Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific'
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1
Klintworth, Gary. "New Taiwan, New China : Taiwan's changing role in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151032.
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Muhammad, Muhd Rosydi. "Managing successful e-government implementation : case of E-Syariah in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88786/.
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Studies of e-government have shown how strategic use of e-government systems helps government agencies to improve public service delivery and gain more efficient governance. The success of this initiative is seen to be dependent upon the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment between the organizational, technological and human-related factors; which ultimately lead to improved delivery of public service. However, very little work has been carried out to understand the issue. This study helps to fill this gap in the important research area by investigating the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of judicial service. This exploratory qualitative research carried out an in-depth case study of the implementation of E-Syariah system within different Syariah Court Offices in a state in Malaysia namely Kelantan. By analyzing the collected data from the case, findings were drawn up in which it confirms the existing literature that government’s key implementation tasks play a significant role in the successful implementation of E-Syariah. New government’s key task emerged from the case data – (i) informing values of ICT, (ii) inculcating inner-connection to Islamic values and (iii) establishing collaborative relationships between government agencies through central coordination approach. An insight into the case uncovers enabling roles of these key implementation tasks for organization – human dimension, human-technology dimension and technology-organization dimension. This study also discusses the implication of improved delivery of judicial service to good governance in light of the following identified attributes; efficiency and effectiveness, transparency and empowerment. In summary, this research extends our theoretical underpinning of the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of public service; and provides useful insights for public officials (e.g. top management, policy-makers) in managing e-government implementation.
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Nishiyama, Hidefumi. "Race, biometrics, and security in modern Japan : a history of racial government." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77741/.
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This thesis is an historical study of biopolitical relations between racism and biometric identification in Japan since the late nineteenth century to the present day. Adopting Foucault’s historical method, it challenges progressive accounts of the history of racism and that of biometrics. During the nineteenth century, practices of biometric identification emerged as constitutive of the knowledge of race wherein imperial power relations between superior and inferior races were enabled. Progressive accounts proclaim that colonial practices of biometrics were not scientific but politically intervened, which has since been discredited and replaced by a ‘true’ science of biometrics as individualisation. Contra progressivist claims on postraciality, the thesis concretely historicises the ways in which subjectification and control of race is conducted through the interplay between the epistemic construction of race and the technology of identification in each historical and geographical context. It analyses three modalities of racial government through biometrics in Japan: biometrics as a biological technology of inscribing race during Japanese colonialism; biometrics as a forensic technology of policing former colonial subjects in post-WWII Japan; and contemporary biometrics as an informatic technology of controlling a newly racialised immigrant population. The thesis concludes that despite a series of de-racialising reforms in the twentieth century, biometrics persist as a biopolitical technology of race. Neither racism nor biometrics as a technology of race is receding but they are continuously transforming in a way that a new mechanism of racial government is made possible. Race evolves, it is argued, not in the sense of social Darwinism but because the concept of race itself changes across time and space wherein a new model of racism is empowered. The thesis contributes to existing literature on the biopolitics of security and biometrics by extending the scope of analysis to a non-Western context, explicating historical relations between racism and biometrics, and problematising biometric rationality at the level of racialised mechanism of knowing and controlling (in)security. It also makes contributions to Foucaultian studies by advancing the analysis of biopolitical racism beyond Foucault’s original formulation and by offering a critique of rationality in the field of biometrics.
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Kim, Jiyoung. "The transformation of norms, policies and state identity : the Kim Dae-jung government and the Republic of Korea." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/59474/.
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With the creation of the Sunshine Policy and its outcome on inter-Korean relations, numerous scholars began highlighting the cultural factors of norm and state identity as a means of understanding and explaining changes to the inter-state relations on the Korean peninsula. Previous studies pay attention to the changing character of the military conflict between three states including the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People Republic of Korea and the United States. In following the concepts drawn from the constructivist tradition, this thesis argues that the problem of previous constructivist studies is not inappropriate concepts such as norms and state identity, but the shortage of attention paid to the process of transformation in state identity. Therefore, this thesis draws more attention to constructivist traditions because of their significance when regarding concepts relating to norm and state identity in analysing inter-Korean relations.
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Pongatichat, Panupak. "The alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2601/.
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This research involved an investigation of the alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies. A review of the literature suggested that, although the topic is of great interest and importance, it has been underresearched. The context of the existing studies appears to be based primarily on for-profits/business rather than not-for-profit/public sector domain. Moreover, the existing research is mainly normative lacking supporting empirical evidence. The objectives of this research were to (1) develop greater understanding of performance measurement in the public sector, and (2) provide supporting empirical evidence in place of the normative arguments regarding the alignment between performance measurement and strategy. This research aimed to answer the question, ‘how, in central government agencies, is the alignment between performance measurement and strategy managed?’ This interpretive multiple-case research comprised of the studies of four central government agencies in Thailand. The primary data source was interview data supported by documentation. The interpretational analyses were conducted both at intra-case and inter-case levels. This research found that public officials often regarded, ‘strategy’ as equivalent to ‘policy’ and that these terms were used interchangeably. The research also found that the existing definitions of fundamental performance measurement/management terminologies did not fit comfortably with public sector management owing mainly to their lack of practical perspectives. This research proposed refined terminologies. Additionally, the research found eight advantages of stategy-misaligned performance measurement despite the absence of their recognition in the existing literature. As a result, misalignment could be preferable in some circumstances. However, public managers were under pressure to demonstrate alignment between performance measurement and strategy thus ‘alignment tensions’ occurred in practice. In order to deal with these tensions, three strategies were identified including (1) neglecting the tensions (as in ‘do-nothing strategy’), (2) attempting to realign performance measurement with strategy (as in ‘realigning strategy’), and (3) directing attention from the alignment issue (as in ‘distracting strategy’).
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Peláez, Tortosa Antonio J. "State-society relations and grassroots democracy in rural Vietnam : institutional adaptation and limited gramscian hegemony." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3778/.
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Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.
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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific
economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with
reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an
attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the
discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit
political factors behind each participant's position.
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Xiao, Yuefan. "The politics of crisis management in China." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/58953/.
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This thesis investigates how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has tactically managed and defused major crises between 2002 and 2008 which put its credibility and legitimacy to the test. Contrary to conventional wisdom that major crises are likely to challenge and threaten regime stability in authoritarian systems or even undermine their viability, this thesis argues that the CCP has managed to sustain its political hegemony to date through the manipulation of these major crises and through the maximum tinkering with the current political system it reigns over. In order to explain why manipulation is the key in the CCP’s successful crisis management, this thesis first develops a critical reassessment of the conception of crisis and elaborates on crisis’s tripartite political utilities. These are (a) shift the dominating paradigm, (b) centralise political power and (c) (re) gain popularity and legitimacy. These altogether form an analytical framework for crisis, which is followed by a chapter that sets the backdrop against which our case studies unfold and explains why the Chinese context is particularly favourable for crisis manipulation. The thesis then proceeds with three case studies: the 2003 SARS epidemic, the 2008 Sichuan earthquake and the Sanlu milk scandal occurred in the same year. The thesis suggests that although the CCP’s responses were not flawless, and not always timely, it managed to manipulate all three crises in its favour via the aforementioned political utilities and subsequently defused these crises. At the same time, its Leninist structure was able to unleash formidable mobilisation capacity to help the regime rapidly bring situations under control. Overall, the CCP’s crisis management efficacy was satisfactory in the short term. Nevertheless, the thesis concludes that despite the short term usefulness of crisis manipulation, in the long term the efficacy of the same strategy as well as the political utility of crisis are decaying, as illustrated in reference to more recent crises that stretched the CCP’s credibility. Therefore, the CCP is in need of embarking on substantive political reform in order to develop an alternative crisis displacement mechanism. This thesis makes an original contribution to the existing literature in the field. It complements the public administration and public management literature by bringing politics back in. It also updates the empirical knowledge base of past studies as well as offering a comparison of crisis responses. This is a timely contribution to the study of Chinese crisis management and to the study of the nature of Chinese politics.
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黃恩平 and Yan-ping Agnes Wong. "The geography of Internet production and consumption in the Asia-Pacific." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35319999.
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Doucet, Marc G. "Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the parallel 'people's summits': Theorizing the political and democracy in international theory." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ57036.pdf.
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Tate, Laura Ellen. "Vancouver service exports to the Asia Pacific and the role of local government in their promotion." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31236.
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This thesis looks at the feasibility of promoting knowledge intensive service (KIS) exports to Asia as part of a local economic development strategy. To this end a two part study was conducted, consisting of a postal survey and a series of elite interviews. The study demonstrates that many Vancouver KIS firms have already established a presence in Pacific Rim markets; furthermore, future growth in these markets is likely. The study examines various characteristics of KIS exporters to Asia so as to enable policy makers to draft appropriate recommendations. The remainder of the thesis outlines current initiatives at senior and local levels of government. A case is made for increasing the scope of local government action in this sphere, and some potential initiatives are suggested.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
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Skene, Christopher. "Democracy in the era of globalization: explaining authoritarian practices in Asia and Latin America." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245936.
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Fine, Robert. "Labour and politics in South Africa, 1939-1964." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55901/.
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The core of my dissertation is devoted to a re-interpretation of the history of the liberation movement in South Africa in two critical periods of its development. The first I call in short 'the 1940s' but shall be referring more specifically to the years between 1939 and the rise of apartheid in 1948; the second I call 'the 1950s' but shall refer to the years between the emergence of apartheid and the defeat of the liberation movement in 1964. Both the 1940s and the 1950s were marked by fierce class struggles which brought with them hopes of a new democratic order in South Africa; both closed on the sombre note of defeat for democracy and triumph for the forces of reaction and racism. Motivated by a dissatisfaction with prevailing interpretations, I shall explore what went wrong in these years in order to deepen our understanding of the political culture and social base of the liberation movement. I have focussed on these two historical periods because I see the basic parameters of the contemporary liberation movement as set by the class struggles which occurred within them. My central hypothesis is that, although class relations do not on the whole manifest themselves directly on the surface of the liberation movement, they have nonetheless been the crucial determinants of its pattern of evolution. My introductory chapter will be devoted to a theoretical discussion of the relation between nationalism and socialism in the South Africa liberation movement. It was written after the historical research and its ideas reflect a considerable change of mind which resulted from the research; the ideas expressed within it provide a necessary foundation for understanding what I wish to say through the substantive history. My final section will be an attempt to outline the major lessons which I draw from the history of these class struggles; it focusses on what I see as the unresolved conflict between the two traditions of 'radical liberalism' and 'insurrectionism' which run through the history of the liberation struggle and on defining what I see as the 'absent centre' of this history: social democracy or more accurately the social democratic movement of the working class.
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Whittow, Mark. "Social and political structures in the Maeander region of Western Asia Minor on the eve of the Turkish invasion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7b5a641-80b4-46cb-8b41-21e53af80054.
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The thesis is a contribution to two of the crucial problems of middle Byzantine history: the social and political structure of the provinces, and the explanation of the rapid fall of Asia Minor to the Turks at the end of the llth century. These problems are approached through a study of the Maeander region of western Asia Minor.Part one describes the geography of the region and shows it to have been a naturally fertile area, of great potential importance to the Empire. In the Roman period it had been very prosperous; the subsequent decline cannot be explained by geological or climatic factors. Part two surveys the archaeological evidence. The ancient city sites remained occupied at a sometimes very low cultural level through the early (7th -8th century) and middle (9th-llth century) Byzantine periods. A general move of settlements to apparently more secure sites with natural defences did not take place until the 12th-13th centuries in the face of the Turks. Up to the end of the llth century the city sites remained the focus of what was most active in the provincial society of the Maeander region. Part three looks at the region's elites. The strategoi and judges who ruled the theme of the Thrakesioi, which makes up the western two-thirds of the region, were outsiders appointed by the Imperial government in Constantinople and only in the region on short term appointments. Several major figures at the Imperial court owned land in the region but only as absentee landlords. When crisis came between 1071 and 1080 these outsiders abandoned the Maeander to the Turks. The church played an important role, but the resident local elite were a comparatively humble group, isolated from Constantinople, and lacking the influence to force the Imperial government into defending their interests.
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Bermek, Sevinç. "The emergence and consolidation of the AKP and its impact on Turkish politics and society." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57144/.
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This thesis concerns the current ruling party, the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - Justice and Development Party) in Turkey. Its aim is to examine the emergence and consolidation of the AKP, as well as to determine whether or not this has shaped the evolution of the party system in Turkey. This research draws on a qualitative research approach, through interviews with 36 key informants from political parties, NGOs, grassroots organizations and through gathering data in the literature produced by parties and other statutory and voluntary agencies, as well as through the collection of descriptive statististics related to socio-economic structures, migration, occupational categories, macroeconomic indicators and collections of election surveys. The finding reveal that the AKP did not emerge as an Islamist party, but because of its promises of economic stability and growth, and of further integration into the EU and USA-led global order. The thesis shows that more so than its religious discourse, the AKP’s electoral success was based on the party’s adapting a hybrid, progressive and pro-EU position during its first tenure in government. Second, this research demonstrates how the political conjuncture up to 2002 and long-term economic factors provided favourable circumstances for the AKP’s emergence. The study’s findings also reveal that the consolidation of the AKP is mainly attributable to its economic and social agenda, and the utilization of the public purse and other state resources (e.g. social and health care benefits) as a means of catering for its target constituencies. In addition, they demonstrate that once AKP’s consolidation was completed (2010) the party’s discourse gradually became more conservative and nationalist, giving way to more authoritarian policies. Nonetheless, as long as economic performance and conditions remain unchanged, the AKP continues to appeal to its social base. Consequently, this thesis demonstrates that the gradual drift in Turkish society towards moderate Islamic and traditional values was not the main factor in the AKP’s rise to power. Rather, this shift can be viewed as the feedback effect of the consolidation of the AKP process into societal structures and norms. Hence, this work highlights the AKP’s impact on the structure of the party-system and the role of its policies in transforming Turkish society. Lastly, this study contributes to the foundation upon which further research on Turkish politics and the party system can continue, by exploring the dual effect of the AKP’s ruling tenure: factors leading to the AKP’s emergence and its feedback into Turkish society and politics.
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Elk, Robert E. "A study of the effects of the Southeast Asian intrusive power system on the foreign policy of Indonesia /." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64076.
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Jalalzai, Sajida. "The politics of recovery : women in the Tablighi Jamaʻat and Vishwa Hindu Parishad." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98541.
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This thesis examines the construction and utilization of gender in religious nationalist projects. Communalist groups sacralize gendered understandings of time, space, and community, rooted in the bifurcation of the public (masculine) realm and the private (feminine) sphere. Nationalist understandings of citizenship maintain the public and private division, but acknowledge the potential to politicize both. In this conception of citizenship, the private (feminine) is deployed to achieve social and religious change. This thesis analyzes two contemporary South Asian transnationalist groups, the Muslim Tablighi Jama`at and the Hindu Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and investigates women's participation in the nation as cultural repositories and as pedagogues. In these roles, women are able to recover and disseminate the "true" values and identity of the degenerate community, thereby revitalizing the nation. However, while women are empowered in these roles, they are simultaneously limited by patriarchal expectations of ideal womanly behaviour.
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Samad, Yunas. "South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:20859dd8-f3cf-47d2-915b-6142d8a7cbe5.
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The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization process was weak and its frailty was at the root of ideological confusion. The confusion was manifest in the changing definition of Pakistan in this crucial period. The problem was compounded by the League's lack of strong party structure to control and enforce discipline over the regional supporters. Jinnah's interventions in the provinces were the exception and not the rule and limited to disciplining local leaders. For expanding the party's influence he was completely dependent on the provincial leaders. The regionalist forces were not genuine converts to Muslim nationalism. They used the League as a stalking horse for their provincial interests. Jinnah accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan due to the strong pressures from the Muslim-majority provinces who were not interested in a separate homeland for Muslims and later he supported Suhrawardy's attempt to avoid partition of Bengal. Jinnah had to be responsive to these different currents within the party in order to avoid a revolt against his leadership. Besides the internal pressure, pro-Congress opposition was still strong in Sarhad and Sind and they used regional ethnicity as a counter against the League. However the opposition collapsed when the civil disobedience movement mounted by the League at this extremely tense moment triggered off the communal explosion which engulfed northern India and as a result the Congress accepted partition. The fourth chapter deals with the Muslim League's effort to consolidate its position in Pakistan through the construction of a strong state and the potent anti-centre backlash it produced. Pakistan came into existence through the contingent circumstances attending the transfer of power and the League's leadership was ill-prepared to establishing itself in Pakistan. The perceived threat from India and the internal opposition to the leadership convinced them that the country and they themselves could survive politically only if a strong centre was established. However the ethnic composition of the ruling group was a source of tension which bedeviled the centralizing process. The Muslim League leadership was mainly Muhajirs who had no social base in Pakistan. They along with the Punjabis also dominated the military and the bureaucracy. Hence the push for a unitary structure alienated others such as the Bengalis, who were not represented in the upper echelons of the state. The political instability was aggravated by the ruling group's efforts to establish a strong centre not on the basis of a broad consensus but through strong arm tactics. As a result internal and external opposition to the League leadership was suppressed in an authoritarian manner. Karachi used the state apparatus to crush the emerging opposition and interfered in the provinces attempting to put its supporters into power.
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Lander, Jennifer. "The law and politics of foreign direct investment, democracy and extractive development in Mongolia : a case study of new constitutionalism on the 'final frontier'." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98052/.
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This thesis provides a critical account of state transformation on one of the last ‘frontiers’ of mineral exploration and extraction. Mongolia’s struggle to consolidate its extractive development strategy lies in a fundamental tension between the nature of global capital investment and the responsiveness of national democratic institutions to their political electorate. In this sense, Mongolia is part of a broader pattern of state formation in a global era. This pattern has been recognised in established Western democracies, but, as this thesis argues, vulnerable states in the periphery of the global economy are also being affected with potentially more immediate and alarming consequences. In the context of a transition to a development strategy reliant on the extraction and export of raw minerals (primary commodities) since 1997, the Mongolian state has entered the world of competitive international finance (as opposed to development loans) and investment, in which courting and preserving the interest and ‘confidence’ of the investor is paramount for the government. In the early years of the millennium (2003-2012), Mongolian citizens became increasingly engaged in democratic political processes and particularly vocal regarding the lack of perceived public benefit from mining investment and the damaging socio-environmental consequences of extraction in rural areas. Thus, I argue that a constitutional struggle played itself out between the contradictory impulses of the state towards investors and citizens as evidenced in the see-saw cycles of legal and policy reform between 1997 and 2013. Consequently, by the end of 2013, the general downturn in global commodity prices and the particular “vote of no confidence” in Mongolia’s investment environment from the majority of investors led to the consolidation of a cross-party ‘stability consensus’ within the state. The process of ‘stabilising’ the investment environment has occurred at the expense of the democratic constitution of the state, demonstrated in the curtailment of Parliamentary powers over policy-making processes, the limitation of self-government for sub-national administrations and the restriction of civil society organisations’ participation in political processes. As a post-socialist state adjusting to the constraints of the global economy and the cycles of commodity markets, Mongolia provides concrete evidence of the antagonistic relationship between national democracy and global economic integration, and the reality of the latter’s constitutional impacts.
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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.
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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
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Nieuwenhuis, Marijn. "Producing China : the politics of space in the making of modern China." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/60419/.
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This thesis entails an analysis of the relationship between space and politics in the construction and legitimisation of modern China. The thesis argues that the production of space has since the onset of modernity in China, in itself very much a spatial process, played a substantial yet, largely unexplored and academically unacknowledged role in both the construction of the nation state and the legitimisation of political ideologies. I wish to show that the production of modern space has since the mid-17th century played an increasingly vital role in the abstract concretisation and the everyday diffusion of the geographic imagination of the Chinese nation state. The state, in other words, legitimises its existence through the reification of space. This thesis contributes to a historical and spatial understanding of the role of geographies of power in creating an alternative understanding of what China is and how it is (re-)produced spatially. Such an understanding problematises the realised abstraction of the Chinese nation state and politicises the production and representation of space in China. The thesis thus questions notions of Chinese essentialism, Chinese history, Chinese architecture and other expressions of state spaces. The position that this thesis takes is that the production of space gives form and meaning to the political. The thesis looks at a variety of spatial techniques of power by analysing the politics of cartography, urban planning, architecture and other forms of production of space. By emphasising the politics of space, this thesis is a work of political geography on the subject of modern Chinese state space. This thesis comprises six chapters, an introduction and a conclusion.
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Han, Choong Hee. "The politics of memory in journalistic representations of human rights abuses during the Asia-Pacific War: discursive constructions of controversial "sites of memory" in three East Asian newspapers." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/810.
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This study investigates journalistic representations and discursive constructions of memories of the Asia-Pacific War (1931-45) in three newspapers from three East Asian countries: Japan, China, and South Korea. These three countries have been having decades-long debates over how to interpret and recount what happened in East Asia during the war. Numerous people perished during the wars Japan waged in pursuit of its ambition to be a great Asian empire. The debates over war memories intensified during the past decade due to “memory politics” in the region. Among the many atrocities that have been the subject of international disputes, this study explores media discourses of three of the most heated controversies associated with the Asia-Pacific War: the Yasukuni Shrine controversy, the “Comfort Women” controversy, and the Japanese textbooks revisionism controversy.
There are two theoretical groundings that support this study: “memory and politics,” and “journalistic discourses of memory.” Regarding memory and politics, this study approaches the topic from a collective/cultural memory perspective. In this regard, the three controversies over war memories were theoretically identified as sites of memory by which war memories were articulated and reinvented. As for the journalistic aspect, this study focuses on the cultural meanings of journalism and news. The cultural approach in journalistic study views texts as cultural artifacts that represent key values and meanings. Journalism plays a major role in creating, transmitting, and articulating memories. A critical discourse analysis was the primary method that was employed to investigate the discursive constructions of memory through news texts. An interpretive policy analysis was also conducted to examine official stances of the three countries with respect to war memories.
The analysis has found that the three newspapers were agents of collective memory. They articulated the meanings of national memory based upon what they believed to be the most appropriate interpretations of their nations’ past. Political circumstances and ideological stances greatly influenced their coverage of war memories. Their coverage has shown that East Asia still lives under the shadow of the Asia-Pacific War that ended more than a half century ago. Memory has not been forgotten because it has been reinterpreted and reconstructed mirroring the national, social, political, and international climate. Situated at the center of such reproduction of memory, the three newspapers were also sites of memory.
The three newspapers’ active involvement in the historical controversies exceeded what scholars described as common features of commemorative journalism. The controversies surrounding war memories and the newspapers’ construction of memory have shown that journalism is a cultural practice and that a cultural approach is necessary in journalism studies to gain a more holistic understanding of the representation of social events in the news.
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Rofi'i, Imam. "Soviet anti-religious policies and the Muslims of Central Asia, 1917-1938." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26320.
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This thesis examines the impact of Soviet anti-religious policies on the Muslims of Central Asia from 1917 to 1938. The long struggle of the Bolsheviks to come to the power, their attempts to perpetuate the Russian hegemony in Central Asia, and the reactions of the Central Asian people towards the new regime will all form part of this thesis. Having successfully brought about the revolution, the Bolsheviks faced many challenges. One the famous slogans of the revolution, recognition of each nationality's right of self determination, boomeranged on the Bolsheviks, with the European proletariat deserting from the path of the revolution and proclaiming their own independence. In this situation, the Bolsheviks endeavored to gain the support of the Muslims. The government made many promises to the Muslims but, at the same time, dissolved the Kokand government established by the Muslims, causing Muslium revolts throughout the Central Asian region. The Muslim threat was met with measures of appeasement. The government's promises succeeded in attracting the modernist Muslims to cooperate with the regime. A strategy of "divide and rule" and of indirect attacks on Islam was employed, aiming at the annihilation of Islam. Conservative Muslims continued to vehemently oppose the Soviet regime and its policies. But, given the success of the regime in the civil war, and the lack of unity and the strength among Muslims, the Soviet anti-religious policies in Central Asia succeeded at the institutional level, to do great damage to Islam. However, these policies proved ineffectual in destroying the influence of Islamic teachings on the Muslims of Central Asia.
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Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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Syed, Shaheen Ashraf Shah. "Women's contested politics of presence : learning from the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57732/.
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This study provides a case study of women’s political representation in the National Parliament of Pakistan, where a particular form of the quota approach has been adapted in a highly gendered political context. By examining the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians, this thesis contributes to key academic literature on gender quotas and political representation that has received a considerable attention from feminist scholars. The aim of this thesis is to explore the extent to which women’s formal representation is translated into substantive change for women. This is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analyses of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of 20 women parliamentarians (out of 76) and proceedings of the parliament of the last three years (2008-11). By adapting Anne Phillips’s (1995) The Politics of Presence in entirely new and novel way, one of the major contributions this study claims to make to the theoretical literature is to analytically examine the effects of quotas from various aspects of political representation: descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation and from a broader perspectives than has hitherto been seen. It also addresses a major gap in the literature on the reasons why some quota women act more often than others in legislatures, and what factors contribute to the silence and suppression of Pakistani women leaders. It is argued that women’s presence in the political spheres is important, but that it is vital to take the particular context into account when judging whether women can and do act for women. This thesis shows that representation depends on various factors which can positively or negatively contribute towards substantive change. It also demonstrates that quotas may challenge existing gender dynamics and have various effects on women’s representation within and outside parliament. However, some gender and human rights issues may be difficult to tackle, especially those challenging the powerful feudal and tribal political elite (mainly men).
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Dönmez, Pınar E. "Politics of depoliticisation : a re-assessment of the post-2001 restructuring of the state and economic policy making in Turkey." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49269/.
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The major motivation behind this thesis comes from an interest in the processes of depoliticisation and re-politicisation in economic management. The focus on the interaction between the national state and the global social relations positions the main problematic of the thesis within critical international political economy (IPE). This interaction is investigated in the context of the specific case study of Turkey. Given the fact that the existent literature on depoliticisation largely builds on the experiences of the advanced capitalist states and their managers, the thesis aims to contribute to this body of literature and assess the applicability of the conceptual framework in a different domestic political setting. On the other hand it aims to build on and contribute to the critiques of the existent literature on Turkey in the sense that the latter is often portrayed within an exceptional outlook and treated as a stand-alone case. The second chapter provides a critical overview of the literature on the conceptualisation of state and social relations in Turkey. The third chapter reviews the place of the state and the political and defines (de)politicisation not only as a governing strategy of the state managers to manage capitalist social relations but also in broader terms; as open-ended process in so far as its effects extend beyond the governmental realm. Chapter four proceeds to demonstrate the applicability of such a framework in the Turkish case through an evaluation of governing tactics and strategies in the post-WWII context. The subsequent three chapters explore the evolution of crisis and restructuring of social relations for the periods 1994-2001, 2002-2005 and 2006-present in an attempt to investigate the effects of the governing strategy and process in material and perceptional terms.
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Phakdeewanich, Titipol. "The role of farmers groups in Thai politics : a case study of domestic and global pressure on rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55736/.
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The thesis studies the political participation of Thai farmers and focuses on two main factors, namely the domestic and the external impacts, which inform the case studies of rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups. Overall, the research has established that farmers groups have felt the impacts of domestic factors far more strongly than external factors. Furthermore, through comparative studies in relation to the case studies of rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups in Thailand, differences emerged between these three Thai farmers groups, in terms of the degree to which domestic factors impacted on their political participation. The theories of Western interest groups are reviewed, in order to examine their applicability to explaining farmers groups formation in Thailand. The concepts of 'collective benefits' and 'selective incentives', which were used by Mancur Olson have been adopted as the main theoretical framework. With reference to this, the research has established that selective incentives have played a highly significant role in Thai farmers groups formation, and concludes that the problems of mobilisation, which relate to rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups, have been solved primarily through the provision of a range of selective incentives by the farmers groups themselves. In order to classify the differing levels of political participation of Thai farmers groups, the analytical framework provided by Grant Jordan, Darren Halpin, and William Maloney has been utilised. Accordingly, the rice and potato farmers groups are classified as 'potential pressure participants', whilst the sugarcane farmers group is classified as an 'interest group', which has enabled an examination of their political participation through the Western concept of the policy network/community framework. In order to make the Western policy network/community framework more applicable to the policy-making process in Thailand, the specific, dominant characteristics of the Thai political culture, namely the patronage system and the operation of both vote-buying and corruption are included in the analysis. This conceptual stretching does not significantly affect the original concept of the framework and the way in which it was intended to be applicable, because it already includes informal relationships such as those, which exist within the policy network/community framework. This understanding is an important aspect, which forms a part of the theoretical contribution to the discipline of international political economy and to the arena of Thai political studies. The policy network/community framework provides a new conceptual lens in the study of the political participation of Thai farmers groups. Accordingly, these arguments promote the opportunity to consider alternative frameworks in the analysis of the political participation of Thai farmers groups, and group participation across civil society more generally. The study of the political participation of Thai farmers has utilised empirical evidence, which illustrates the successes of farmers' interest groups in both Japan and the United Kingdom, in order to explain the relative successes and failures of Thai farmers. In contrast to the experiences of Western and notably Japanese farmers groups, in many respects Thai farmers are largely excluded from the policy-making process, with the only exception in Thailand being certain sugarcane farmers groups. The thesis concludes that the political participation of farmers groups in Thailand has generally been affected by domestic impacts rather than by external impacts, and that their influence in domestic policy-making has been, and is likely to remain for the foreseeable future at least, somewhat limited.
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Roberts, Christopher B. Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "ASEAN's Security Community Project : Challenges and Opportunities in the Pursuit of Comprehensive Integration." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40261.
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In October 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proposed the establishment of a security, economic and socio-cultural community by the year 2020. Given that initiators of the ASEAN proposal were informed by the scholarly literature on the concept of a 'security community', this dissertation develops and then tests the concept in relation to the ASEAN states. Here, the concept of a 'security community' is understood as 'a transnational grouping of two or more states whose sovereignty is increasingly amalgamated and whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change'. The application of the 'security community framework' developed in this study is necessary to provide a conceptual basis for critically assessing the major factors that could potentially impede ASEAN's evolution towards a security community. For the purpose of such an assessment, the study provides a detailed investigation of the most significant historical issues and contemporary security challenges that inform the nature of inter-state relations in Southeast Asia. As a complement to this approach, the dissertation incorporates the analysis of data obtained from extensive fieldwork in all ten of the ASEAN states involving over 100 in-depth interviews and two survey designs (one at the elite level and another at the communal level) involving 919 participants. While the survey work, especially at the communal level, is best considered a pilot study and the results are therefore to be considered as indicative, the research nevertheless represents the first empirical assessment of regional perceptions of trust, intra-mural relations, security, economic integration, and liberalisation and of a broad range of other factors relevant to the analysis. The interview data has also been invaluable in uncovering previously unpublished information and in contextualising the analysis. Despite a considerable strengthening of the region's security architecture since ASEAN's formation, the ten chapters in the study reveal that the Association has a long way to travel before it will satisfy the defining criteria of a security community. The region lacks a common sense of community and consequently the level of trust between the Southeast Asian states remains problematic. The political elite continue to engage in episodes of competitive behaviour, have been unable to resolve territorial disputes, and thus the continued potential for armed conflict undermines the prospect for 'dependable expectations of peaceful change'. Therefore, ASEAN's evolution towards the status of a security community, if it proceeds further, will likely occur over the course of many decades rather than by ASEAN's current goal of 2015.
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Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.
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The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.
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Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.
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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.
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Szczepanska, Kamila. "The politics of war memory in Japan 1990-2010 : progressive civil society groups and contestation of memory of the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945)." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2169/.
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Cheng, Chi-ho Howard, and 鄭之灝. "A study of social welfare policies for youth in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31236650.
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Paksoy, H. B. "Alpamysh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d83d772b-baca-4336-bff6-2cf0d1c096a6.
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The present work employs the detailed study of one case to illustrate a pattern that may well exist in other cases. It must be borne in mind that the subject population comprises approximately one fifth of the Soviet Union (and steadily growing at a rapid pace) and spread across a substantial portion of the Asian continent What is described in the following pages may have taken place with respect to other non-Russian nationalities in the USSR. Therefore, although this work focuses on Central Asian-Russian relations, it constitutes a possible model for analysis and investigation of Soviet policy toward other nationalities. There is strong evidence to indicate that those policies toward history and literature which were applied to Alpamysh have already been employed with respect to various developing countries as well, not the least of which are those bordering the USSR. It is the hope of this writer that this inquiry will induce others to pursue the questions raised here. Various disciplines and area studies might benefit from this investigation, aside from the obvious Central Asian and Soviet studies. The artificial separation of "areas" and disciplines, that have not existed during the evolution of the subject matter, cannot yield complete understanding. Given the restrictions imposed by the Soviet censorship and bureaucracies who control collections of materials and published works, documentation is not exhaustive. It is anticipated that subsequent research shall unearth additional information. Therefore, the temptation to hold back and wait for such new discoveries is immense. I almost succumbed to it, except for the constant reminders from friends and colleagues - among other reasons, pointing to the number of copies of the manuscript I had circulated in the academic community for comments and criticism who have insistently hounded me to go to print. I do so with mixed feelings, for, since the completion of this manuscript, a German translation (GDR printing) of Alpamysh has been issued It was translated not from the original, but from an earlier Russian translation. Moreover, it has been discovered that at least one, or perhaps two additional printings of Alpamysh have been offered for sale in Central Asia.
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Blanco, Pérez Aitor. "The 3rd century A.D. in south-western Asia Minor : epigraphic studies into civic life and diplomatic relations with Rome." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:143b0ccb-7518-47ab-a9a8-bcd807a4b8b4.
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This thesis studies the inscriptions produced by the southern and western settlements on the Anatolian peninsula - modern Turkey - from the death of the emperor Commodus (AD 192) to Diocletian's accession (284). The 3rd century AD, a period of fundamental transition between the high and late Roman imperial ages, has traditionally been considered an age of crisis and decline. This crisis supposedly affected civic life as members of the local communities were not willing or financially able to take part in politics. Against this prevalent opinion in scholarship, the purpose of this study is to analyse the abundant epigraphic evidence surviving from this region in order to reassess the local activity of such political communities. The first chapter intends to determine whether the effects of the Constitutio Antoniniana on the nomenclature of the peregrine (i.e. non-Roman) population can be used as a reliable dating criterion. It also explains the methodology on which my collection of epigraphic evidence has been based. The second chapter examines the families, individuals, institutions and celebrations comprising the civic life of Ephesus, Lydia, Aphrodisias and Southern Anatolia (esp. Termessos, Perge and Side) in the first half of the 3rd century. These four case studies demonstrate a high level of local activity, which was recorded with inscriptions resembling those produced in the 2nd century AD. The third chapter analyses the communication between these local communities and the ruling power of Rome. On the one hand, this analysis describes the prevalent diplomatic procedures followed and their motivations. On the other, it evaluates the testimonies attesting direct contact between the population of south-western Asia Minor and imperial representatives such as governors, administrators and soldiers. The final chapter deals with the particular circumstances affecting the production of inscriptions in the region from 250 to 284. These four chapters demonstrate that the civic life of south-western Asia Minor can be studied from a local perspective and beyond the narrow methodological framework imposed by adherence to the model of the '3rd century crisis'. The contextualised analysis of epigraphic evidence provided shows strong elements of continuity in the civic life of the region and its relation with Rome. The same analysis also concludes that the stark decline and changes of the inscriptions produced in the second half of the 3rd century were not only caused by internal factors. According to these results, this thesis hopes to contribute to the reconsideration of the Anatolian peninsula in such a crucial period of the history of the Roman Empire.
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Reyskens, Marina Elise Simone. "Criminal tides : a comparative study of contemporary piracy in Somalia and Southeast Asia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20014.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Maritime piracy is not a new phenomenon. However, the nature, severity and impacts of contemporary piracy have evolved to become a highly-organised, professional and international scourge. This comparative and explanatory study set out to explore questions regarding the how and why of maritime piracy trends in Somali and Southeast Asian waters. This study sought to (a) conceptualise an appropriate definition of maritime piracy; (b) determine the causes and motivations for piracy in these regions; (c) offer insights as to the most effective ways of combating piracy; (d) investigate the various impacts and effects of piracy; and (e) discussing the significance of international responses to this phenomenon. In pursuing the above-mentioned goals this study offered a comparison of correlating trends and differences between these two regions. This study attributed the underlying motivations to two chief factors: namely, state failure and instability, as well as socio-economic factors. These two factors, along with several additional contributing factors, effectively established piracy’s main causes. The general findings of this study concluded that contemporary piracy cannot be understood without a thorough understanding of a combination of various factors. It was also argued that although the alleged link between piracy and terrorism remains speculative, piracy could have the ability to facilitate international terrorism. The nature of contemporary piracy in Somalia and Southeast Asia was examined, as well as a discussion of the most significant pirate attacks in these regions. This study established that the nature of Somali and Southeast Asian piracy display various similarities, as well as differences. Together with explanations accounting for decreases and increases in pirate attacks, it emerged that an increase in violence and sophistication of piracy is apparent. By highlighting how contemporary piracy has become both a regional and international security threat, this study brought forward arguments that showed how piracy negatively affects regional stability, as well as exacerbating poverty. Furthermore, this study found that the impacts of piracy are far-reaching and therefore require international and regional collaborative responses. Regarding solutions to piracy, emphasis was placed on including domestic, regional and international approaches. Moreover, this study argued that overlooking the internal problems on-land only serve to worsen the piracy situation in Somalia and Southeast Asia.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seerowery is nie ‘n nuwe fenomeen nie. Die aard, erns en impak van hedendaagse seerowery het wel in ’n hoogs-georganiseerde, professionele en internasionale plaag ontwikkel. Hierdie vergelykende en beskrywende studie poog om die vrae rondom hoe en hoekom seerowery in die Somaliese en Suidoos-Asiese waters plaasvind. Die doel van hierdie studie was, om: (a) seerowery te konseptualiseer, (b) die oorsake en motivering(s) vir seerowery in spesifieke streke te bestudeer; en (c) die internasionale reaksie tot hierdie verskynsel te bespreek. Met die doel om die bogenoemde vrae te beantwoord verskaf hierdie studie ’n vergelyking van ooreenkomstige tendense en verskille tussen die twee gebiede. Hierdie studie skryf die onderliggende motiverings toe aan twee hoof faktore: naamlik, staatsmislukking en –onstabiliteit, en tweedens sosio-ekonomiese faktore. Daar is ook ’n paar aanvullende bydraende faktore wat kortliks bespreek word. Hierdie studie bevind dat hedendaagse seerowery nie volledig verstaan kan word sonder ’n begrip van verskeie faktore, wat in hierdie studie beskryf word, nie. Hierdie studie bevind ook dat alhoewel die beweerde verband tussen seerowery en terrorisme onseker is, dat seerowery wel die potensiaal besit om internasionale terrorisme te fasiliteer. Die aard van hedendaagse seerowery in Somalië en Suidoos-Asië is ondersoek, tesame met ’n bespreking van die mees beduidende seerower aanvalle in die gebiede. Hierdie studie wys dat die aard van Somaliese en Suidoos-Asiese seerowery vele ooreenkomste sowel as verskille bevat. Tesame met verduidelikings oor die afname en toename in seerower aanvalle verskaf hierdie studie ook ’n beskrywing van die toename in die gesofistikeerdheid van die hedendaagse seerowers. Die studie het ook klem op die feit gelê dat hedendaagse seerowery beide ’n streeks- asook ’n internasionale sekuriteits gevaar is. Dus het seerowery ’n breë en vêrreikende impak, en vereis internasionale en streeklikse samewerking om teenkamping te loods. Daar word ook bevind dat ’n versuiming om na interne probleme in Somalië en Suidoos-Asië kan dien as ’n versterking tot die seerowery verskynsel.
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Haasbroek, Mart-Marie. "Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3031.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the general elections and left hundreds dead or injured. By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots. These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same solution can work for both.
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Coimbra, Joao Pedro de Sa. "European Union integration model : follow me model for ASEAN?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1880477.
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Love, Kaleen E. "The politics of gender in a time of change : gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e7aea965-c1aa-43b0-bc76-3bc743e90879.
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This dissertation fundamentally explores the nature of change, and the development interventions that aim to bring this change into a particular society. What emerges is the notion of a ‘spiral’: imagining the dynamic relationship between paradigms and discourses, the institutions and programmes operating in a place, and the way individual identities are constructed in intricate and contradictory ways. Within this spiral, discourse has power – ‘words matter’ – but equally significant is how these words interact dialogically with concrete social structures and institutions – ‘it takes more than changing words to change the world’. Furthermore, these changes are reacted to, and expressed in, the physical, sexed body. In essence, change is ideational, institutional, and embodied. To investigate the politics of change, this dissertation analyses the spiral relationships between gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia, focusing on their transmission across Java. It does so by exploring the Indonesian state’s gender policies in the context of globalisation, democratisation, and decentralisation. In this way, the lens of gender allows us to analyse the dynamic interactions between state and society, between ideas and institutions, which impact on everything from cultural structures to physical bodies. Research focuses on the gender policies of the Indonesian Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, substantiated with case study material from United Nations Population Fund reproductive health programmes in West Java. Employing a multi-level, multi-vocal theoretical framework, the thesis analyses gender discourses and relational structures (how discourses circulate to construct the Indonesian woman), gender institutions and social structures (how discourses are translated into programmes), and gender identities and embodied structures (how discourses enter the home and the body). Critically, studying gender requires analysing the human body as the site of both structural and symbolic power. This dissertation thus argues for renewed emphasis on a ‘politics of the body’, recognising that bodies are the material foundations from which gender discourses derive their naturalising power and hence ability to structure social relations. The danger of forgetting this politics of the body is that it allows for slippage between ‘gender’ and ‘women’; policy objectives cannot be disentangled from the reality of physical bodies and their social construction. This thesis therefore argues that there are distinct and even inverse impacts of gender policies in Indonesia. As the ‘liberal’ and ‘modern’ assumptions of gender equality are overlaid onto the patriarchal culture of a society undergoing transformation, women’s bodies and women’s sexuality are always and ever the focus of the social gaze. The gender policies and interventions affecting change on discursive and institutional levels may thus provoke reaction at the level of individual identities that are contrary to explicit intentions. In effect, projects that purport to work on ‘gender’ are often so deeply rooted in underlying gender normativity that their net effect is to reinscribe these gender hierarchies. By exposing the contradictions in these underlying paradigms we gain insight into the politics of a transforming society. Furthermore, engaging with the politics of the body allows us to analyse the spiral processes between discourse and practice, the question of power, and the way men and women embody social structures and experience social transformation.
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Chung, Christopher Humanities & Social Science Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Spratly Islands dispute : decision units and domestic politics." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Science, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38658.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis presents a cross-national, cross-regime examination of foreign policy decision-making in the Spratly Islands dispute, focusing on China, Malaysia and the Philippines. It argues that how and why these countries have acted in particular ways towards the dispute relates to the relationship among foreign policy decision-making, government behaviour and domestic politics. The theoretical foundation of the study is foreign policy analysis. It applies the decision units approach advanced by Margaret and Charles Hermann and Joe Hagan to investigate who made foreign policy decisions on the Spratly Islands dispute in the three countries during the period 1991-2002, and how this influenced government behaviour. In addition, the contextual influence of domestic politics is considered. Four case studies inform the empirical analysis: the approaches taken by Malaysia and the Philippines to bolster their respective sovereignty claim, China???s establishment of a comprehensive maritime jurisdictional regime covering the Spratly Islands among other areas, China-Philippines contestation over Mischief Reef and the development of a regional instrument to regulate conduct in the South China Sea. Three conclusions are drawn. First, the decision units approach identifies the pivotal foreign policy decision-makers in each of the countries examined and the process involved. Second, it explains the relationship between decision unit characteristics -- self-contained or externally influenceable -- and each government???s behaviour towards the dispute. Injecting domestic politics into the analysis highlights motivations of and constraints faced by decision-makers, conditioning the form and content of government action. Third, it demonstrates a low predictive capability: the ???fit??? between hypothesised and actual government behaviour is poor. While it is not a comprehensive analytical tool, the combined decision units-domestic politics approach offers deeper insight into government decisions and behaviour on the Spratly Islands dispute than hitherto reported in the literature.
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Chung, Anna. "Development of institutions on the environmental and technological cooperation in Northeast Asia: actors, decisions and path dependence." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209142.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation looks at Northeast Asia as a region composed of China, Japan and South Korea in order to understand the regional dimension of international cooperation. It takes the Tripartite Environment Ministers’ Meeting and the China-Japan-Korea Meeting onInformation and Telecommunication Standards cases for comparative analysis. Its aim is to
examine cooperation and decision-making under uncertainty and to explore how they affect
institutional development and enhanced regional cooperation. Analysis of current cooperation activities as well as development of chosen cases illustrates interactions between individuals, organizations and states. Risks associated with decision-making affect
behaviors of actors and self-reinforcement mechanisms of institutions creating path
dependence.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
Full textAbstract:
Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Gundrum, Duane A. "(Neo) revolutionary messages : an analysis of the impact of counter-narratives versus state narratives during the 1991 Coup D'etat in the former Soviet Union." Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/685.
Full textAbstract:
On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.
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Mubarak, Kamakshi N. "Everyday networks, politics, and inequalities in post-tsunami recovery : fisher livelihoods in South Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6140f40d-9b68-4148-b62e-a3d8d9bdc646.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to explore how livelihoods are recovering in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami in Sri Lanka through the lens of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework and the social networks approach—methods of inquiry that have gained considerable impetus in livelihoods research. The study is conducted with reference to two tsunami-affected fisher villages in the Hambantota District, Southern Province. It employs a qualitative ethnographic methodology that examines narratives emerging from households, local officials of government and non-government organizations, office bearers of community-based organizations, local politicians, village leaders, and key informants. Focus is on evaluating how particular roles, activities, and behaviour are given importance by these groups in specific post-tsunami contexts and how these aspects relate to broader conceptualizations of social networks, informal politics, social inequality, and ethnographic research in South Asia. The findings support four major contributions to the literature. First, social networks are significant as an object of study and a method of inquiry in understanding livelihoods post-disaster. Second, paying heed to varied forms of informal politics is critical in post-disaster analyses. Third, the concept of intersectionality can extend and improve upon prevailing approaches to social inequality in disaster recovery. Fourth, ethnographic research is valuable for understanding everyday networks, informal politics, and change in South Asia. Collectively, these findings present a human geography of post-tsunami livelihoods in Sri Lanka, where networks, politics, and inequalities, which form an essential part of everyday livelihoods, have been reproduced in disaster recovery. The thesis constitutes a means of offering expertise in the sphere of development practice, highlighting internal differentiation in access to aid as a key issue that needs to be identified and systematically addressed by policymakers and practitioners.
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(12691885), Shaikhul Md Islam. "Governmentality and corruption in Bangladesh: An analysis of strategic power." Thesis, 2003. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/Governmentality_and_corruption_in_Bangladesh_An_analysis_of_strategic_power/19930274.
Full textAbstract:
Until now corruption studies have been dominated by structuralism and Marxism, which define corruption as the 'abuse of public power' for private gain. This form of analysis is primarily concerned with the causal factors, that is, how public officials abuse law and public power to achieve a private gain in the form of bribery or kickbacks. While an analysis of abuse of public power is crucial in understanding how corruption is produced, the conventional analysis of corruption overlooks two important points. First, it does not view power as a contested concept and that there is no single version of power. Second, production of corruption is seen as proportional to the abuse of public power or breaking of law. In contrast, this thesis argues that corruption could crop up through the legitimate means of power. This form of power, which is conceptualised as a strategic form of power in Foucauldian literature is implicated in governmentality. The term corruption is used here in a broader sense than the conventional studies. It refers to activities that grossly violate the public gain objective of the government.
Foucault's concept of governmentality, which provides the theoretical framework of this study, signifies governance that is the ways a government govern things. It involves a combination of various institutions, authorities, knowledge, and expertise to problematise and address a situation of governance by constructing policies, plans and laws. Drawing on Foucault's concept of strategic power that identifies power as productive, ascending, intentional and non -subjective in relation to governmentality, this study shows that it is possible for a government to provide protection, security, financial benefits to some privileged private citizens by ignoring the public gain objective of the government.
Accordingly two cases of governmentality with reference to two particular legislations in Bangladesh known as the Indemnity Ordinance/ Act of 1975/1979 and the Father of Nation's Family Members Security Act of 2001 provide the empirical and discursive evidence of corruption for this study. Two Foucauldian methodologies, archaeology and genealogy, are used while genealogical analysis plays the prominent role.An analysis of governmentality demonstrates how strategic power has been used to construct laws for governing purpose in Bangladesh at least twice over the last twenty six years (1975-2001) implicating private gains for some citizens. From the evidences of the above two laws, this thesis shows that laws as governmentality in Bangladesh can also be seen as possible breeding grounds of corruption.
The study concludes that although the Indemnity Ordinance/Act 1975/1979 and the Father of Nation's Family Members Security Act 2001 do not show any bribery or kickbacks type of private gain, they do exhibit a subtle form of corruption within the legal boundaries of societies. That is, these two laws were constructed to achieve private gain for some private citizens of Bangladesh by undermining the vision of the Constitution of Bangladesh, which underscores and guarantees equity and social justice for all citizens of Bangladesh.
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Chen, Yen-hao, and 陳彥豪. "A Study on the Relationships among Asia-Pacific Government Bond Markets." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/40122503387161756202.
Full textAbstract:
碩士南華大學
財務管理研究所
92
This article bases on portfolio theory to investigate the relationships of government bond markets among Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, Australia and Thailand. As the 1997 Asia Financial Crisis, we separate research period into two parts to understand how it affects. The research periods used in this study are from September 1993 to September 2003. We use cointegration, VAR and VECM model, Granger causality test, impulse response and variance decomposition techniques to analyze, and obtain the results as following: First, there are long cointegration trends among the five Asia-Pacific markets after 1997 Financial Crisis. Second, VAR and VECM reveal that Japan occupied the leader position in Asia-Pacific region before Financial Crisis while there is one-way effect from Japan to Taiwan after Crisis. There are short-term interactions between Japan and Australia, Korea and Thailand as well. Third, the result of Granger causality test shows that the lead-lag relationships among five countries after Financial Crisis become significantly stronger than before. Fourth, the effects of impulse response among four markets only show temporary effect before crisis, but then gradually persistent and increase after crisis. The accumulative effects of each market are almost positive. Finally, analysis of variance decomposition detects that Japan has greatest interpretative ability in Asia-Pacific region before Financial Crisis but the interpretative abilities among each bond markets become stronger after crisis. This implies that the occurrence of Asia Financial Crisis makes the relationships among Asia-Pacific government bond markets become closer.
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"The politics of APEC forum, 1989-1995: the case of a "weak" regime." 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889542.
Full textAbstract:
by Wong Tze-Kin.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 191-199).
Abstract also in Chinese.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i
ABSTRACTS --- p.ii
LIST OF TABLES AND DIAGRAM --- p.ix
ABBREVIATIONS --- p.x
Chapter PART ONE: --- APEC AND THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
CHAPTER
Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Background: the First APEC Meeting in 1989 --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Statement --- p.4
Chapter 1.2.1 --- Propositions of Thesis --- p.6
Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.9
Chapter 1.3.1 --- Premises --- p.10
Chapter 1.3.2 --- The Political Economy of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.12
Chapter 1.3.3 --- International Cooperation and the Differentiation between Strong Regimes and Weak Regimes --- p.14
Chapter 1.3.4 --- "Functions of Regimes: Information, Institutional Nesting and Cross Issues-Linkage" --- p.16
Chapter 1.4 --- Sources of Materials and Organization of the Study --- p.20
Chapter II. --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.22
Chapter 2.1 --- Concepts of Globalization and Regionalization --- p.22
Chapter 2.2 --- Theories of Cooperation Among States --- p.25
Chapter 2.2.1 --- Realist Theories --- p.25
Chapter 2.2.2 --- Neo-Liberal Institutional ism --- p.27
Chapter 2.2.3 --- Remarks --- p.32
Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of APEC --- p.33
Chapter 2.3.1 --- Objectives of APEC --- p.33
Chapter 2.3.2 --- Constraints on APEC --- p.35
Chapter 2.3.3 --- Theoretical Implications of APEC --- p.37
Chapter 2.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.39
Chapter PART TWO: --- "INTERDEPENDENCE, INDIVIDUAL VISIONS AND THE BIRTH OF APEC"
Chapter III. --- THE CREATION OF APEC AND INCENTIVES OF ORIGINAL PLAYERS --- p.40
Chapter 3.1 --- Interdependence and the Development of Non-governmental Organizations in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.40
Chapter 3.1.1 --- Historical Development of Non-governmental Organizations --- p.41
Chapter 3.1.2 --- Problems of Economic Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region --- p.43
Chapter 3.2 --- Interests of Founding Members in the Formation of APEC --- p.46
Chapter 3.2.1 --- Australia: an Endeavor from a Middle-Power --- p.46
Chapter 3.2.2 --- Japan: Easing Trade Tensions and Sustaining Growth Momentum --- p.48
Chapter 3.2.3 --- The United States: Engagement and Economic Benefits --- p.51
Chapter 3.2.4 --- ASEAN: Changing Environment and Cautious Participation --- p.54
Chapter 3.3 --- Concluding Remarks: Initial Demands on APEC --- p.57
Chapter PART THREE: --- CHALLENGES OF COOPERATION AND DIVERGENT PREFERENCES OF THE MEMBERS
Chapter IV. --- FORMATION OF REGIONAL GROUPS AND POLITICO-STRATEGIC INTERDEPENDENCE --- p.60
Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.60
Chapter 4.2 --- "The Participation of China, Taiwan and Hong Kong" --- p.61
Chapter 4.3 --- The East Asia Economic Caucus (EAEC): Dividing the Asia-Pacific? --- p.66
Chapter 4.3.1 --- "Malaysia's Proposal for an ""Asian-only"" Core" --- p.67
Chapter 4.3.2 --- Responses of Major Actors --- p.69
Chapter 4.3.3 --- Nesting of Issues and the Importance of U.S. Engagement --- p.76
Chapter 4.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.79
Chapter V. --- THE INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF APEC AND THE PROVISION OF INFORMATION --- p.82
Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.82
Chapter 5.2 --- Structure of APEC and Facilitation of Communication --- p.83
Chapter 5.2.1 --- Meetings and Working Groups --- p.84
Chapter 5.2.2 --- The APEC Secretariat --- p.85
Chapter 5.2.3 --- Advisory and Research Bodies --- p.86
Chapter 5.2.4 --- The Regime Function of APEC: Provision of Information --- p.88
Chapter 5.3 --- Controversies in the Institutional Development of APEC --- p.90
Chapter 5.3.1 --- Nature of APEC: Consultative Forum vs. Negotiating Forum --- p.91
Chapter 5.3.2 --- Decision-making Process in APEC: a Case Study of the Indonesian Meeting --- p.94
Chapter 5.4 --- Concluding Remarks: the Choice of APEC Model --- p.97
Chapter VI. --- POLITICS OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION: VISION AND TIME-FRAME --- p.102
Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.102
Chapter 6.2 --- The Initial Thrust of the First EPG Report (1993) --- p.103
Chapter 6.2.1 --- Open-Regionalism: From PECC to APEC --- p.104
Chapter 6.3 --- The Turning Point of APEC: the 1994 Bogor Declaration of Common Resolve --- p.106
Chapter 6.3.1 --- The Second EPG Report --- p.107
Chapter 6.3.2 --- Reactions and Considerations of Major APEC Members --- p.107
Chapter 6.3.3 --- Implications of the Trade Liberalization Program --- p.117
Chapter 6.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.121
Chapter VII. --- POLITICS OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION: IMPLEMENTATION --- p.123
Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.123
Chapter 7.2 --- Non-Discrimination --- p.125
Chapter 7.3 --- Comprehensiveness --- p.130
Chapter 7.4 --- Comparability --- p.135
Chapter 7.5 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.139
Chapter VIII. --- CONCLUSION --- p.142
Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.142
Chapter 8.2 --- Findings --- p.144
Chapter 8.2.1 --- Values of APEC to Developed Economies --- p.148
Chapter 8.2.2 --- Values of APEC to Developing Economies --- p.150
Chapter 8.2.3 --- Theoretical Functions Performed by APEC --- p.152
Chapter 8.3 --- A Theoretical Discussion on APEC --- p.155
Chapter 8.3.1 --- "The Significance of ""Open Regionalism""" --- p.155
Chapter 8.3.2 --- Theories of International Regimes --- p.157
Chapter 8.4 --- "Limitations of this Thesis and Some Reflections from the ""Asian Financial Turbulence""" --- p.159
APPENDICES
Chapter a. --- "A Brief Chronology of Related Events, 1989-1995" --- p.162
Chapter b. --- The Structure of APEC (1995) --- p.165
Chapter c. --- Seoul APEC Declaration --- p.166
Chapter d. --- Guide to the Osaka Action Agenda --- p.169
NOTES --- p.170
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.191
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TSAI, HSIN-HUA, and 蔡欣樺. "The Impact of Government Governance on Defense Budget─Evidence from Asia-Pacific Countries." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zveqqe.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國防大學
財務管理學系
105
Even thought economic and trade cooperation makes the world peace superficially, but the current international situation is not completely calm. Especially in the Asia-Pacific region, it is an important strategic position and the most important economic markets for our country. But types of threats occurr frequently, the regional conflict is imminent. Even governments considerate the coordination concept of the common defense policy, but defense forces play a major role in every national security and is the cornerstone of economic development. In recent years, defense budget of our country is facing difficulties. Therefore, it is still important to understand the factors influencing the defense budget. In the past, the research on defense budget mainly focused on the exploration of external environment factors, and lack of Government Governance. However, the structure of government governance influences the allocation of government budget. This study discusses the impact of Government Governance on defense budget by using Panel Regression Analysis. The sample covers 16 countries in the Asia-Pacific region for the period 2002 to 2015. The results show that "Voice and Accountability ", " Regulatory Quality " and " Control of Corruption " have a significant positive impact on defense budgets, but " Political Stability " and "Government Effectiveness " has a significant negative impact. This study not only provide a new insight for the relevant authorities, as a reference for the implementation of the policy, but also rich the insufficiency of quantitative research in the literature. And through the comparative analysis with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, it put forward the proposal to our country to break through the difficulties for defense budget applation.
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Corbett, Jack. "Practising politics in the Pacific islands : insider perspectives." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149846.
Full textAbstract:
Politicians are influential yet contentious figures whose daily activities are the subject of considerable speculation and intrigue, and whose motivations are often denigrated as morally questionable, if not reprehensible. While conjecture about the value of politicians has an easy resonance with democratic politics everywhere, it has particular significance in the Pacific Islands where the influence of institutional transfer and the precepts of development tend to cast political practice, and by extension the politicians who undertake the job, as having been corrupted or diverted from their ideal purpose. Largely missing from these accounts are the views and reflections of politicians themselves, their stories and experiences. In this thesis I seek to understand political life in the Pacific Islands from a politician-centred perspective. Through an examination of recorded life histories and other publically available sources, in-depth interviews and observation, I draw together a collective portrait that describes how politicians enter politics, how they see their work, including their triumphs and disappointments, and explores why they seek election, and why they ultimately leave. What emerges from this portrait is a picture of a group of people undertaking a job that is both functional and intrinsically meaningful. I argue that popular negativity directed at politicians in the Pacific Islands stems from the distinctive nature of post-independence which generates unfavourable comparisons between contemporary politicians and a valorised first generation of political leaders; and pejorative comparisons between the practice of politics in the Pacific and ideal leadership models, including 'professionalised' politicians and more recently 'mobilising' or 'developmental' leaders. More generally, I argue that attempts to define the value of politicians in political theory tend to focus heavily on the figure of the politician, rather than the people themselves, and by extension dehumanise political practice and devalue the importance of endeavour to the purpose and function of politics and its associated institutions. Building on the findings of similar politician-centred studies from elsewhere, I conclude that revaluing endeavour, defined by the willingness of politicians to be involved, deepens our understanding of political life and allows us to reclaim respect for the people who occupy public office. - provided by Candidate.
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Fisher, Denise. "France in the South Pacific : power and politics." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151549.
Full textAbstract:
France through its three Pacific entities is a resident sovereign neighbour in Australia's region. It has been a benign influence in recent years, with strategic benefits for Australia and the region. But this has not always been the case, and its accepted future presence may not be assumed. This thesis analyses France's history in the region to derive indicators for its future policies and regional security, at a time of global change. France has earned a Pacific presence over more than four hundred years. Part I reviews its early history and motivations, which included a spirit of inquiry, internecine rivalry, national prestige and assertion of power, broadening to protection of its civil, missionary and convict populations. Economic considerations were secondary. New Caledonia's role in the American-led Pacific victory in World War II and the establislnnent of nuclear testing in French Polynesia enhanced the significance of the Pacific territories for France's national identity and strategic interests. These factors also catalysed the territories' demands for independence. Generous French financial and political inputs were accompanied by fitful and ambiguous responses. By the 1980s, France had left a poor legacy over Vanuatu's independence, unmet Kanak decolonization demands in New Caledonia had degenerated into civil war, and nuclear testing was increasingly opposed by new Pacific island states. Cosmetic efforts to counter regional opposition failed, undermined by France's bombing of an anti-nuclear vessel in New Zealand. By the end of the 1990s France was obliged to cease its nuclear testing and negotiate the Matignon/Noumea Accords deferring decisions about New Caledonia's status. Part II addresses France's recent management of its entities' demands for more autonomy and independence, and its efforts to engage in the wider region, albeit as an outside power. Its record is mixed, and unfinished, as New Caledonia will vote on its future status after 2014. France has made impressive economic and political investments in its territories and the region. But it has resisted on matters fundamental to pro-independence forces. In New Caledonia, France has been slow to resolve differences over defining electorates, has encouraged French immigration to dilute indigenous numbers, has obfuscated ethnic censuses, has sought to pre-empt agreements on deferred defence and currency questions, and has been unclear about future immigration and mining responsibilities, while scheduled handovers and economic rebalancing have slipped. In French Polynesia, France has shown a lack of tolerance for a pro-independence elected majority. Part III argues that France wants to retain sovereignty over its Pacific collectivities to enhance its international weight and for new economic reasons, as the world's second largest maritime nation through its Pacific coastlines, and given New Caledonia's nickel and hydrocarbon potential. Its ability to achieve this with regional acceptance will depend largely on peaceful democratic outcomes in its territories, particularly New Caledonia. Such outcomes are not assured. Some options for the future are identified.
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Lu, Meng-ling, and 盧孟伶. "The Relationship between Government Expenditure and Economic Growth: Evidence from 16 Countries in Asia-Pacific." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/82229916242902678290.
Full textAbstract:
碩士逢甲大學
財稅所
98
This paper examines the relationship between economic growth and government expenditure using panel data of 16 countries in Asia Pacific Region. The 16 countries are classified as “Developing Countries” group and “Developed Countries” group according to the Human Development Index over the 1970 to 2007 period. The variables in the models include real GDP and real total government expenditure. Panel unit root tests, panel cointegration tests, panel vector autoregression (PVAR) / panel error correction model (PECM) models, and Granger causality test are adopted in this study. The result of PVAR and Granger causality indicates that the relationship between economic growth and government expenditure is different for the developed countries and developing countries. For the “Developed Countries” group, there is a bi-directional relationship between real GDP and the government expenditure, the government expenditure has a positive effect on real GDP, but the real GDP with different lags have different effects to government expenditure in both positive and negative ways. However, for the “Developing Countries” group, there is a uni-directional relationship, real GDP has a positive effect on government expenditure. In fact, for the developed group a decline in the government expenditure with increased economic development in observed.