch disease or resource curse studies in the case of Azerbaijan in a comparative manner with oil-poor countries even if the scope is limited to the South Caucasian former Soviet Union countries.
Reports on the topic "Government purchasing – european union countries"
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Amores, Antonio F., Henrique Basso, Johannes Simeon Bischl, Paola De Agostini, Silvia De Poli, Emanuele Dicarlo, Maria Flevotomou, et al. Inflation, fiscal policy and inequality. The distributional impact of fiscal measures to compensate for consumer inflation. Madrid: Banco de España, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/36624.
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This paper analyses the distributional impact of high consumer inflation in the euro area and government measures to compensate households in 2022. The study uses the tax-benefit microsimulation model for the European Union (EUROMOD) with microdata as the input – EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC) and household budget surveys (HBS) – to quantify the distributional impact of inflation, income support measures and measures aimed at containing prices. The analysis confirms that purchasing power and welfare were more severely affected by the 2022 inflation surge among lower-income households than among higher-income households. Fiscal measures compensated households for about a third of their welfare loss, though with significant differences across countries. At the same time, fiscal measures reduced the inequality gap between lower and higher-income households by around 60%. Most fiscal measures were not particularly well targeted at low-income households, resulting in a higher than necessary fiscal burden to cushion the distributional impact of the inflationary shock.
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Bassols Jacas, Raimundo. Interaction between the Government and the Spanish Civil Society during the Negotiations for the Accession of Spain into the European Union. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011004.
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Western countries have established themselves and developed over the last two centuries in the model of the Nation-State, founded on national sovereignty. Civil societies from these countries have been educated and conditioned to respect and fully accept the principles and symbols of a sovereign Nation. They are sharply nationalistic civil societies. This interactive relationship between the Governments and their respective civil societies are the reason that motivates this paper.
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Eszterhai, Viktor, and Péter Goreczky. To Decouple or not to Decouple? How to Address China’s Dominance in the European EV Battery Supply Chain. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.61.
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Geopolitical tensions between Western countries and China are prompting the European Union to attempt to reduce China’s economic exposure. This poses a particularly serious challenge to the Hungarian government, whose economic policy cornerstone is to create a manufacturing base for the interconnected European and Asian electric car value chains. This paper seeks to answer the question how the European Union can realistically attempt to reduce the European electric car industry’s dependence on China by exploring mergers in the European electric car industry and the Chinese battery industry. The study concludes by discussing whether the Hungarian government should maintain its current economic policy in the future or whether it needs to reconsider it due to the high risks involved.
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Barradas, Ricardo. Why does the nexus between finance and inequality break in times of financialization? Empirical evidence for the European Union countries. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2023.01.
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The majority of policy makers in developed countries have, since the 1970s and 1980s, put in place a strong process for the liberalization, deregulation and privatization of the financial system, particularly persuaded by the mainstream assumption that this represents the best strategy to sustain the growth of finance, enhance economic growth and lessen inequality. Nonetheless, economic growth has been quite anaemic in the majority of developed countries, and inequality has continued to widen in the last four decades, which feeds non-mainstream beliefs regarding the disruptive role played by the growth of finance in contemporary societies in times of financialization. This paper aims to contribute to the current debate between the mainstream and the non-mainstream literature on the effect of the growth of finance on the level of inequality by performing a panel data econometric analysis for all the European Union countries from 1980 to 2019. Our findings confirm that finance, economic growth, educational attainment and degree of trade openness have a positive long-term effect on the level of inequality in the European Union countries, whilst government spending has a negative impact in the short term. Our findings imply that policy makers should rethink the functioning of the financial system and adopt public policies that are more in favour of the poor in order to constrain the growth of inequality in the European Union countries.
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Jenkins, Glenn P., and George G. Poufos. Economic Integration and the Transformation of the Tax Mix: Cyprus 1990-2001. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008538.
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This paper outlines the steps that the Government of Cyprus took to transform its tax system between 1990 and 2001 in order to prepare itself for admission into the European Union. Cyprus has many of the same economic features as the countries of the Caribbean and Central American regions. In the case of Cyprus, the reforms were focused on the introduction and expansion of the Value Added Tax, a restructuring of the excise tax system and a modernization of its income tax system. By 2002 it has virtually completed the transformation process. The paper also discusses the situation of Belize, which is preparing to begin a similar transformation. Although the required changes might appear very large, a set of reasonable options are presented for consideration.
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Wolfmaier, Susanne, Adrian Foong, and Christian König. Climate, conflict and COVID-19: How does the pandemic affect EU policies on climate-fragility? Adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc018.
