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Downey, Keith Michael. "What factors impact public opinion on federal government spending?" Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/449219919/viewonline.
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Jin, Shuai. "Politics of economic inequality in China: government propaganda and public opinion." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5785.
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This study examines Chinese citizens’ awareness, perceptions of economic inequality, preferences for redistribution, as well as how the Chinese government portrays inequality and how citizens respond to propaganda. I theorize that the low-, middle- and high-income classes will observe different realities of inequality, have different opinions of inequality, and that lead to different reactions to propaganda. The low-income class is expected to be unaware of inequality and their attitudes toward inequality should be affected by the government rhetoric because of their low levels of education and exposure to inequality. The educated and informed middle class should observe the reality and criticize inequality. The high-income class should understand the reality of inequality but will not criticize inequality as they enjoy their wealth and success. Government propaganda will persuade the disadvantaged but not the middle class, and will elicit support for redistribution from the wealthy at least on the surface. I test my theory by examining two national public opinion surveys on inequality and distributive justice, also by collecting original data through a survey experiment in China. Analyses of the national surveys and the experimental data show that the low-income Chinese are not well-aware of inequality and believe government rhetoric. The middle class is critical of inequality and resistant to propaganda. The rich are ambiguous toward inequality: they do not perceive inequality negatively, but are willing to show compliance with the government’s populist pledges of fighting against inequality. This study concludes that the middle class is the critical group in China. Propaganda persuades the low-income class but backfires among the middle class.
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Dudas, Andrew M. "THE USE OF COMMUNITY OPINION SURVEYS IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT STRATEGIC DECISION MAKING." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1124196112.
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Bly, Theresa. "Impact of public perception on US national policy : a study of media influence in military and government decision making /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02sep%5FBly.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Steven J. Iatrou, Anthony Pratkanis. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-144). Also available online.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.
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Castora, Melissa. "OPINIONS ON GOVERNMENT SPENDING ON SOCIAL SECURITY: A YEAR AND COHORT ANALYSIS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4116.
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This paper is an analysis of American's opinions on government spending on Social Security. The main objectives were to analyze the effect of year and cohort membership on the likelihood for American's to say that they think the government is spending too little on Social Security. The data was obtained from the General Social Survey. Results of the analysis conclude that year is statistically significant in predicting the likelihood of those who say the government is spending too little on Social Security. When comparing every year to 1994, 1996 is the only year that year that respondents were less likely to respond that the government was spending too little on Social Security. Every other test year, up to and including 2004, there is a growing likelihood of respondents indicating that the government is spending too little on Social Security. Finally, cohort membership was included in the analysis. Results conclude that the Swing cohort and the Babyboom cohort are statistically significant in predicting opinions on government spending on Social Security when being compared to the youngest cohort, the Babyboomlet-bust cohort. However, the results of the analysis show opposite direction in opinions between these two cohorts. Interestingly, the only cohort not statistically significant is the Silent generation.M.A.
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Arts and Sciences
Applied Sociology
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McNairn, Jeffrey L. "The capacity to judge public opinion and deliberative democracy in Upper Canada, 1791-1854 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27696.pdf.
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Stitt, Ross William. "Public preferences: their influence through elections on the policy positions of incoming Australian federal governments." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16050.
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This thesis sits within the broad topic of the relationship between public preferences and government policy. Its specific ambit is the influence, through elections, of majority public preferences on the policy platforms of incoming federal governments in Australia. It constructs a synthesis of each of the two key branches of theory that seek to explain the preferences-to-platform link: both parties in a two-party system deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions in order to win electoral support, and voters electing a government on the basis of its public preference-consistent positions. By revealing the core underlying assumptions of the theories, this analysis facilitates an understanding of the contours of the debate and points the way to an empirical research strategy. Using a database generated from a comprehensive review of opinion polls and surveys in the periods leading up to the 2001-2013 federal elections, the thesis builds from calculating the level of public preference-holding, to placing public preferences in ideological space, measuring their congruence with incoming government policy platforms, and then examining the causal relationship between them. The research reveals significant preferences-to-platform incongruence and indicates that little congruence is attributable to the parties deliberately adopting public preference-consistent positions and even less to the public voting on the basis of its preferences. The parties are rarely motivated to deliberately follow public preferences and have many constraints on doing so. However, public preferences exercise a passive influence by curbing the parties’ policymaking. The public is offered limited policy alternatives, and many voters have minimal knowledge of those alternatives or do not policy vote. The additional contributions of the thesis are the synthesis of the theories, the formulation of an analytical framework, and the creation of the public preferences database.
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Cremona, Rachel Karen. "A meaningful majority rediscovering government by the people /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.
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The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.Department of Educational Leadership
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Pitt, Brian A. "Social welfare and the public opinion of government spending moving beyond the self-interest - symbolic politics dichotomy /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 79 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1597633361&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thomas, Kathrin. "The conditions of policy representation in a cross-national perspective : veto players, public opinion and government responsiveness." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/11002.
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This thesis explores “The Conditions of Effective Policy Representation in a Cross- National Perspective: Veto Players, Public Opinion and Government Responsiveness”. When one indicator of a democracy’s quality is whether and how well governments respond to citizens’ demands, continuing policy responsiveness is a key concern. Various models of responsiveness claim to explore the responsiveness of government towards citizens’ preferences but these come to inconsistent conclusions about how context affects the opinion-policy relationship. My research contributes to the field (1) by systematically examining the commonly used models of the opinion-policy relationship (2) by providing a new theory of contextual effects based upon the veto player theory (Tsebelis, 2002) and clarity of responsibility argument (Hobolt et al., 2012, Whitten and Palmer, 1999, Powell and Whitten, 1993), (3) by cross-validating measures of issue preferences, and (4) by testing my theory using models of issue responsiveness and positional policy congruence. After careful analysis of the many models and approaches to the opinion-policy linkage, I argue that political representation is best explored by applying a model of effective responsiveness, that is, governments responding to preferences by implementing policy that the public wants. Other models examine whether government agendas correspond with public agendas. This is achieved by using issue responsiveness techniques and also, to a limited extent, positional policy congruence. Context is an important factor yet scholarship comes to inconsistent conclusions about how it affects political representation. I therefore develop a universally applicable theory of contextual effects, which borrows from the Tsebelis’ veto player theory (2002) and the clarity of responsibility hypothesis from economic voting literature (Hobolt et al., 2012, Whitten and Palmer, 1999, Powell and Whitten, 1993). Succinctly, the fewer veto players enter the decision-making process, the clearer it is who is responsible to act and the more likely it is that governments respond to public demands. The first empirical chapter focuses on the validity of public opinion measures in issue responsiveness research and asks whether thinking something is an important problem is the same as wanting to increase public spending in the same domain. I find that both measures are related but that this relationship depends on the policy domain in question. The second and third empirical chapter test my theory of contextual effects, employing the salience model of responsiveness and the citizens’ perceptions model of positional policy congruence in a comparative framework. The results support my theory: In contexts where fewer veto players are created and the responsibilities are clearly allocated, political representation is increased. This research finds its limitations in the quality and availability of the data, as well as in the non-dynamic nature of the model of ideological positions.
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Ludwig, Karen M. "Trust in Government: An Alternative Methodology Using Letters to the Editor." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1115750787.
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Von, Rautenfeld Hans. "This our talking America : Emerson, public opinion, and democratic representation /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3044777.
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Ngada, Simphiwe Leon Hopewell. "The role of public opinion in the post-violent protest recovery in the Merafong Local Municipality, township of Khutsong." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020890.
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In order to eradicate the legacy of the past, the South African democratic government adopted a developmental approach to local government. The White Paper on Local Government (WPLG) (1998:17) defines developmental government as government committed to working with citizens and groups within the community to find sustainable ways of meeting their social, economic and material needs and of improving their quality of life. A developmental approach aims at enhancing the skills and capacity of community members by promoting their own development process (Theron, 2005a: 120). South Africa made provision for an Act of Parliament to authorise the establishment of a cross-boundary municipality. The Municipal Demarcation Board, after initial research, noted that there are a number of areas in South Africa where large tracts of land, including a number of different communities and settlements, straddle provincial boundaries. A cross-boundary municipality refers to a situation where parts of a local municipality are located within the borders of two different provinces. For example, in the case of Merafong, the smaller part in the south was located in North West Province and the larger part in the east was located in Gauteng Province. This in effect meant that the governance of these municipalities was a shared political and fiscal responsibility of two different provinces. The aim of the study was to determine the impact of public opinions on post-violent protest recovery processes in the Merafong Local Municipality. Both qualitative and quantitative approach was followed that included a review of documents from public administration and conflict theories literature; discourse analysis of interviews with municipal officials and councillors, and community members. The document review included a review of municipal documents that incorporated demarcation or describe development and use of public participation. It also included the legal frameworks and statutory requirements for community/citizen participation. The key findings of the study indicated contrasting views between the community and the municipality perspectives in particular with regard to the role of the community during the prioritisation of needs and the decision-making processes. The researcher concluded that in order for community participation to have maximum impact, local government is obliged to create an enabling environment for participation which includes amongst others addressing the institutional obstacles and the capacity gaps within the community. The researcher finally recommended that these roles be implemented, evaluated and integrated in the current performance management system of Merafong Local Municipality.
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張凱怡 and Hoi-yee Cheung. "Citizen-driven public participation in planning processes within an executive-led government: a case study oflocal action and central harborfront planning." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42930340.
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Burton, David Warren. "Politics, propaganda and public opinion in the reigns of Henry III and Edward I." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa0fbc9f-8a03-42f9-8b4d-8137090755be.
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This thesis traces the way in which the growing political consciousness of the English nation in the thirteenth century led the king to pay more attention to public opinion, and considers the arguments he used to justify his policies, and in particular his military undertakings, before a wider public audience. The development of such political propaganda began during Henry Ill's reign. Yet he felt little need to explain his policies until this increasingly unrealistic position was exposed during 1258-65, when the barons made strenuous and successful attempts to exploit public opinion. Edward I probably learnt much from his father's experience, and during his reign took considerable care to explain how his wars were in the interests of the realm. The traditional means of communication and the arguments put across both underwent considerable development as a result. Much of the material for this study is in print. The king's arguments can be established from the writs entered on the chancery rolls, supplemented by the accounts of the chroniclers, while the outline of the barons' arguments in 1258-65 can be established from the same sources. Bishops' registers and the memoranda rolls provide further information towards the end of the century. Throughout an attempt has been made to show how the king's claims and arguments were viewed, which is not particularly easy. The main sources for public opinion, the chronicles, supplemented by political songs, reflect mainly the views of literate churchmen, and the opinions of the laity can be ascertained only indirectly. Yet the picture which emerges is of an increasingly politically conscious nation following the main political events with interest, and able to judge the merits of the king's arguments for itself.
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McConachie, Bradley. "The Future of Australia-China Relations: Can International Education Deliver a Network of Informed Opinion Leaders?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382705.
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As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations.
This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China?
Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the psychology and communications literature (the contact hypothesis and the two-step flow hypothesis in the development of opinion leaders) were used.
The findings show that the NCP and ASC programs do contribute to breaking down negative stereotypes and building mutual understanding between Australia and China. However, the programs’ outcomes would be improved through strengthening the conditions of contact. Government, and, home and host university support for the NCP was high, however, due to the lack of Chinese language skills and opportunities for out-of-class interactions the condition of high acquaintance potential was low. Equal status and common goals were identified as being present for NCP scholars but could be improved as students rarely co-operated on joint projects and felt like they were treated, positively but differently, to local students. Conversely, the ASCs require additional institutional and government support. In contrast to the NCP’s adequate funding, the ASCs need increased funding which is aligned to clear objectives. There are opportunities for the NCP scholars and the ASCs to work together to diversify the Australian students’ experiences and provide more opportunities for Australian and Chinese students and academics to collaborate.
Because of the intersection between policy and politics, the reasoning behind Australian Government funds for international education programs in China will be subject to change to meet the geopolitical environment of the time. We could naively rely solely on the government’s promulgated key objectives, however, without transparency regarding the intent of these programs, any evaluation could be meaningless. The strong fabric of personal and professional links between Australian and Chinese individuals and institutions will assist Australia to navigate difficult times in the bilateral relationship. Considering the limited public funding, using the NCP and ASCs as vehicles for delivering a positive message that Australia is engaged with its region, is sufficient reason for funding these programs. Improving conditions of contact would increase the probability of creating opinion leaders and therefore improving the future contribution that these programs make to the nation’s good.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Swart, Charl. "Public opinion on land reform in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4377.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.
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Eldred, Christopher P. "The Stable American Mind: Understanding Attitudes Towards Government and Taxes, 1990-2011." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/255.
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As the federal government seeks ways to stimulate our economy and reduce our national debt, understanding public attitudes on the role and size of government and the taxes that support it is important. This thesis evaluates how US public opinion towards government and taxes has changed from 1990 to the present, and analyzes several potential causes for changes that have occurred. It is intended to be an update of William G. Mayer’s 1992 book entitled The Changing American Mind, which analyzed changing public opinion from 1960-1988. In following his analysis, the causes I have analyzed are generational replacement, fiscal and economic indicator data, and important political events. Through and examination of public polling data from the last twenty years, I have concluded that attitudes fluctuated relatively mildly on these issues since 1990. My analysis reveals that generational replacement exerted little influence on opinions. However, analysis also reveals that major changes in fiscal and economic indicator data and various major policy initiatives induced the greatest swings in public opinion of the last two decades. I believe that these changes reflect that American aggregate opinion remains constructed on a post-Ronald Reagan ideological foundation, whose features include an inherent suspicion of government and resistance to taxes. Understanding this is crucial to understanding the nation’s political trajectory.
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Xie, Lingling. "Belief consistency exploring a balance among trust in government, perceived news media credibility and media use /." Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Spring2004/l%5Fxie%5F050304.pdf.
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Mac, Kay Johny. "Developmental local government: a study of public participation of the Integrated Development Planning Process of the City of Cape Town." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Community participation is relevant to every sector of development, for example, education, health, housing, water and sanitation, agricultural development and conservation. The assumption is that public participation is positive in that it can contribute to making programmes more sustainable. Public participation in local government processes, especially in the Integrated Development Plan, is imperative to the promotion of institutional democracy. The Integrated Development Plan as a development tool promotes participatory democracy. This public participation study of the Integrated Development Plan in the City of Cape Town was conducted in four sub-council areas of the city to determine whether public participation was successful and whether the objectives of local government are being met.
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Cross, Myra Lesley. "The depiction of Germans in British films : How it changes, how far such changes reflect government policy and public opinion." Thesis, Open University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504301.
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Ostrowski, Marius Sebastian Jacek. "Twilight of the pollsters : a social theory of mass opinion in late modernity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e7a203a-1ca6-4b26-a882-2e490e2d52b0.
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This thesis examines how the occupations people hold, and the social classes in which they are situated, affect the way in which they form and express opinions. At a theoretical level, it unites the 'deep-structure' macroanalysis of social theory with the individualised microanalysis of how subjects form and express opinions in opinion research, reviving an approach that has not been pursued since early-20th-century social research. At a practical level, it responds to several recent and prominent failures of prediction by the opinion polling industry, and asks whether a broader understanding of 'mass opinion' can help avert such failures in future. The thesis argues that opinions are subjects' judgments about their social conditions, based on mental pictures they have of these conditions that combine the values and attitudes they hold with the information they have about their environment. Subjects form opinions based on these pictures via three 'means of thinking'-personality-traits, emotions, and reason-and express them using two kinds of 'means of articulation'-bodily organs and media. The thesis shows how the variety of occupations subjects hold, and the extremity of class differentials between them, introduce substantial plurality into their values and attitudes, the way they acquire information, how they think, and how they articulate themselves. In particular, it highlights the considerable asymmetries between higher- and lower-class subjects regarding: which parts of their social conditions they are experts about, and how far they are influenced by others; whether they think about their conditions more emotionally or with reasoning; and how great a range and quality of opportunities they have to articulate their views. The thesis closes by suggesting that these findings offer opinion researchers and social theorists clear directions for measuring 'mass opinion' in new ways, and potentially emancipating the voices of subjects whose opinions are suppressed in late-modern society.
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Fournier, Patrick. "Heterogeneity in political decision-making : the nature, sources, extent, dynamics, and consequences of interpersonal differences in coefficient strength." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56544.pdf.
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Mfenyana, Sinesihle Ignetious. "Implementation of a facebook crawler for opinion monitoring and trend analysis purposes: a case study of government service delivery in Dwesa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1016067.
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The Internet has shifted from the Web 1.0 era to the Web 2.0 era. In the contemporary era of web 2.0, the Internet is being used to build and reflect social relationships among people who share similar interests and activities. This is done through services such as Social Networking Sites (Facebook, Twitter etc.) and the web blogs. Currently, there is a very high usage of Social Networking Sites (SNSs) and blogs where people share their views, opinions, and thoughts. This leads to the production of a lot of data by people who post such content on SNSs. As a result, SNSs and blogs become the ideal platforms for opinion monitoring and the trend analysis. These SNSs and Blogs could be used by service providers for tracking what the public thinks or requires. The reason being, having such knowledge can help in decision making and future planning. If service providers can keep track of such views, opinions or thoughts with regard to the services they provide, they can better their understanding about the public or clients’ needs and improve the provision of relevant services. This research project presents a system prototype for performing opinion monitoring and trend analysis on Facebook. The proposed system crawl Facebook, indexes the data and provides user interface (UI) where end users can search and see the trending of a topics of their choice. The system prototype could also be used to check the trending topics without having to search. The main objective of this research project was to develop a framework that will contribute in improving the way government officials, companies or any service providers and normal citizens communicate regarding services they provide. This research project is premised on the conceptualization that if the government officials, companies or any service providers can keep track of the citizen’s opinions, views and thoughts with regards to services they provide it can help improve the delivery of such services. This research and the implementation of the trend analysis tool is undertaken in the context of the Siyakhula Living Lab (SLL), an Information and Communication Technologies for Development (ICTD) intervention for Dwesa marginalized community.
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Duan, Ran. "CAN WE SAY MORE NOW? A CLOSER LOOK AT ONLINE PUBLIC OPINION CHANGE IN CHINA." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/10.
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This study examined the pattern of online public opinion change in China by investigating the top one hit blog and its following commentaries of every day from July 2009 to March 2012 on a famous Chinese website, and then discussed potential factors that affected the formation of online public opinion. The extent of freedom of online public opinion during this period presented regular fluctuations. Whether criticisms were registered by commentators was influenced by four factors. First and most important, the negative tone of bloggers increased criticism and the positive tone decreased criticism, which shows that the news that flows from the media to the public is amplified and interpreted by influential bloggers according to the two-step flow theory. Second, while national and local events had no effect, international news events decreased criticism because the public strongly supported the Chinese government. This was as important as the first factor. Third, the negative tone of events discussed in blogs increased criticism, which means that the mass media did have some direct influence through negative but not positive events. And fourth, when the government censored blogs and commentaries, the public shied away from criticism because their posts would probably be removed.
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Lo, Wing-hong Bernard, and 盧永康. "Gauging public views through electronic channels: a case study of the Hong Kong S.A.R. Government." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46781602.
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Mundy, Eric J. "PUBLIC TRUST IN GOVERNMENT: AN EXAMINATION OF CITIZEN TRUST DIFFERENTIALS IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATORS AND OTHER GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AT THE FEDERAL, STATE AND LOCAL LEVELS." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1176487794.
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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Public Administration and Urban Studies, 2007."May, 2007." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 05/02/2008) Advisor, Raymond W. Cox, III; Committee members, Ralph P. Hummel, Julia Beckett, Jesse F. Marquette, Jennifer Alexander; Department Chair, Sonia A. Alemagno; Dean of the College, Robert F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Lehman, Thomas E. "The politics of Christianity : an analysis and comparison of the economic and social views of the Christian right." Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/897527.
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Studies have suggested that the Christian Right, composed largely of Protestant fundamentalists, is a political movement characterized by an extreme right-wing (conservative) ideological bias. The general assumption by students of religion and politics has been that the Christian Right reflects a consistently conservative position with regard to both economic and social policy issues. However, minimal quantitative research has been employed to lend substance to such theories. The goal of this study was to employ quantitative research data to determine the political biases and ideology of Protestant fundamentalists on bothChristian Right is indeed conservative on issues policy, but much less so (even somewhat liberal) on economic or social welfare policy.This study was conducted using survey data collected by the National Opinion Research Center, General Social Surveys (NORC). The Protestant respondents were separated from the non-Protestant respondents, and indexes were computed to reflect the composite scores of the Protestant respondents on issues of social policy and social welfare policy. Although the results were somewhat inconclusive with regard to social welfare issues, the findings generally supported the hypothesis: There is a statistically significant positive relationship between social policy conservatism and degree of Protestant fundamentalism, strong enough to be of theoretical importance. Conversely, there is, in some instances, a statistically significant positive relationship between support for social welfare and degree of Protestant fundamentalism. The prevailing theory that Protestant fundamentalists are economic conservatives was shown to be a questionable if not a false theory.The conclusion of the present study was that the Christian Right is acutely aware of and politically motivated by social policy issues, concerned that the fundamentalist's perception of the proper morality is carried out in public policy. The Protestant fundamentalist position on issues of social policy reflects a conservative ideological bias. The economic issues, however, are of much less importance to members of the Christian Right, and perhaps may be unrelated to any type of religious position or religious intensity. Where relationships were found to exist, the Christian Right was shown to be moderate or even liberal, reflecting some degree of support for government-provided social welfare programs, a position at variance with the general conservative political movement. Some speculations as to the dichotomy of the Christian Right as a conservative political movement are offered, and several reasons for this dichotomy between social and economic policy issues are offered in light of the religious beliefs held by Protestant fundamentalists.Department of Political Science
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Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.
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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
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Morain, Stephanie. "Contested Boundaries: Evaluating Institutional and Government Authority in Academia and Public Health." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11264.
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This dissertation explores tensions between individual freedom and institutional authority. Chapter one examines public perceptions of the legitimacy of "new frontier" public health measures. I present results from a national survey of 1,817 adults concerning the acceptability of public health interventions for noncommunicable diseases. We found that support for these interventions is high overall; strongly associated with race and political orientation; and tied to perceptions of democratic representation in policy making. There was much support for strategies that enable people to exercise healthful choices, but considerably less for more coercive measures. These findings suggest that the least coercive path will be the smoothest. Additionally, the findings underscore the need for policy makers to involve the public in decision making, understand the public's values, and communicate how policy decisions reflect this understanding.
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Millard, A. D. "Are the people listening to Government's good advice : source credibility in Government attributed social marketing messages : a thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Commerce and Administration /." ResearchArchive @Victoria e-thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10063/1288.
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Rabinowitz, Aaron. "The Fourth Branch of Government: The Role of Interest Groups, the Media, and Political Advertisements in Contemporary Health Policy Debates." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10103.
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The first part of this dissertation explores whether interest group-sponsored political advertising campaigns influence how journalists frame health policy debates. The paper employs propensity score matching techniques, media content analysis and a modified version of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index to discern whether a prodigious and concentrated advertising campaign that aired during the health care reform debate under President Obama influenced newspaper coverage of the Affordable Care Act in markets that were exposed to the advertisements. The second part of the dissertation investigates public attitudes toward the various groups in the health care industry. It leverages data from an extensive public opinion survey conducted during the health care reform debate under President Obama, and employs survey weighted ordinal logistic regression models to understand public trust and confidence in a broad spectrum of interest groups, ranging from the American Medical Association to Blue Cross/Blue Shield to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. The findings are particularly important and timely as the implementation battles surrounding the Affordable Care Act begin because citizens frequently take cues from interest group leaders to make sense of the political world, and public opinion frequently depends on how elites frame a particular issue. The final portion of the dissertation compares and evaluates several competing policy options designed to promote viewpoint diversity in extant policy debates. Several evaluative criteria are developed and applied to existing regulatory approaches to improving viewpoint diversity, and a novel approach is offered to better serve this ideal. Specifically, I propose a "marketplace of ideas tax" that would be levied on all political advertisements to endow a "marketplace of ideas trust fund," which would then be used to subsidize speech from underrepresented viewpoints. This approach leverages insights garnered from models of political learning and social science research concerning the role of political advertisements in contemporary health policy debates.
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Drews, Ronald C. "Electoral manipulation and the influence of polling on politicians : a study of political organization in the Liberal Party of Canada up to the 1984 election campaign." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59613.
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This study examines the influence of polls and pollsters on politicians. The analysis reviews the American literature, which suggests that electoral technology is used by private political consultants to assist the politician in manipulating the voter. Six hypotheses are identified from the electoral manipulation literature, focusing specifically on the influence of political consultants on politicians. These hypotheses are tested with an historical analysis of the use of polls in the political organization of the Liberal Party of Canada from 1943 to 1984. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with prominent Liberals, and are reviewed to further test the hypotheses as they relate to the influence of polling on politicians. The study concludes by examining the rise of electoral technocracy in the party, and by assessing the pollsters' influence on political decision-making.
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Mamuji, Aaida. "Understanding Government Decision-Making: Canada’s Disaster-Relief in Haiti and Pakistan." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31704.
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Canada coordinates its responses to natural disasters abroad through implementing its ‘whole-of-government’ policy framework. The two largest natural disasters that struck in 2010 were the January earthquake in Haiti and the flooding in Pakistan seven months later. In contrast to the fast and robust earthquake relief provided to Haiti, Canada’s response to the Pakistan floods was minimal, especially when considering the extent of damage sustained. This dissertation applies a public administration lens to trace factors that led to the Government of Canada’s 2010 disaster-relief decisions. It develops a multi-level theoretical framework to holistically explore the role of problem-definition in shaping decision-making. It applies historical institutionalism at the macro level; recognizes the role of case-specific details and arenas at the meso level; and uses the logic of appropriateness to identify informal institutions affecting individual action at the micro level.
Analysis of interviews, government documents and media coverage indicates that bureaucratic actors involved in the whole-of-government approach recognize that their role is ultimately removed from final disaster-relief decisions. There is an informal acceptance that political will, more than needs in the disaster-affected region, shapes implementation decisions. Consequently, technical assessment is inadvertently affected, and recommendations reflect what is deemed most in line with ministerial disposition to assist. The primary motivators for Government of Canada action are found to be the gaining of public support or the need to subdue targeted criticisms. Findings indicate that as a result of its media appeal, there was a strong incentive for the deployment of military assets in response to the earthquake in Haiti, even when doing so was not in the best interest of the affected region. Where Canada could respond only with non-military means, there was less incentive for action. This leads to supply-driven relief rather than a needs-based humanitarian response.
With the developed theoretical framework, process-mapping and media analysis methodologies, and the actor-centred approach adopted, the dissertation makes theoretical and empirical contributions to existing public administration literature on decision-making and problem definition. It also presents a hitherto unexplored perspective on donor behaviour for consideration by international relations and development scholars.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. "Liberalization, Contention, and Threat: Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent.
This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.
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SINGH, ADITYA VIKRAM SINGH. "CRYPTOCURRENCIES: GROWTH & CHALLENGES IN INDIA." Thesis, DELHI TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dspace.dtu.ac.in:8080/jspui/handle/repository/18334.
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With the rapid development of information and information technology, many activities in our
daily life can be integrated online, making it easier and more efficient. The significant increase in
the number of online users has led to the concept of visual terms and the creation of a new
business entity called cryptocurrency, making it easier to conduct financial transactions such as
buying, selling and trading. Cryptocurrency is a valuable and invisible electronic tool for a wide
variety of applications and networks, including online social networks, online social games,
virtual worlds and peer-to-peer networks. In recent years, obvious costs have spread to various
programs. This paper examines the expectations of cryptocurrency users for the future. It
examines users' reliance on cryptocurrency when virtual currency is fully controlled and out of
control. Furthermore, the paper seeks to determine the prevalence of cryptocurrency use to
provide a clear picture with an active perspective. The magazine also examines how 21 different
countries have reacted to cryptocurrency in terms of policies and regulations to create a clearer
picture of its impact on the regulation of various laws in India.
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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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Wong, Lai-ching Lillian, and 黃麗貞. "Language attitudes in Hong Kong: mother tongue instruction policy and public perceptions." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951533.
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Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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Ault, Michael E. "Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.
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This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy
goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.
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Kim, Myunghee. "System support and ideological congruence between voters and policy positions." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/binghamton/main/.
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Ali, Irum Shehreen. "Understanding the illiberal democracy : the nature of democratic ideals, political support and participation in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669820.
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Fossett, Victoria Lea. "May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/.
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This thesis examines southern reactions to events that occurred in May 1856: the outbreak of civil war in Kansas and the caning of Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. I researched two newspapers from the upper South state of Virginia, the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Daily Whig, and two newspapers from the lower South state of Louisiana, the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Bee to determine the extent to which political party sentiment and/or geographic location affected southern opinion towards the two events. Political party ties influenced the material each newspaper printed. Each newspaper worried that these events endangered the Union. Some, however, believed the Union could be saved while others argued that it was only a matter of time before the South seceded.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
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Garcia, Ricardo S. "The benefits and risks that mentors experience from participating in mentoring relationships in the federal sector." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/861383.
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This study determined the benefits and risks mentors experience from participating in mentoring relationships.The first research question concluded that mentors experience many benefits from participating in a mentor/protege relationship. These benefits include being part of the protege's successes, mentor recognition, meeting organizational goals, interaction with protege, networking,assessment of the protege's talent, accelerated orientation process, and providing job continuity.Mentors indicated their prestige within the organization increased mainly amongst their superordinates (30%) and least amongst their peers (50%) as a result of participating in a mentor/protege relationship. Additionally, mentors indicated that there were significant gains in influencing the actions (85%), thinking (80%), productivity (60%), and work quality(50%) of proteges. These gains were cited by mentors as both direct benefits to themselves and indirect benefits to the organization in getting the mission accomplished, developing potentialleaders, and influencing others to strive for excellence.Seventy percent (70%) of the mentors did not feel a sense of favors owed to them by their proteges as a result of participating in a mentor/protege relationship. They indicated this was not the intent of a mentor/protege relationship. If suspected, they would address the issue andpossibly terminate the relationship if necessary.Mentors did not experience significant gains in power (75%) or respect (45%) for spotting talent and engineering the protege's advancement for the good of the organization.The second research question concluded that mentors experienced many risks from participating in a mentor/protege relationship. These risks included: wasting limited resources, destroying friendships, harm to the organization and mentor reputation if the protege is promoted into a leadership position and fails, and the perception of favoritism amongst subordinates.Mentors indicated they experienced losses in prestige from amongst superordinates (10%) and subordinates (10%) as well as loss a steady loss in influencing the actions and thinking of the protege as the relationship progressed.Mentors indicated there was a loss in the protege's work quality (60%) and work productivity (25%) during the mentor/protege relationship.Fifteen percent of the mentors experienced a sense of favors owed to them by their proteges. However this sense of favors owed decreased towards the end of the relationship.Department of Educational Leadership