Journal articles on the topic 'Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific'
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Kim, Dongwook, and Chonghyun Choi. "Civil Society and Labour Rights Protection in Asia and the Pacific." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202093189.
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Why do some national governments in Asia and the Pacific protect labour rights better in practice than others? This article argues that labour rights are better protected in Asia-Pacific countries where civil society organizations participate more intensively in the government's policy-making process. It goes beyond treating regime type in the aggregate and demonstrates that the associational dimension of regime type plays a critical role in shaping government protection of labour rights in Asia and the Pacific. Multivariate longitudinal analyses of all 30 Asia-Pacific countries from 1981 to 2011 find robust support for the theory, using new data on civil society participation, and controlling for electoral democracy, trade openness, economic development, unobserved country-level heterogeneity, and other factors.
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Wescott, Clay G. "E‐Government in the Asia‐pacific region." Asian Journal of Political Science 9, no. 2 (December 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185370108434189.
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Ushiyama, Rin. "‘Comfort women must fall’? Japanese governmental responses to ‘comfort women’ statues around the world." Memory Studies 14, no. 6 (December 2021): 1255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211054308.
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This article examines Japanese governmental responses to memorial statues dedicated to ‘comfort women’ – women across the Asia-Pacific whom the Japanese military forced into conditions now recognised as sexual slavery before and during World War Two. This article discusses four cases around the world in which Japanese government officials have demanded the removal of comfort women statues: 1) Glendale, California; 2) San Francisco; 3) Manila; and 4) Berlin. The global expansion of comfort women memorialisation is significant to contemporary statue politics and crises of memory in three ways. Firstly, East Asian diasporas have become important actors in the remembrance of Japanese colonialism and the Asia-Pacific War outside East Asia. Secondly, these statues constitute attempts by diasporas to recover and reclaim a traumatic past through material culture. Thirdly, despite the global geographical reach of comfort women memory activism, neither nationalism nor the power of the nation-state have declined in today’s transnational world.
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Ito, Go. "Redefining Security Roles: Japan's Response to the September 11 Terrorism." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (February 2002): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000076x.
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This paper examines Japan's security policy after the September 11 terrorism, arguing that its response has been part of a larger process of redefining its security role in the Asia-Pacific region for the last decade. The passage of the 1992 Peacekeeping Law and the 1999 US-Japan security guidelines were an important part of the drastic changes. The paper also discusses the Japanese government's response to the September 11 terrorism, looking into the question of how the government sought to maintain a balance between military contributions to US-Japan security alliance and the restriction on the “threat and use of force” prescribed in the Constitution. Japan's recent pro-activeness toward Asia and entry into regional politics is also examined. The paper concludes by arguing that the combination of continued Japan's security relationship with the US and its strenuous efforts to enter Asian regional politics will be the first step toward real “normalcy” of Japan.
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Takeda, Okiyoshi. "A Forgotten Minority? A Content Analysis of Asian Pacific Americans in Introductory American Government Textbooks." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 03 (June 19, 2015): 430–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000190.
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ABSTRACTTextbooks are the most important pedagogical tools in higher education and they should convey sufficient and accurate information on minority groups and women in the United States. Yet textbooks tend to marginalize these groups in their depictions. This article examines the coverage of Asian Pacific Americans in twenty-eight American Government or Politics textbooks. Asian Pacific Americans have faced a unique history of exclusion, discrimination, and stereotyping. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that textbooks do not fully cover their history and contributions to US politics, either measured by page numbers or by historical events and figures important to Asian Pacific Americans. To rectify this lack of coverage, this article concludes with five constructive recommendations, including an option to invite scholars on Asian Pacific American politics to serve as textbook reviewers and textbook coauthors.
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Labrecque, Charles-Louis, and Scott Harrison. "Canadian provinces and foreign policy in Asia." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018791583.
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Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada’s foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the “other diplomacies” of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces’ international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada’s foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada–Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces’ international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada’s foreign policy in the region.
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Kaya, Halil Dincer. "The Regional Impacts of the Asian Crisis on Governance." Studies in Business and Economics 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2018-0007.
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AbstractIn this study, we examine the regional impacts of the 1997 Asian Crisis on Governance. We use World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (i.e. WGI) which includes six dimensions of governance. These six dimensions are “Voice and Accountability”, “Political Stability and Absence of Violence”, “Government Effectiveness”, “Regulatory Quality”, “Rule of Law”, and “Control of Corruption”. The seven regions that we examine are North America, Europe and Central Asia, Latin America and Caribbean, East Asia and Pacific, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Middle East and North Africa. Our findings show that, due to the crisis, while the overall rankings of Latin America and Caribbean, and Sub-Saharan Africa improved, the overall rankings of Europe and Central Asia, East Asia and Pacific, South Asia, and Middle East and North Africa declined. There was no change in the ranking of North America due to the crisis. Both pre- and post-crisis, North America has the highest ranking in all six measures of governance.
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HSIAO, HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL, PO-SAN WAN, and TIMOTHY KA-YING WONG. "Globalization and Public Attitudes towards the State in the Asia-Pacific Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990999017x.
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AbstractGlobalization has led to a redefinition of the functions and roles of the state. Based on data drawn from a cross-national social survey, this article examines the influences of globalization on the public's attitudes towards their state in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, by focusing on satisfaction with government performance and demands on the government. The six countries differ extensively in their sociopolitical and technological situations, as well as in the experiences of their people with globalization in terms of the following aspects: connectivity with the world through personal ties and digital means, English language capacity, and support for the forces of globalization. There are also huge disparities in the public rankings of government performance and demands for expanding government spending in a wide range of policy areas. Our analysis reveals that, although both intra- and inter-country variations in the influences of globalization on public attitudes towards the state are not particularly prominent, those who support globalization not only are more inclined than others to be satisfied with the government's performance, but also demand more government intervention.
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Lee, Terence. "Internet Use in Singapore: Politics and Policy Implications." Media International Australia 107, no. 1 (May 2003): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310700109.
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As one of the most networked societies in the Asia-Pacific region, Singapore commands a high degree of attention in the information and communication (infocomm) sector. However, internet use, along with the politics of internet regulation, in the high-tech city-state has not been sufficiently critiqued. This paper aims to address this ‘lack’ by examining the politics and policy implications of internet regulatory practices in Singapore. It begins by looking at some development in Singapore's infocomm sector, highlighting political responses to key occurrences over the past decade. Taking on board the discourse of auto-regulation — that regulating the internet and new media in Singapore is mostly about ensuring an automatic functioning of power for political expedience and longevity — advanced by this author (Lee, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Lee and Birch, 2000), this paper offers updates and new insights into the normalisation of internet auto-regulation in Singapore. The final section of the paper looks at the fast-developing application of electronic government (e-government) services in Singapore via the national ‘e-citizen’ website. I argue how online extensions of government are really about providing internet users with degrees of structured freedom, while tightening the more permanent and potent strictures of political control.
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PARK, CHONG-MIN. "Public Attitudes toward Government Spending in the Asia-Pacific Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990144.
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AbstractThis article describes public attitudes toward government spending in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, the six major economies of the Asia-Pacific region. An analysis of the 2008 AsiaBarometer Survey data shows that ordinary citizens of the sample countries favored increased, rather than reduced, government spending on a wide range of policy programs. It is also found that support for state activism was stronger in former state socialist countries than in market capitalist ones. Although economic interests, symbolic predispositions, and social positions influenced spending preferences to varying degrees, left–right ideology was particularly conspicuous in most countries surveyed. It is evident that the mass publics of the major economies of the Asia-Pacific region did not strongly endorse state contraction or retrenchment, even in the wake of economic globalization and the neoliberal reform movement.
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Zagoria, Donald, Michael E. Brown, and Šumit Ganguly. "Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 2 (1998): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048850.
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JONES, DAVID MARTIN, and MICHAEL L. R. SMITH. "Constructing communities: the curious case of East Asian regionalism." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050700736x.
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The prevailing scholarly orthodoxy regarding recent diplomatic initiatives in the Asia-Pacific assumes that East Asia is evolving into a distinctive regional community. The orthodoxy attributes this development to the growing influence of the diplomatic practices espoused by the Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN) and its related institutions. However, a paradox remains, namely: despite the failure of ASEAN’s distinctive practice to fulfil its rhetorical promise in Southeast Asia both immediately prior to and in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis in 1997, it is nevertheless considered sufficient to validate the projection of ASEAN defined norms onto a wider Pacific canvas. This study analyses how an academic preference for constructivism has misinterpreted the growth in official rhetoric extolling East Asian regionalism since 1997 in a way that has helped produce and reinforce this paradox. By contrast, we contend that government declarations of a developing East Asian identity actually serve to obscure the continuation of traditional interstate relations and do not herald any wider, let alone inexorable, movement towards an integrated regional community.
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West, Rachel. "Does pragmatism always work?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 2 (October 31, 2007): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.2.4.
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As with any country, the political objectives of Australian foreign policy are based on Australian national values. Yet, because such values are inherently based on governmental interpretation, political leanings have created legitimate differences in the objectives pursued in Australian foreign policy over time. This article will explore these differences through Australia’s position as a Western, liberal democracy located in the Asia-Pacific. This will be done by examining Australia’s relations with those countries which represent the convergence of the Asia-Pacific’s most significant economic, strategic, and political links – Northeast Asia. What will be apparent is that, while determined in its resolve, the political objectives pursued by the current Howard government have proved to be both contentious and potentially damaging to Australia’s standing in the region.
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Ganesan, N., John W. Langford, and K. Lorne Brownsey. "The Changing Shape of Government in the Asia-Pacific Region." Pacific Affairs 62, no. 1 (1989): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760272.
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Park, Gyunghee. "‘Comfort Women’ and the politics of responsibility." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2012 (January 1, 2012): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2012.20.
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Japan’s brutal military occupation of Korea from 1910 until the end of the Second World War is generally remembered as a period of grave injustice which has defined a large part of what it means to be Korean. Though the list of crimes is vast, today it seems that one of the most barbaric offences committed at the time was the formation of ‘comfort stations’ – a euphemistic term used to describe the sexual exploitation of mostly Korean women by the Japanese military and government. After a decisive end to Japan’s military conquest of control over the Asia Pacific with the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, former ‘comfort women’ were silenced for over half a century by a deeply systemic sense of shame. Korean patriarchy pressed many survivors to hide their plight or even back into different sectors of the sex industry. However, South Korea’s democratization in the late-1980s ...
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MASTANDUNO, MICHAEL. "Models, markets, and power: political economy and the Asia-Pacific, 1989–1999." Review of International Studies 26, no. 4 (October 2000): 493–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500004939.
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The political economy of the Asia-Pacific region has been transformed over the past decade. Three important developments are (1) the demise of the US–Japan economic rivalry and the associated competition over the most appropriate model of capitalism; (2) challenges to the ‘Washington Consensus’ on the optimal foreign economic strategy for emerging economies; and (3) the renewal of US hegemony in the context of a unipolar international structure. An understanding of these developments requires attention to the interaction of international and domestic forces. These developments suggest that a major challenge facing governments in the region will be to manage the tension between the state and the market. They also suggest that the United States is well positioned to play the role of regional stabilizer in the Asia-Pacific. Whether it does so effectively will depend on its domestic politics and the quality of its statecraft.
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Czesław Kozłowski, Stanisław. "Economic and Strategic Determinants of The Trans-Pacific Partnership." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.06.
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This article provides an economic and political analysis of the past and current state of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) project. The TPP talks, which have been ongoing since March 2010 and now involve 12 nations (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam), are aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than classical preferential trade agreements. Namely, it aims at not only removing tariffs on goods and services, but would also cover labor and the environment, intellectual property, government procurement and state- -owned enterprises. The latter are forced by the US as the cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s economic policy in the Asia Pacific. TPP is thus a vital part of a plan known as ‘Asia Pivot’ strategy and represents American attempts to re-engage Asia. If completed, TPP agreement could serve as a template for a future trade pact among 21 members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation regional group.
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Bratersky, M. V., and G. I. Kutyrev. "Russia between Two Systems: Transit from The Atlantic World into the Eurasian- Pacific One." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 220–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-220-240.
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The article analyzes Russia’s policy from the point of view of goals formulated by the government in response to challenges in international politics, economics and security, as well as challenges associated with the threat of losing the status of a great power, maintaining territorial integrity and independence. Russia’s dissatisfaction with the existing order of things – when its interests were not taken into account, and the West did not set any limits for itself, advancing its geopolitical interests –had been growing for a long time, however, most clearly manifested itself in the landmark 2014 when Western sanctions after the Crimean events pushed the Russian authorities and business to more active in the Asia-Pacific.The authors formulate a number of signs of the new regional order of the Asia-Pacific countries, which may develop into a new international (global) order. This type of system, according to the authors, will be more competitive and less hierarchical, within its framework there will not be a single dominant force or ideology, it will be based on a multitude of centers of power. Such a world order is more attractive for Russia than the unipolar Atlantic order. It will give the country the opportunity to use its own comparative advantages, such as territory, resources, hard power, a fairly rigid political organization and the ability to mobilize resources for strategic purposes. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that the modern non-Western world is still very amorphous, its future contours are blurred, and Asian business is still weakly responding to the Russian “turn to the East”.
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Almeida, Paulo Roberto de. "DE LA (NON) DÉMOCRATIE EN AMÉRIQUE (LATINE) A TOCQUEVILLE REPORT ON THE STATE OF GOVERNANCE IN LATIN AMERICA." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 5, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 792. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v5i1.10020.
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Within a conceptual framework based on Tocqueville’s classic work about Democracy in America – freedom, democracy, equality, political organization, government and administrative centralization, etc. – this essay – drafted in the form of a report from Alexis de Tocqueville to the World Bank, at the demand of its Board – deals with the relative backwardness of Latin American countries, in terms of democratic principles, political accountability, insufficient economic and social development, social inequalities, adopting an historical and comparative perspective (with Asia-Pacific countries, for instance). The region has fragmented itself recently between globalizers, reluctant governments (protectionists and nationalists), and the so-called “Bolivarians”. Finally, it tackles the current and future challenges of Latin American countries, also in a comparative perspective with the Asia-Pacific region, and concludes that most of the problems at the source of the backwardness of the continent, and its peculiar difficulties to adapt and to insert into modernity and globalization are due to especially inept and corrupt elites, of all kinds and social origins.
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McAllister, Ian. "The End of a Labor Era in Australian Politics." Government and Opposition 31, no. 3 (July 1996): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01192.x.
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The March 1996 Australian Federal Election Was The most important Australian election for more than a decade. It resulted in the return of the Liberal-National coalition to office after thirteen years in opposition, ending a period of unprecedented Labor-initiated change, first under the leader-ship of Bob Hawke and since 1991, Paul Keating.The election was also important because the new government will in all probability lead Australia into the new millennium and guide the country through a period of intense change in the Asia Pacific region; how the Liberal-Nationals approach the whole question of Australia's changing relationship with the world will shape Australia's future and wellbeing for decades to come. And finally, the election was notable for making John Howard prime minister during his second period as Liberal leader, a prospect that Howard himself had once ridiculed as akin to ‘Lazarus with a triple bypass’.
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Nossal, Kim Richard. "The North Atlantic anchor: Canada and the Pacific Century." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 364–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018792909.
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This paper surveys Canada’s ambivalence towards the Asia Pacific, and seeks to put that ambivalence into the broader context of the dominant strategic perspective in Canada that has privileged, and continues to privilege, a North Atlantic focus for Canadian foreign and defence policy. It argues that Canada’s laggardly approach to Asia Pacific diplomacy can be best explained by the widespread perception among Canadians—and their government—that the North Atlantic alliance should remain the key driver of Canadian foreign and defence policy. Indeed, this geostrategic outlook has actually intensified with the election of Donald J. Trump and his unorthodox approach to the transatlantic alliance and the liberal international order. I argue that this North Atlantic outlook, so dominant for so much of Canada’s history, will continue to anchor Canadian foreign and defence policy, making Canada’s engagement in the Asia Pacific more problematic.
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Rudner, Martin, and Susan McLellan. "Canada's Economic Relations with Southeast Asia: Federal–Provincial Dimensions of Policy." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1990): 31–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00001165.
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In its reply to the Report of the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives (The Hockin Committee) on Independence and Internationalism (1986), the Government of Canada reiterated its intention to treat the Asia-Pacific as ‘an area of concentration in the National Trade Strategy’ (Canada's International Relations, 1986, p. 60). Within the National Trade Strategy, significant attention is being given to the development of Canada's economic relationship with the countries of Southeast Asia, most notably the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) grouping. The policy mechanisms deployed to promote closer economic and social ties with Southeast Asian countries include those pertaining to international trade and finance, development assistance, transport, immigration and cultural relations.
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Jain, Purnendra. "Elections in Indo-Pacific: 2019: Introduction to the Special Issue." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891120907750.
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This special issue presents analyses of the elections in India, Japan, Thailand, the Philippines and Australia, each written by a specialist with extensive experience of domestic politics and elections in their country of study. These articles offer detail and rich analysis of the elections in the five Indo- Pacific countries, all held in 2019. The analyses presented in this issue reveal some clear trends emerging from these elections. First, the ruling parties in each of these countries were returned to power or given endorsements, producing continuity in government. Second, in most cases the opposition forces seem frail and divided. Third, on the Asian political landscape, as in many other countries around the world, conservative nationalist and right-wing populist leaders dominate national politics.
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Rumley, Dennis. "The Asia-Pacific region and the new world order." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 422/423 (December 1, 2003): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370422/423259.
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The author is Associate Professor, School of Social and Cultural Studies, University of Western Australia. He gained a Geography Honours degree and MA in Applied Geography at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, and a Ph. D at the University of British Columbia. He has taught at the University of Western Australia since then, apart from 1991-1993 when he was Professor of Australian Studies at the University of Tokyo attached to the Department of International Relations at Komaba. He has published widely in various areas of political geography, including electoral geography, local government, federalism and more recently geopolitics. His most recent book, is The Geopolitics of Australia's Regional Relations (Dordrecht, Kluwer, 1999, reprinted 2001). His current research projects are in the areas of water security, Australia's "arc of instability," regionalism and Australia-Asia relations. He is a full member of the IGU Commission on the World Political Map and English-language editor of Chiri, the Japanese journal of human geography. He will be Visiting Professor at the University of Kyoto during 2003.
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Dreisbach, Jeconiah Louis. "Performing Politics: Dissent of the Mass Movement Against Neoliberal Policies in the Philippines." Idealogy Journal 4, no. 1 (April 19, 2019): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/idealogy.v4i1.127.
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Nationalist and democratic mass movements consistently resist the implementation of neoliberal policies by the Philippine government. The government’s affirmation to the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), inclusion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), and the hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in 2015 and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in 2017, among others, have all been dealt with protests by tens of thousands of militant activists. In these demonstrations, activists convert major roads into public spaces wherein not only dissent against imperialist globalization, privatization, and issues alike are expressed, but also it made an opportunity for them to further educate the people about how the said issues affect their personal and everyday lives. This paper combined Habermas' concept of a public sphere, Lefebvre's concept of public space, and Foucault's concept of micropolitics as a form of resistance in setting a basis to establish that political participation at resistance is a form of performance. A performative look on political participation will not only give a better meaning on political works but also deepens the understanding of one on discourses and resistances.
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Larin, V. "Strategic Priorities of Pacific Russia's Development." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-18-27.
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The article aims to put forward new approaches to encouraging the development of Russia's Eastern regions. Firstly, the author describes Pacific Russia as a specific social and economic territory. He insists that in its strategic planning the government has to take into account not only the region’s vast territory and unfavorable climate, but its economic and social orientation towards Asia-Pacific region. Secondly, the author analyzes underlying causes of previous failures to speed up Pacific Russia’s development. Two factors have stimulated policy towards Russia Pacific: the desire to strengthen Moscow’s control over this region and to ensure Russia presence in the APR. Infrastructure improvement, increase of local population, and a stronger binding of this region to European center were the three main pillars of this policy. Traditional instruments such as administrative and political resources and program-oriented planning have been used. The Kremlin actions to implement its goals have yielded some positive results, especially in the field of Russia’s advance into the Asia-Pacific and its trade with Northeast Asian countries. However, the efficiency of politico-administrative and intellectual efforts was extremely low, and the purpose to make the Far East a Russia’s steady foothold in the Asia Pacific region has not been achieved. Finally, the author claims that from the standpoint of Russia's national interests the development of Pacific Russia region is preferably a strategic rather than an economic project. If Moscow really intends to convert this chronically problematic region into a successful one it has to give up to perceive the region as an appendage of European motherland and to rethink the ideology of its development. Author calls to abandon the idea of socio-economic development of the whole territory of the Far East and to prefer a “zonal development model” with the stress on strategic goals, individual policies for each zone and anthropocentric approach to regional development. Zonal development is based on the recognition of unique functions performed by different territories of Pacific Russia, so these areas should become the subjects of a differentiated policy. Anthropocentric approach means preferential federal investment into human capital, as well as special attention to the local people interests and potential as the resources of Russian policy in the APR. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of Russian Science Foundation, project № 14-18-00161 “Far Eastern Resource of Russia’s Integration into APR: experience and potential of regional and border interaction”.
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Perrottet, Alex. "Noted: The twitter revolution." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 17, no. 2 (October 31, 2011): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v17i2.364.
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Reviewed book edited by Philip Behnke
Publication date: October, 2011
This book provides an informative snapshot of where contries in and around Asia are with thier technology and how governments are responding. Behnke binds together reports from Pakistan to the Pacific, some of which include analyses of election such as the 2010 'Twitter election' in Australia, and more conflicting chapters of politics such as the Thai 'Red Shirts' political crisis during 2010, as well as the 2010 Philippne election.
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Effendi, Syarif Yusuf, and Rifki Khoirudin. "Analysis of the Corruption Effect and Public Governance on State Economic Performance (Case Study in Asia Pasific Countries)." Journal of International Conference Proceedings 5, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 428–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32535/jicp.v5i2.1705.
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Corruption is a phenomenon that has received international attention. Corruption practices are very detrimental to the economic sector, accounting for 2% of world GDP or the equivalent of US$ 1.5 – 2 trillion lost every year due to corruption. The occurrence of corrupt practices is generally due to weak supervision of public officials and the complexity of the bureaucracy which opens up opportunities for corruption. Similar to corruption, the implementation of good governance in government also plays a role in the economic sector. In the global economy, the Asia Pacific region has the best economic prospects and is asked to be the engine of the global economy. But in terms of political integrity and governance, the Asia Pacific region is no better than other regions. Therefore, this study aims to examine the effect of corruption and public governance on the economic performance of Asia Pacific countries in 2004-2020. The results showed that the Corruption Perception Index, Regulatory Quality, and Political Stability had a positive effect on the economy. It is different with population growth which has a negative effect on the economy. Meanwhile, Participation and Accountability do not have a significant effect on the economy.
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Lien, Pei-te. "Pre-emigration Socialization, Transnational Ties, and Political Participation Across the Pacific: A Comparison Among Immigrants from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 3 (December 2010): 453–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003696.
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Extant research on immigrant incorporation pays little attention to variations among immigrants from the same ethnic origin. A main purpose of this study is to address this research void by exploring how differences in the pre-emigration socialization context for immigrants from a politically divided homeland may affect their participation in mainstream-oriented and homeland-regarded politics. I posit that experiences Asian immigrants have in different political systems before crossing the Pacific may result in different relationships they maintain with their homeland as well as different attitudes toward homeland government and policies they develop after the crossing; and this, in turn, may affect how much they participate in politics on both sides of the Pacific. However, through the process of resocialization, I also suggest immigrants' political behavior may be influenced by their degree of exposure to the host society as well as by their connectedness with its institutions. Using data from the 2007 Chinese American Homeland Politics survey, I focus on the experiences of US immigrants of Chinese descent from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong to test these hypotheses.
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Fernandes, Clinton. "Asia-Pacific: Espionage against East Timor and the need for Parliamentary oversight." Alternative Law Journal 42, no. 1 (March 2017): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x17694796.
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This article discusses allegations of espionage against the government of East Timor and analyses the weakness of legislative oversight of Australia’s intelligence agencies. It suggests a means of rectifying this weakness.
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Katagiri, Nori. "A Critical Assessment of the Asia Rebalance." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 1 (2019): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poy018.
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Abstract While the Obama administration’s Asia rebalance strategy received some praise from scholars and practitioners, it generated three problems that caused the USA to overlook many opportunities and neglect vital concerns. First, the strategy left Asia less stable by undermining US relations with China and smaller states in Southeast Asia. Secondly, it weakened America’s influence outside Asia by committing fewer resources. Finally, the rebalance was executed out of a relatively small cadre of government officials, allowing primarily civilian agencies to dictate Asia policy and excluding key branches of government. Furthermore, although the strategy competed with the strategies of restraint and offshore balancing, it never had the solid support of any international relations theories, leaving few scholars to directly associate it with a theory. Ultimately, the rebalance’s multiple logics prevented it from achieving intellectual hegemony in the American foreign policy discourse, and its substantive flaws and theoretical inconsistencies made difficult its acceptance as an enduring strategy in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Altair, Bayu. "CHINA DIGITAL AS COUNTERWEIGHT ASIA-PACIFIC CENTURY." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v4i1.1556.
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China's digital transformation has been made China's digital economic capabilities awake sharply. The digitalization of China is determined by several factors which are based on the current globalization. The Chinese government also plays an active role in accelerating the domestic digital transition process and core in way of intensive cooperation with countries in the Asia Pacific region. Changes in Chinese orientation using a digital approach create anxiety for the United States of America with the emergence of the China axis in the region. The framework of the article uses the concept of digitalization to describe the process of digital transformation in China, then Neo-liberalism theory of Robert Keohane & Joseph Nye to explain the pattern of China's cooperation with the region and the Balance of Power as the middle-range theory to emphasize the emergence of China's digital axis in Asia-Pacific. Using descriptive qualitative methods and collecting literature study data, this article emphasizes the analysis of the magnitude effect of digitizing China as a new axis in the Asia Pacific region as competitors in the United States and Australia. The digitalization and intensification of cooperation believed to be the main variable in balancing the political economy axis at the regional level.
Keywords: China Digital, Cooperation, Digital Economic Capability
Abstrak
Transformasi digital China telah membuat kapabilitas ekonomi China meningkat tajam. Digitalisasi China dideterminasi oleh beberapa faktor yang didasari oleh adanya arus globalisasi. Pemerintah China juga berperan aktif mempercepat proses transisi digital domestik serta menjadi kunci jalannya kerjasama kerjasama intensif dengan negara dikawasan Asia Pasifik Perubahan orientasi China menggunakan pendekatan digital menciptakan kekhawatiran bagi Amerika Serikat akan munculnya poros China dikawasan. Kerangka pemikiran artikel menggunakan konsep Digitalisasi untuk menggambarkan proses transformasi digital di China, teori Neoliberalisme versi Robert Keohanne & Joseph Nye untuk menjelaskan pola kerjasama China dengan negara dikawasan dan teori Balance of Power sebagai middle-range teori untuk menekankan kemunculan poros digital China di Asia-Pasific. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dan pengumpulan data studi literatur, artikel ini menekankan pada analisis besarnya pengaruh digitalisasi China sebagai poros baru dikawasan Asia Pasifik sebagai kompetitor Amerika Serikat dan Australia. Digitalisasi dan intensifikasi kerjasama diyakini menjadi variabel utama penyeimbang poros ekonomi politik dilevel regional.
Kata Kunci: Digital China, Kerjasama, Kapabilitas Digital Ekonomi
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Kraemer, Kenneth L., Vijay Gurbaxani, and John Leslie King. "Economic Development, Government Policy, and the Diffusion of Computing in Asia-Pacific Countries." Public Administration Review 52, no. 2 (March 1992): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976468.
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Chi Hou, Angela Yung, Christopher Hill, Karen Hui-Jung Chen, Sandy Tsai, and Vivian Chen. "A comparative study of student mobility programs in SEAMEO-RIHED, UMAP, and Campus Asia." Higher Education Evaluation and Development 11, no. 1 (August 7, 2017): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/heed-08-2017-003.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the student mobility programs of the three initiatives – in Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization-Regional Institution of Higher Education and Development, University Mobility in Asia and Pacific (UMAP), and Campus Asia – and provide a comparative analysis of the respective programs in terms of the role of government, institutional involvement, quality assurance, and challenges. In addition, the paper will assess their impacts on higher education regionalization by regulatory models toward the end of the paper. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts qualitative document analysis as a major research method to explore the developmental models of three student mobility programs. Document analysis is an approach used to gather and review the content of existing written documentation related to the study in order to extract pieces of information in a rigorous and systematic manner. Findings ASEAN International Mobility for Students (AIMS), Collective Action for Mobility Program of University Student in Asia (CAMPUS Asia), and UMAP student mobility schemes have a shared purpose in higher education regionalization, but with different regulatory frameworks and Functional, Organizational, and Political approach models. AIMS and CAMPUS Asia as a strong network and government-led initiatives adopt a combination of functional, organizational, and political approaches; UMAP provides university-driven regional mobility programs with a hybridized force. However, all three of them face the same challenges at regional and national levels, such as different national regulation, coordination among participants, and implementation of credit transfer schemes. Practical implications The scale of three student mobility programs is still low, which results in limited impact on higher education regionalization in Asia. However, a stronger decision-making model and increased financial support to universities and students are desirable for the creation of a sustainable and effective network. Originality/value This is an original research and makes a great contribution to Asian nations.
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Harsanto, Budi, and Chrisna Permana. "Understanding Sustainability-oriented Innovation (SOI) Using Network Perspective in Asia Pacific and ASEAN: A Systematic Review." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5756.
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Sustainability-oriented innovation (SOI) is particular type of innovation that is not only economically oriented, but also environmental- and social benefits-oriented. SOI is now being widely discussed due to the increasing environmental and social problems that accompany various innovations around the world. In this paper we conducted a systematic review of empirical literature regarding SOI in the Asia Pacific region, which were discussed through network perspectives. For network perspectives, researchers focused on process view to explain how SOI is mobilised and practised throughout different social, institutional, and political contexts. We chose the Asia Pacific as the context because the region is the most dynamic part of the global economy, with ASEAN being the prominent parts of it. In conducting the review, we used the Tranfield, Denyer, & Smart's protocol (2003) to ensure its rigorousness. The search focused on the academic database of Scopus with specific inclusion and exclusion criteria. The results show that SOI has been rapidly developing into practices in countries in the Asia Pacific, not only in profit sectors, but also in non-profit sectors such as government and community. Our review emphasised that actor-network theory (ANT) emerged as the currently most adopted framework to explain the dynamics process of SOI mobilisations and practices in the Asia Pacific region. ANT frameworks contribute to defining the structure of SOI networks as well as identifying social, institutional, and political challenges of SOI implementation. Regionally, the focus of the study so far is in North America (US and Canada), while studies in ASEAN are still very limited.
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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
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JAIN, Purnendra. "The Emerging Significance of Indo-Pacific: Japan, China, US and the Regional Power Shift." East Asian Policy 10, no. 04 (October 2018): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393051800034x.
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“Indo-Pacific” is a new term in the geopolitical lexicon and a response to rapidly evolving global power shifts that currently induce strategic realignments among major regional players. It is increasingly used by political leaders, policymakers, journalists and academic commentators and in government documents. While Indo-Pacific is used frequently today, each proponent of the term attaches varied emphases, guided by their own strategic prisms. The Indo-Pacific concept has yet to be institutionalised. Some offshoots, such as the rebirthed idea of a quadrilateral framework among the key proponents of a “free and open Indo-Pacific” and the proposal to jointly fund infrastructure projects in Asia, appear to be in direct competition with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. How the Indo-Pacific concept would affect the regional power balance remains unclear. However, neither the concept nor the strategic thinking and actions it inspires will disappear anytime soon.
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Rollins, Adam M., Monique Wheeler, MS, and Tim Frazier, PhD. "A Marshall Plan for the 21st century: Addressing climate change in the Asia-Pacific through diplomacy, development, and defense." Journal of Emergency Management 20, no. 8 (July 25, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.0684.
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The inevitable climate challenges facing the Asia-Pacific territory require a massive whole-of-government approach comparable to the Marshall Plan of 1948. While many political leaders have called for such a plan, no policy currently exists for this region or purpose. With nearly eight trillion dollars in trade revenue passing through crucially strategic straits daily, seven of the 10 largest militaries in the world (five of which are nuclear capable) operating throughout this territory, and a forecast for nearly exponential population growth, the geopolitical provenance of the United States (US), ties inextricably to this portion of the globe. A document analysis assessing existing diplomatic, developmental, and defensive policies concludes that a modern-day Marshall Plan for the 21st century Asia-Pacific is achievable by realigning lines of effort within current frameworks. As long as the US continues to deny climate change, other nation-state actors within the area will rise to fill the void. The US must commit to the funding, development, and proliferation of clean and sustainable energy solutions, which evolve past current fossil-fuel reliant technologies and, most importantly, be opensource in description and shared with other large polluters throughout the world. Finally, the nations of the Asian-Pacific realm should contemplate a theater-specific treaty organization. As climate change threatens to destabilize the region, a unified force intent on providing stabilization efforts, preventing internal conflict and escalation, and enforcing international law deserves consideration and deliberation.
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Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.
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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.
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Hariyani, Happy Febrina, Dominicus Savio Priyarsono, and Alla Asmara. "ANALISIS FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMENGARUHI KORUPSI DI KAWASAN ASIA PASIFIK." JURNAL EKONOMI DAN KEBIJAKAN PEMBANGUNAN 5, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jekp.5.2.2016.32-44.
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The phenomenon of corruption is a big problem faced by countries with rapid economic development. The problem is not only faced by developing countries, but also in some developed countries. The factors that cause corruption classified into three broad categories--economic, political and socio-cultural. The high level of corruption in a country can also cause high cost economy that could hamper economic growth through the obstacles that occur in the investment. The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that affect the level of corruption and to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in the Asia Pacific region. The results show that public budget, political stability, and urban population affect the level of corruption. Low institutional quality, indicated by the failure of the government (corruption), has a bad influence on economic growth performance.
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Hariyani, Happy Febrina, Dominicus Savio Priyarsono, and Alla Asmara. "ANALISIS FAKTOR-FAKTOR YANG MEMENGARUHI KORUPSI DI KAWASAN ASIA PASIFIK." JURNAL EKONOMI DAN KEBIJAKAN PEMBANGUNAN 5, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jekp.5.2.32-44.
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The phenomenon of corruption is a big problem faced by countries with rapid economic development. The problem is not only faced by developing countries, but also in some developed countries. The factors that cause corruption classified into three broad categories--economic, political and socio-cultural. The high level of corruption in a country can also cause high cost economy that could hamper economic growth through the obstacles that occur in the investment. The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that affect the level of corruption and to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth in the Asia Pacific region. The results show that public budget, political stability, and urban population affect the level of corruption. Low institutional quality, indicated by the failure of the government (corruption), has a bad influence on economic growth performance.
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Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.
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The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Milner, Anthony. "Repositioning Indonesia – Thoughts on the Indo-Pacific." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5748.
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Before considering how best to reposition Indonesia in the world – and I will be looking, in particular, at Indonesia’s current Indo-Pacific initiative - we need to ask how the world itself has been repositioned. The terms of reference for this conference go straight to this second question. They immediately highlight the theme of globalization, noting how it has promoted “growing connectivity among states” and “revolutionized human interaction”. How then has this region been reconfigured over the last decades? Until the mid-20th-century the entire Asian region was either under European colonial rule or strong Western imperial influence. That is how the region was structured – with the great centres of power in London, Paris, The Hague and Washington. After the extraordinary conquests by Japan, which effectively ended the Western imperial project, Asia was quickly drawn into the Cold War. Countries lined up as Communist or Anti-Communist, and some tried to sustain a degree of neutrality or equi-distance. At the end of the Cold War, in the last decade or so of the 20th-century, as is often commented, there was a unipolar moment – an America-dominated world with a sense of globalization not merely being economic, but also a globalization of ideas. One commentator wrote of the ‘end of history’ – the US had won, he said, with its liberal democratic ideology. Communism had been annihilated, and Western liberalism had the ‘wind in its hair’. This said, there were still objections. Dr Mahathir in Malaysia and a number of bright Foreign Ministry intellectuals in Singapore spoke of ‘Asian values’. They said you had to understand Asian values to explain the great economic transformation taking place in Asian countries – and there was also a need to respect Asian values in the political arena, and not just insist that all societies must develop in the same way. The democracy, human rights, and other supposed responsibilities of government which Westerners have tended to advocate, it was argued, are not necessarily universal norms.
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Ginata, Ardian Rizki Serda, Pryanka Pandu, Nurul Handayani, and Putu Aditya Ferdian Ariawantara. "Comparison of Covid-19 Control Policies Between Indonesia and Australia Based on the Perspective of Policy Capacity Theory." Jurnal Borneo Administrator 18, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24258/jba.v18i3.1080.
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The Covid-19 pandemic scrutinized the readiness and challenges of a country's control policies in the Asia Pacific region. This article aims to compare the policy capacity for Covid-19 control between the governments of Indonesia and Australia from the perspective of policy capacity theory. This article uses a qualitative case study method with data collection techniques for literature studies, online investigations, and data analysis. The two countries have something in common in implementing public health policies related to Covid-19, but the authors found different results. Based on the analysis using the theory of policy capacity, from the aspect of analytical capacity, it was found that the Indonesian Government was slow to respond to the Covid-19 pandemic. In contrast, the Australian Government carried out mandatory continuity of the Covid-19 policy. Then in terms of operational capacity, Indonesia still has minimum capacity and resources compared to those Australia. In terms of political capacity, the Government of Indonesia has lost public trust due to policy inconsistencies in controlling Covid-19. Meanwhile, the Australian Government can build public trust with transparent information disclosure. As a country with a large area and a high population in the face of Covid-19, it is necessary to strengthen policy capacity starting with practical policy design, leadership skills, good coordination between cross levels of government, and political legitimacy and public trust
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Nasution, Husni, Shinta Rahma Diana, Bernhard Sianipar, Sri Rubiyanti, Dini Susanti, and Astri Rafikasari. "Indonesia Membership on Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO): Cost and Benefit Analysis." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.6429.
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Indonesia with seven other countries, namely Bangladesh, China, Iran, Mongolia, Pakistan, Peru, and Thailand are the signatory countries of APSCO Convention, on October 28th, 2005. APSCO is space coopeation organization outside the United Nations system for the Asia Pacific region, initiated by the People’s Republic of China. To date, from the eight signatory countries, only Indonesia has not ratified yet and has not become a full member of APSCO. This paper examines cost and benefit of the Indonesia membership on APSCO. The methods used are quantitative and qualitative method. While the analysis used approaches related to contribution of cost to provided and benefits to be received by Indonesia as well as the national interest mentioned in Presidential Decree No. 64/1999 on Indonesian Membership and Indonesian Government Contributions to International Organizations. From the study, it was found that by ratifying the Convention and following APSCO activities optimally, the benefits will be receive by Indonesia greater than contribution given to APSCO. Similarry, the joining of Indonesia in APSCO will also provide substansial benefit for the national interest, especially for politic, economic, international peace and security, humanity, and others as well as enhancing better relationship among countries in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Przygoda, Miroslaw. "The Role and Importance of Australia in the South Pacific Region." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 3 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.13.4005.
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Australia is a country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent and the island of Tasmania. The country also includes numerous smaller islands in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. Australia is the sixth-largest country in the world by total area. It also has the world’s 12th-largest economy and fifth-highest per capita income. On 1 January 1901, a federation of six separate British self-governing states was formed after a decade of planning, consultation and voting. This established the Commonwealth of Australia as a dominion of the British Empire. In 1931 the status of the dominions was made equal to that of Great Britain, which is considered the symbolic date of Australia gaining full independence. Before World War II and in the course of it, the Commonwealth of Australia was closely tied to the government in London. However, the fall of the British Empire in the Asia Pacific made Australian authorities rethink their existence in the new reality. In the late 80s, Australia’s formal ties with London were further loosened, as planned. Since that time the role and significance of the continent has been growing. A vibrant economy and favourable location drive the country’s growing importance, which the government in Canberra strongly focuses on. Economic success and effective policies have made Australia become one of the crucial elements of sustainable balance in the South Pacific region. However, the country’s political and economic influence goes far beyond its borders. Australia’s importance to and influence on neighbouring countries is clearly visible across East and Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean basin, and the Antarctic. Therefore it is worth to take a closer look at the drivers of the huge success of this unique country and its inhabitants.
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Korneev, Konstantin A. "Geopolitical and Economic Backgrounds for Japan’s Participation in International Associations at the Present Stage." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-215-224.
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Japan is one of the undisputed economic leaders in the Asia-Pacific region, despite the fact that in a number of macroeconomic indicators (for example, in nominal GDP) it gave the primacy to China in the late 2000s. Nevertheless, the positions of Japanese financial and industrial groups in the automotive and shipbuilding sectors, information technology, telecommunications systems, and power equipment manufacturing are still strong in the world markets. Tokyo also feels confident in the international political space - most regional problems are solved with the active participation of Japan. Accordingly, the Japanese government has all the possibilities to conduct a clear and consistent foreign policy with a maximum consideration for its own interests, as well as it has opportunities to attract a wide range of overseas partners to mutually beneficial cooperation within the framework of multilateral agreements. However, nowadays in the Asia-Pacific markets, Japanese corporations face increasing competition from Chinese and South Korean companies, which forces Japan to take into account new geopolitical situations and strive to softly promote its vision of regional development. The purpose of the study is to analyze Japans approaches to participation in current international associations and to assess the overall impact of these approaches on the geopolitical and economic space of the Asia-Pacific region. The research methodology is based on the apparatus of social sciences (comparative analysis, content analysis, economic and statistical analysis, synthesis, historical and logical methods), and is supplemented by a systematic approach to the research topic through the search and interpretation of the appropriate information.
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Beydina, T., S. Kaplina, and A. Litovchenko. "THE TRANSPORT POLICy MAKING IN MONGOLIA AND POSSIBLE BENEFITS FOR RUSSIA IN THE FRAMEWORK OF FOREIGN POLICY INPLEMENTATION IN THE NORTHEAST ASIA." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 6 (2021): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-6-50-57.
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The paper deals with geopolitical processes in Northeast Asia (NEA), which includes among others the Russian Federation (RF, Russia), Mongolia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC, China). There is some interesting information in the paper about geopolitical interests which the United States of America (U.S.) utilizing in this region through Mongolia – RF’s closest neighbour, and how it can be used in Russian interests. The center of global political and economic activity is shifting in this region. The research has shown that in the first quarter of the twenty-first century, trade between the countries of the Asia-Pacific region and Europe will become the most dynamic global market. Significant benefits will be received by those countries which will be able to attract transit Euro-Asian cargo and passenger traffic to their transport communications. In this regard, the scientists examine Mongolia’s political initiatives in the field of transport communications management, its impact on the internal environment of Russia, and also consider the political and economic benefits for Russia in implementing joint transport projects with the Mongolian side. Russia’s policy in the NEA is aimed at protecting the national interests and ensuring the country’s security, using the economic and political potential of the NEA states. Russia’s geographical position allows it to be a link for the countries of Europe and Asia, acting as a transit territory, including Mongolia, which is looking for opportunities to increase exports through Russian transport corridors. In this regard, the Russian government provides for the modernization of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Baikal-Amur Railway and the Pacific ports. At the same time, there is a struggle for geopolitical influence between the United States and China in the region. To contain China’s economic expansion, the United States seeks not only to attract its long-time allies, Japan and South Korea, but also to use other countries, in particular Mongolia, which in turn can be used to promote Russian interests in the region
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Verma, Prikshat, Alan Nankervis, Soegeng Priyono, Noorziah Mohd Salleh, Julia Connell, and John Burgess. "Graduate work-readiness challenges in the Asia-Pacific region and the role of HRM." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 37, no. 2 (March 14, 2018): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-01-2017-0015.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to focus on graduate work-readiness challenges in three Asia Pacific economies (Malaysia, Indonesia and Australia), and the roles of three main stakeholders (government, employers and industry) in the process. The intention of the paper is to design a stakeholder-oriented HRM model to address the identified graduate work-readiness challenges. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative triangulation method comprising interviews and focus groups was used with participant samples for each country – Australia (19), Indonesia (19) and Malaysia (15). Stakeholder-oriented HRM theory underpins the conceptual framework for the paper. Findings All three countries are currently experiencing difficulties attracting graduates with the required portfolio of qualifications, skills and personal capabilities. The reported effects include: constraints on national economic growth, future production structures, and long-term socio-economic development. Based on a review of the work-readiness and stakeholder-oriented HRM theory literature, it is posited that graduate work-readiness challenges can be effectively addressed by HR professionals in partnership with other key stakeholders. Research limitations/implications The study sought the input of only three stakeholder groups for ascertaining graduate work readiness challenges, there is a strong case to include other groups including students/parents and secondary schools. Social implications Bridging the graduate skills gap between government, employers and educational institutions is an important area in which HR professionals can contribute by reducing the mismatch between demand and supply through influencing and balancing the interests and goals of key stakeholders. Originality/value This study makes a contribution to the extant literature as it explores the role of HR professionals in relation to a multiple stakeholder strategy to address these challenges in the less-explored Asia Pacific region.
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Cao, Cong. "China and the Knowledge Economy: Seizing the 21st Century. By Carl J. Dahlman and Jean-Eric Aubert. [Washington, DC: The World Bank. xxvi+170pp. $25.00. ISBN 0-8213-5005-6.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903320121.
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Written at the request of the Chinese government, China and the Knowledge Economy: Seizing the 21st Century is a publication of the World Bank Institute in collaboration with the World Bank's East Asia and Pacific Region. It has an executive summary, an introductory chapter, and three parts. The introductory chapter puts China's development in historical and comparative perspectives, discussing reasons for China's stagnation and economic decline in comparison with Western countries over the past two thousand years.