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The links between climate change and conflict have been well-documented in recent observations and academic literature: far from being causally direct, these links often depend on specific conditions and occur through certain pathways (Koubi, 2019). For example, conflicts have been found to be more likely in areas with poor access to infrastructure and facilities (Detges, 2016), or where government distrust and political bias are prevalent (Detges, 2017). As such, climate change has often been described as a ‘threat multiplier’, making it imperative for security and development actors to consider these fragility risks collectively in their policies and strategies. In addition to the expected impacts of climate change on the European Union (EU), such as increasing temperatures, extreme weather events or rising sea levels, climate change also has “direct and indirect international security impacts” for the EU’s foreign- and security policy (Council of the European Union, 2016). These affect for example migration, food security, access to resources and socio-economic factors that possibly contribute to disruptions (ibid.). The resulting fragility may affect the EU by contributing to changes in geopolitical power dynamics, whilst at the same time needs for support in neighbouring and partner countries could increase (Brown, Le More & Raasteen, 2020). The EU has increasingly acknowledged climate-fragility risks over the last years, as is evident from several key foreign policy strategies, agreements, and decisions. The European Green Deal, for example, aims to cushion climate and environmental impacts that may exacerbate instability (European Commission, 2019). At the regional level, individual policies underline the links between climate impacts and security in partner regions, such as for the Sahel (Council of the European Union, 2021a) and the Neighbourhood (EEAS, 2021a), stressing the importance in tackling those risks. To that end, the EU has been at the forefront in providing multilateral support for its partner regions, through its various instruments related to climate, environment, development, and security. According to official EU sources, EU funding for official development assistance (ODA) rose by 15% in nominal terms from 2019 to €66.8 billion in 2020 (European Commission, 2021a). Furthermore, the share dedicated to climate action is also growing: the EU initiative Global Climate Change Alliance Plus (GCCA+) received an additional €102.5 million for the period 2014-2020 compared to the previous phase 2004- 2014 (European Commission, n.d.). Looking ahead, the EU’s recently approved Multiannual Financial Framework for 2021-2027 is set to provide €110.6 billion in funding for external action and pre-accession assistance to its Neighbourhood and rest of the world (European Commission, 2021b). Despite the increased recognition of climate-related fragility risks in EU policies and the funding committed to climate action and international development, implementation of concrete measures to address these risks are lagging behind, with only a handful of EUfunded projects addressing climate-fragility risks (Brown, Le More & Raasteen, 2020). Compounding these challenges is the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite the current vaccine rollout worldwide, and with some countries seeing a potential end to the health crisis, the pandemic has taken – and continues to take – its toll in many parts of the world. The unprecedented nature of COVID-19 could ultimately make it more difficult for the EU to address the impacts of climate change on fragility and security in its partner regions. In other words: How does the pandemic affect the EU’s ability to address climate-fragility risks in its neighbourhood? To answer this question, this paper will explore the implications of COVID-19 on relevant EU policies and strategies that address the climate security nexus, focusing on three regions: the Sahel, North Africa, and Western Balkans. These regions were chosen for geographical representativeness (i.e., being the EU’s southern and eastern neighbouring regions), as well as being priority regions for EU external action, and, in the case of the Western Balkans, for EU accession.1 The remainder of the paper is structured as follows: Section 2 outlines, in general terms, the impacts of the pandemic on the political priorities and ability of the EU to address climate-fragility risks. Section 3 explores, for each focus region, how the pandemic affects key objectives of EU policies aiming at reducing climate-fragility risks in that region. Section 4 provides several recommendations on how the EU can better address the interlinking risks associated with climate-fragility and COVID-19.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
Full textAbstract:
The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Sending Money Home: Worldwide Remittance Flows to Developing Countries. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006582.
Full textAbstract:
Remittances, the portion of migrant workers' earnings sent back home to their families, have been a critical means of financial support for generations. But, for the most part, these flows have historically been -hidden in plain view-, often uncounted and even ignored. All that is now changing -as the scale of migration increases, the corresponding growth in remittances is gaining widespread attention. This report has been elaborated based on a study commissioned by IFAD to the Inter-American Dialogue in collaboration with the Multilateral Investment Fund of the IDB and contributions from the European Union, Government of Spain, Government of Luxembourg, CGAP and UNCDF.
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Climate Change: A Regional Perspective. Inter-American Development Bank, February 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006893.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this document is to contribute to the ongoing discussion on climate change in light of the available evidence on the possible channels of transmission of the economic impact of this phenomenon and the results of the latest session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP 15), held in Copenhagen from 7 to 18 December 2009. This document has been prepared, at the request of the Government of Mexico, by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and the Inter-American Development Bank on the basis of the work carried out jointly with a number of countries of the region to further the analysis of the economic costs of climate change and with support from the European Union and the Governments of Denmark, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom.