Relevant bibliographies by topics / Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific

Academic literature on the topic 'Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 19 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Kim, Dongwook, and Chonghyun Choi. "Civil Society and Labour Rights Protection in Asia and the Pacific." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202093189.

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Why do some national governments in Asia and the Pacific protect labour rights better in practice than others? This article argues that labour rights are better protected in Asia-Pacific countries where civil society organizations participate more intensively in the government's policy-making process. It goes beyond treating regime type in the aggregate and demonstrates that the associational dimension of regime type plays a critical role in shaping government protection of labour rights in Asia and the Pacific. Multivariate longitudinal analyses of all 30 Asia-Pacific countries from 1981 to 2011 find robust support for the theory, using new data on civil society participation, and controlling for electoral democracy, trade openness, economic development, unobserved country-level heterogeneity, and other factors.
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Wescott, Clay G. "E‐Government in the Asia‐pacific region." Asian Journal of Political Science 9, no. 2 (December 2001): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185370108434189.

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Ushiyama, Rin. "‘Comfort women must fall’? Japanese governmental responses to ‘comfort women’ statues around the world." Memory Studies 14, no. 6 (December 2021): 1255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211054308.

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This article examines Japanese governmental responses to memorial statues dedicated to ‘comfort women’ – women across the Asia-Pacific whom the Japanese military forced into conditions now recognised as sexual slavery before and during World War Two. This article discusses four cases around the world in which Japanese government officials have demanded the removal of comfort women statues: 1) Glendale, California; 2) San Francisco; 3) Manila; and 4) Berlin. The global expansion of comfort women memorialisation is significant to contemporary statue politics and crises of memory in three ways. Firstly, East Asian diasporas have become important actors in the remembrance of Japanese colonialism and the Asia-Pacific War outside East Asia. Secondly, these statues constitute attempts by diasporas to recover and reclaim a traumatic past through material culture. Thirdly, despite the global geographical reach of comfort women memory activism, neither nationalism nor the power of the nation-state have declined in today’s transnational world.
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Ito, Go. "Redefining Security Roles: Japan's Response to the September 11 Terrorism." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (February 2002): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000076x.

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This paper examines Japan's security policy after the September 11 terrorism, arguing that its response has been part of a larger process of redefining its security role in the Asia-Pacific region for the last decade. The passage of the 1992 Peacekeeping Law and the 1999 US-Japan security guidelines were an important part of the drastic changes. The paper also discusses the Japanese government's response to the September 11 terrorism, looking into the question of how the government sought to maintain a balance between military contributions to US-Japan security alliance and the restriction on the “threat and use of force” prescribed in the Constitution. Japan's recent pro-activeness toward Asia and entry into regional politics is also examined. The paper concludes by arguing that the combination of continued Japan's security relationship with the US and its strenuous efforts to enter Asian regional politics will be the first step toward real “normalcy” of Japan.
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Takeda, Okiyoshi. "A Forgotten Minority? A Content Analysis of Asian Pacific Americans in Introductory American Government Textbooks." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 03 (June 19, 2015): 430–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000190.

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ABSTRACTTextbooks are the most important pedagogical tools in higher education and they should convey sufficient and accurate information on minority groups and women in the United States. Yet textbooks tend to marginalize these groups in their depictions. This article examines the coverage of Asian Pacific Americans in twenty-eight American Government or Politics textbooks. Asian Pacific Americans have faced a unique history of exclusion, discrimination, and stereotyping. The content analysis of the textbooks reveals that textbooks do not fully cover their history and contributions to US politics, either measured by page numbers or by historical events and figures important to Asian Pacific Americans. To rectify this lack of coverage, this article concludes with five constructive recommendations, including an option to invite scholars on Asian Pacific American politics to serve as textbook reviewers and textbook coauthors.
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Labrecque, Charles-Louis, and Scott Harrison. "Canadian provinces and foreign policy in Asia." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018791583.

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Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada’s foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the “other diplomacies” of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces’ international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada’s foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada–Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces’ international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada’s foreign policy in the region.
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Kaya, Halil Dincer. "The Regional Impacts of the Asian Crisis on Governance." Studies in Business and Economics 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2018-0007.

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AbstractIn this study, we examine the regional impacts of the 1997 Asian Crisis on Governance. We use World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (i.e. WGI) which includes six dimensions of governance. These six dimensions are “Voice and Accountability”, “Political Stability and Absence of Violence”, “Government Effectiveness”, “Regulatory Quality”, “Rule of Law”, and “Control of Corruption”. The seven regions that we examine are North America, Europe and Central Asia, Latin America and Caribbean, East Asia and Pacific, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Middle East and North Africa. Our findings show that, due to the crisis, while the overall rankings of Latin America and Caribbean, and Sub-Saharan Africa improved, the overall rankings of Europe and Central Asia, East Asia and Pacific, South Asia, and Middle East and North Africa declined. There was no change in the ranking of North America due to the crisis. Both pre- and post-crisis, North America has the highest ranking in all six measures of governance.
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HSIAO, HSIN-HUANG MICHAEL, PO-SAN WAN, and TIMOTHY KA-YING WONG. "Globalization and Public Attitudes towards the State in the Asia-Pacific Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990999017x.

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AbstractGlobalization has led to a redefinition of the functions and roles of the state. Based on data drawn from a cross-national social survey, this article examines the influences of globalization on the public's attitudes towards their state in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, by focusing on satisfaction with government performance and demands on the government. The six countries differ extensively in their sociopolitical and technological situations, as well as in the experiences of their people with globalization in terms of the following aspects: connectivity with the world through personal ties and digital means, English language capacity, and support for the forces of globalization. There are also huge disparities in the public rankings of government performance and demands for expanding government spending in a wide range of policy areas. Our analysis reveals that, although both intra- and inter-country variations in the influences of globalization on public attitudes towards the state are not particularly prominent, those who support globalization not only are more inclined than others to be satisfied with the government's performance, but also demand more government intervention.
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Lee, Terence. "Internet Use in Singapore: Politics and Policy Implications." Media International Australia 107, no. 1 (May 2003): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310700109.

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As one of the most networked societies in the Asia-Pacific region, Singapore commands a high degree of attention in the information and communication (infocomm) sector. However, internet use, along with the politics of internet regulation, in the high-tech city-state has not been sufficiently critiqued. This paper aims to address this ‘lack’ by examining the politics and policy implications of internet regulatory practices in Singapore. It begins by looking at some development in Singapore's infocomm sector, highlighting political responses to key occurrences over the past decade. Taking on board the discourse of auto-regulation — that regulating the internet and new media in Singapore is mostly about ensuring an automatic functioning of power for political expedience and longevity — advanced by this author (Lee, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Lee and Birch, 2000), this paper offers updates and new insights into the normalisation of internet auto-regulation in Singapore. The final section of the paper looks at the fast-developing application of electronic government (e-government) services in Singapore via the national ‘e-citizen’ website. I argue how online extensions of government are really about providing internet users with degrees of structured freedom, while tightening the more permanent and potent strictures of political control.
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PARK, CHONG-MIN. "Public Attitudes toward Government Spending in the Asia-Pacific Region." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990144.

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AbstractThis article describes public attitudes toward government spending in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, the six major economies of the Asia-Pacific region. An analysis of the 2008 AsiaBarometer Survey data shows that ordinary citizens of the sample countries favored increased, rather than reduced, government spending on a wide range of policy programs. It is also found that support for state activism was stronger in former state socialist countries than in market capitalist ones. Although economic interests, symbolic predispositions, and social positions influenced spending preferences to varying degrees, left–right ideology was particularly conspicuous in most countries surveyed. It is evident that the mass publics of the major economies of the Asia-Pacific region did not strongly endorse state contraction or retrenchment, even in the wake of economic globalization and the neoliberal reform movement.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Klintworth, Gary. "New Taiwan, New China : Taiwan's changing role in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151032.

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Muhammad, Muhd Rosydi. "Managing successful e-government implementation : case of E-Syariah in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/88786/.

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Studies of e-government have shown how strategic use of e-government systems helps government agencies to improve public service delivery and gain more efficient governance. The success of this initiative is seen to be dependent upon the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment between the organizational, technological and human-related factors; which ultimately lead to improved delivery of public service. However, very little work has been carried out to understand the issue. This study helps to fill this gap in the important research area by investigating the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of judicial service. This exploratory qualitative research carried out an in-depth case study of the implementation of E-Syariah system within different Syariah Court Offices in a state in Malaysia namely Kelantan. By analyzing the collected data from the case, findings were drawn up in which it confirms the existing literature that government’s key implementation tasks play a significant role in the successful implementation of E-Syariah. New government’s key task emerged from the case data – (i) informing values of ICT, (ii) inculcating inner-connection to Islamic values and (iii) establishing collaborative relationships between government agencies through central coordination approach. An insight into the case uncovers enabling roles of these key implementation tasks for organization – human dimension, human-technology dimension and technology-organization dimension. This study also discusses the implication of improved delivery of judicial service to good governance in light of the following identified attributes; efficiency and effectiveness, transparency and empowerment. In summary, this research extends our theoretical underpinning of the role of government’s key implementation tasks in managing alignment for improved delivery of public service; and provides useful insights for public officials (e.g. top management, policy-makers) in managing e-government implementation.
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Nishiyama, Hidefumi. "Race, biometrics, and security in modern Japan : a history of racial government." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77741/.

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This thesis is an historical study of biopolitical relations between racism and biometric identification in Japan since the late nineteenth century to the present day. Adopting Foucault’s historical method, it challenges progressive accounts of the history of racism and that of biometrics. During the nineteenth century, practices of biometric identification emerged as constitutive of the knowledge of race wherein imperial power relations between superior and inferior races were enabled. Progressive accounts proclaim that colonial practices of biometrics were not scientific but politically intervened, which has since been discredited and replaced by a ‘true’ science of biometrics as individualisation. Contra progressivist claims on postraciality, the thesis concretely historicises the ways in which subjectification and control of race is conducted through the interplay between the epistemic construction of race and the technology of identification in each historical and geographical context. It analyses three modalities of racial government through biometrics in Japan: biometrics as a biological technology of inscribing race during Japanese colonialism; biometrics as a forensic technology of policing former colonial subjects in post-WWII Japan; and contemporary biometrics as an informatic technology of controlling a newly racialised immigrant population. The thesis concludes that despite a series of de-racialising reforms in the twentieth century, biometrics persist as a biopolitical technology of race. Neither racism nor biometrics as a technology of race is receding but they are continuously transforming in a way that a new mechanism of racial government is made possible. Race evolves, it is argued, not in the sense of social Darwinism but because the concept of race itself changes across time and space wherein a new model of racism is empowered. The thesis contributes to existing literature on the biopolitics of security and biometrics by extending the scope of analysis to a non-Western context, explicating historical relations between racism and biometrics, and problematising biometric rationality at the level of racialised mechanism of knowing and controlling (in)security. It also makes contributions to Foucaultian studies by advancing the analysis of biopolitical racism beyond Foucault’s original formulation and by offering a critique of rationality in the field of biometrics.
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Kim, Jiyoung. "The transformation of norms, policies and state identity : the Kim Dae-jung government and the Republic of Korea." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/59474/.

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With the creation of the Sunshine Policy and its outcome on inter-Korean relations, numerous scholars began highlighting the cultural factors of norm and state identity as a means of understanding and explaining changes to the inter-state relations on the Korean peninsula. Previous studies pay attention to the changing character of the military conflict between three states including the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People Republic of Korea and the United States. In following the concepts drawn from the constructivist tradition, this thesis argues that the problem of previous constructivist studies is not inappropriate concepts such as norms and state identity, but the shortage of attention paid to the process of transformation in state identity. Therefore, this thesis draws more attention to constructivist traditions because of their significance when regarding concepts relating to norm and state identity in analysing inter-Korean relations.
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Pongatichat, Panupak. "The alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2601/.

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This research involved an investigation of the alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies. A review of the literature suggested that, although the topic is of great interest and importance, it has been underresearched. The context of the existing studies appears to be based primarily on for-profits/business rather than not-for-profit/public sector domain. Moreover, the existing research is mainly normative lacking supporting empirical evidence. The objectives of this research were to (1) develop greater understanding of performance measurement in the public sector, and (2) provide supporting empirical evidence in place of the normative arguments regarding the alignment between performance measurement and strategy. This research aimed to answer the question, ‘how, in central government agencies, is the alignment between performance measurement and strategy managed?’ This interpretive multiple-case research comprised of the studies of four central government agencies in Thailand. The primary data source was interview data supported by documentation. The interpretational analyses were conducted both at intra-case and inter-case levels. This research found that public officials often regarded, ‘strategy’ as equivalent to ‘policy’ and that these terms were used interchangeably. The research also found that the existing definitions of fundamental performance measurement/management terminologies did not fit comfortably with public sector management owing mainly to their lack of practical perspectives. This research proposed refined terminologies. Additionally, the research found eight advantages of stategy-misaligned performance measurement despite the absence of their recognition in the existing literature. As a result, misalignment could be preferable in some circumstances. However, public managers were under pressure to demonstrate alignment between performance measurement and strategy thus ‘alignment tensions’ occurred in practice. In order to deal with these tensions, three strategies were identified including (1) neglecting the tensions (as in ‘do-nothing strategy’), (2) attempting to realign performance measurement with strategy (as in ‘realigning strategy’), and (3) directing attention from the alignment issue (as in ‘distracting strategy’).
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Peláez, Tortosa Antonio J. "State-society relations and grassroots democracy in rural Vietnam : institutional adaptation and limited gramscian hegemony." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3778/.

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Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.

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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit political factors behind each participant's position.
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Xiao, Yuefan. "The politics of crisis management in China." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/58953/.

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This thesis investigates how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has tactically managed and defused major crises between 2002 and 2008 which put its credibility and legitimacy to the test. Contrary to conventional wisdom that major crises are likely to challenge and threaten regime stability in authoritarian systems or even undermine their viability, this thesis argues that the CCP has managed to sustain its political hegemony to date through the manipulation of these major crises and through the maximum tinkering with the current political system it reigns over. In order to explain why manipulation is the key in the CCP’s successful crisis management, this thesis first develops a critical reassessment of the conception of crisis and elaborates on crisis’s tripartite political utilities. These are (a) shift the dominating paradigm, (b) centralise political power and (c) (re) gain popularity and legitimacy. These altogether form an analytical framework for crisis, which is followed by a chapter that sets the backdrop against which our case studies unfold and explains why the Chinese context is particularly favourable for crisis manipulation. The thesis then proceeds with three case studies: the 2003 SARS epidemic, the 2008 Sichuan earthquake and the Sanlu milk scandal occurred in the same year. The thesis suggests that although the CCP’s responses were not flawless, and not always timely, it managed to manipulate all three crises in its favour via the aforementioned political utilities and subsequently defused these crises. At the same time, its Leninist structure was able to unleash formidable mobilisation capacity to help the regime rapidly bring situations under control. Overall, the CCP’s crisis management efficacy was satisfactory in the short term. Nevertheless, the thesis concludes that despite the short term usefulness of crisis manipulation, in the long term the efficacy of the same strategy as well as the political utility of crisis are decaying, as illustrated in reference to more recent crises that stretched the CCP’s credibility. Therefore, the CCP is in need of embarking on substantive political reform in order to develop an alternative crisis displacement mechanism. This thesis makes an original contribution to the existing literature in the field. It complements the public administration and public management literature by bringing politics back in. It also updates the empirical knowledge base of past studies as well as offering a comparison of crisis responses. This is a timely contribution to the study of Chinese crisis management and to the study of the nature of Chinese politics.
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黃恩平 and Yan-ping Agnes Wong. "The geography of Internet production and consumption in the Asia-Pacific." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35319999.

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Doucet, Marc G. "Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the parallel 'people's summits': Theorizing the political and democracy in international theory." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ57036.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Crump, Thomas. Asia-Pacific. London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007.

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Langford, John W. Politics and government in Asia Pacific nations. 2nd ed. Victoria, B. C: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1987.

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Zhang, Yumei. Pacific Asia. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

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Politics in Pacific Asia: An introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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A, Maidment R., Goldblatt David, and Mitchell Jeremy, eds. Governance in the Asia-Pacific. London: Routledge in association with the Open University, 1998.

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Hassall, Graham. Asia-Pacific constitutional systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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T, Tow William, ed. Security politics in the Asia-Pacific. Cambridge: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Media and politics in Pacific Asia. London: Routledge, 2002.

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1935-, Hsiung James Chieh, ed. Asia Pacific in the new world politics. Boulder, Colo: L. Rienner, 1993.

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Remy, Davison, and Dosch Jörn, eds. The new global politics of the Asia-Pacific. New York: Routledge, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Huang, Xiaoming, and Jason Young. "Organization of government." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 100–124. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46650-1_5.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "Government, legislatures and judiciaries." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 60–83. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_4.

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Im, Tobin. "Bureaucratic Power and Government Competitiveness." In The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific, 55–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-01098-4_4.

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Hattori, Ryuji. "Transition to the World of Politics: Chief Cabinet Secretary in the Ikeda Government." In Japan and the Origins of the Asia-Pacific Order, 17–26. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1902-2_3.

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Hattori, Ryuji. "Transition to the World of Politics: Chief Cabinet Secretary in the Ikeda Government." In Japan and the Origins of the Asia-Pacific Order, 17–26. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1902-2_3.

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Singh, Amita. "Information Technology and the Role of Government in Australia: Political Ideology and Discourse in the “Asian Century”." In A Critical Impulse to e-Governance in the Asia Pacific, 129–51. New Delhi: Springer India, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-1632-2_5.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "The politics of bureaucracy." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 84–103. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_5.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "Introduction." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 1–8. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_1.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "Modernization and democracy: is there an Asian way?" In Politics in Pacific Asia, 206–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_10.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "Globalization, regionalism and the myth of the Asian century." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 231–54. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Ho Schar, Cathi, and Daniel S. Friedman. "The Politics of Repair in a Postcolonial Context: A Minor Case Study." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.51.

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The University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa is the flagship campus for the country’s most remote and westernmost state. It lies over two thousand nautical miles from the nearest continent, roughly in the center of the Pacific Ocean, the largest division of the world hydrosphere. Until 1893, Hawai’i was a sovereign kingdom. In 1959, the U.S. government annexed Hawaiʻi as the last and newest of its fifty states. This vivid context—Pacific, Asian, Hawaiian, American, postcolonial—constitutes both a geographical and cultural orientation. In view of these numerous, vivid conditions, our paper offers a single case study based on small projects underway at Mānoa, where the senior leadership of the university invited the newly established University of Hawai‘i Community Design Center to address the chronic disrepair of campus buildings and public spaces through low-cost, high-impact design interventions. The aim of these interventions is to improve perceived qualities of public space and campus character, which have suffered under the weight of the university’s half-billion dollar deferred maintenance backlog.
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"SPEECHES BY HEADS OF GOVERNMENT." In 1st Asia-Pacific Water Summit. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812833280_0004.

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Leamon, G. "Emission Reductions, CCS Standards, Trust, Politics, and Economics." In EAGE Asia Pacific Workshop on CO2 Geological Storage. European Association of Geoscientists & Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/2214-4609.202275033.

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Liu, Chang, Xuan Liu, Xiaohong Li, Wenyan Liu, Changyan Yan, and Qing Li. "Open Government Data: The German Government is Moving." In Asia-Pacific Social Science and Modern Education Conference (SSME 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ssme-18.2018.22.

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Patterson, J. E. "The effect of government industry policies microwave industry." In 1992 Asia-Pacific Microwave Conference. IEEE, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/apmc.1992.672092.

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Mahmood, Farez, Wan Adilah Wan Adnan, Nor Laila Md Noor, Fauzi Mohd Saman, and Zan Azma Nasruddin. "User Perception Towards Cultural-Based E-Government Portal Design." In the 2019 Asia Pacific Information Technology Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3314527.3314539.

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Wang, Xinggang, Xiaosong Wang, Mingdan Han, Fang Fang, Chuang Hu, and Lang Huang. "Research on the Reform of Classroom Ideology and Politics Construction." In IPEC 2021: 2021 2nd Asia-Pacific Conference on Image Processing, Electronics and Computers. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3452446.3452623.

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Sukhbaatar, Sc B., and U. Odgerel. "A Study on e-Government Policy in Mongolia." In 6th Asia-Pacific Symposium on Information and Telecommunication Techniques. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/apsitt.2005.203666.

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Jemel, Meriam, Nadia Ben Azzouna, and Khaled Ghedira. "Towards a Dynamic Access Control Model for E-Government Web Services." In 2010 Asia-Pacific Services Computing Conference (APSCC). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/apscc.2010.17.

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Amri, Imam Ulil, and Dyah Setyaningrum. "Audit Quality in Government Audit: Public Accountant Firm vs. Government Auditors in Indonesia." In Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities Universitas Indonesia Conference (APRISH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210531.055.

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Reports on the topic "Government and politics of Asia and the Pacific"

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Abell, Thomas, Husar Arndt, and May-Ann Lim. Cloud Computing as a Key Enabler for Digital Government across Asia and the Pacific. Asian Development Bank, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps210196-2.

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Governments are responding to rapid change and growing demands by citizens and businesses by accelerating the digitalization of public services. They are updating their e-government capabilities, adding new digital tools and services, augmenting their data analytics capabilities, and putting in place digital economy development plans. Many of these changes are enabled by cloud computing technologies that have become commonplace in the digitally connected world. The rapidly scalable computing resources that cloud computing delivers via the internet bring cost benefits, improve agility, ensure resilience, and provide access to the latest solutions that digital technology can offer.
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2

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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3

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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4

Tokoro, Yasuhiro, and Virginia Leticia Valdivia Caballero. Working Paper PUEAA No. 9. The trade policy of the United States, and the current situation and a perspective of the CPTPP (TPP-11). Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre Asia y África, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/pueaa.007r.2022.

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The CPTPP allows economies and countries in other regions to formally incorporate trade flows with the Asia-Pacific and Pacific Rim, as well as boost trade with countries in these regions. The TPP was signed by 12 countries in February 2016 and on December 9 of the same year the Japanese government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe approved the TPP by a majority in the House of Representatives. However, in January 2017, Trump, as the new President of the United States, officially declared the withdrawal of the United States from the TPP to fulfill one of his election promises. In the end, Trump's decision to withdraw the United States from the TPP has done nothing but exclude the United States from strengthening its trade ties with the Pacific Rim, while establishing the new 21st century rules for multilateral trade. In this context, this paper focuses on the study of two axes: the process and strategy of U.S. trade policy, and the current situation and a perspective of the TPP 11.
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Digital Technologies for Government-Supported Health Insurance Systems in Asia and the Pacific:. Manila, Philippines: Asian Development Bank, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/tcs210526.

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Japan Fund for Prosperous and Resilient Asia and the Pacific User Guide. Asian Development Bank, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/tim220246-2.

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This guide is designed to help Japan Fund for Prosperous and Resilient Asia and the Pacific (JFPR) clients develop proposals in accordance with JFPR requirements. JFPR is a partnership between the Government of Japan and ADB that helps people move above the poverty threshold and toward sustainable prosperity and resilience. The guide illustrates the requirements stipulated in the JFPR Implementation Guidelines. It provides best practices, examples, tips, and suggestions to help JFPR users and clients tailor proposals to the fund’s requirements to ensure smooth project processing and efficient implementation.
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