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Farmer, E. M. "Plutarco Elías Calles and the revolutionary government in Sonora, Mexico, 1915-1919." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598937.
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This dissertation addresses Plutarco Elías Calles's government in the Mexican state of Sonora between 1915 and 1919, the years immediately following the period of most intense armed conflict in the Mexican revolution. Calles, the most astute and influential politician to emerge from the revolutionary struggle as well as the founder of the modern Mexican state, has been the most conspicuously ignored figure in the extensive historiography on the revolution. Until very recently it was generally accepted that Calles's political development began with his appointment in 1920 as Obregón's interior minister, and that from this office and later as president he pioneered corporatistic programs of agrarian reform and labour organization. Furthermore, revisionist historians have long characterized Calles as the principal influence in the betrayal of the supposedly more 'radical' and 'revolutionary' movements led by Villa and Zapata, who represented popular aspirations and a nationalistic response towards foreign capital finally redeemed by President Cárdenas in the late 1930s. My research, which in a narrative sense complements the wellknown work of the Mexican historian Héctor Aguilar Camín, suggests that the half decade of the callista state government in Sonora had a direct and important bearing on the future character of Mexican government and politics. Indeed, I have found Calles's governorship in Sonora to be a dry run for policies later implemented nationally. Calles pursued a programme which included the expansion of the public education system, substantial, often militarized agrarian reform, advanced labour reforms and the promotion of unions linked to the government, and the successful submission of large American firms to Mexican law; he expelled the Catholic clergy from the state and enforced the prohibition of alcohol and gambling.
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Fitzgerald, Patrick 1944. "Lost horizons : the British government and civil aviation between the wars, 1919-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22586.
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In the inter-war period Great Britain lost its pre-eminence in aviation. The new industries centered on civil aviation were not appropriately nurtured. The roots of this decline were in policies struck for military considerations in the pre 1914 period. The emergent institution of the war, the Air Ministry, continued the military priority. Civil Aviation was controlled by an essentially military institution. In the immediate post-war period airline development was inadequately subsidized. The government's chosen instrument, Imperial Airways, failed to nurture civil aviation development. Emergent national aspirations within the Empire and hostile and indifferent governments without frustrated airline route growth. Equally hampered by poor government stewardship was the manufacturing aspect of aviation.
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Ramstad, David P. "Oppression, Manifesting from a Government Mission of Positive Social Change." ScholarWorks, 2016. http://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1919.
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Government social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service's Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce's 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw's 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design's hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset's separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota's Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman's rho and Cohen's standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of program residents. Implications for positive social change hinge on the realization that social interventions may not be entirely anti-oppressive. In such cases, these conclusions should lead policymakers to change or replace programs so that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances.
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Whidden, James Neil. "The Egyptian revolution : politics and the Egyptian nation 1919-1926." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298207.
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Nagashima, Takeshi. "Arthur Newsholme and English public health administration 1888-1919." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366211.
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England came to have a nation-wide administrative system for public health in the 1870s. It consisted of the local councils which were designated as sanitary authorities and the Local Government Board (LGB) as the central department. This thesis explores how public health reform was pursued under this administrative system, by tracing the career of Arthur Newsholme (1857-1943), who served as Medical Officer of Health (MOH) for Brighton, 1888-1908, and as Medical Officer to the LGB, 1908-19. The main aim of the thesis is to examine the activities in which Newsholme was involved and his views, in order to consider the development of public health activities, or state medicine, in relation to the traditional notions of government and society in England, that underlay the administrative system such as 'minimal government', , local self-government' or 'voluntarism'. The first half of the thesis deals with public health reform in Brighton during Newsholme's years of office as local MOH. Particular attention is paid to how the scope of public health administration was decided through interactions between the MOH and the local council as a representative body of the community, and to how voluntary efforts were involved in its extension. The second half deals with Newsholme's administrative ideas and activities in the process of, and after, becoming the country's leading health official. By the time of his assumption of office at the LGB, Newsholme envisaged a comprehensive state medical service as the ultimate medical ideal. The thesis examines how he tried to pursue this ideal by means of reconciling it with traditional ideas of government. Special attention is paid to Newsholme's difference from his fellow reformers such as the Webbs and George Newman, particularly in respect of their recognition of the framework of centralllocal relations that underlay the administrative system, and concerning how reforms should or could be proceeded with by means of central bureaucratic initiatives.
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Ratz, D. (David). "The Canadian image of Finland, 1919–1948:Canadian government perceptions and foreign policy." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2018. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526220338.
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Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada’s national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actionsTiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja
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Paterson, David W. (David William). "Loyalty, Ontario and the First World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65476.
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Chakraborty, Diganta. "Forest policy of the colonial government: a case study in two Districts of North Bengal (1835-1919)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1076.
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Moëd, Madeleine. "The political department and the retraction of paramountcy in India 1935-1947." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001855.
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The Political Department and the Indian Political Service stand accused of sins of omission and commission. The evidence suggests that they were badly hampered by ill-conceived training prodecures, a lack of manpower and above all the incoherent policy of the British government towards the Indian states. The failure of the 1935 Federation Act which formally established the Political Department was not due to princely intransigence inspired by political officers. Between 1935 and 1947 the Political Department embarked on a vigorous programme of combining the resources of the smaller states to strengthen them as viable partners in a new India. Their lack of success in effecting the federation of the states with India in 1947 was not a result of the disinclination of political officers to implement reform as much as their inability to do so. Many princes were also unwilling to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty for efficient government and paramountcy precluded forcing internal reform on the princes. Paramountcy was never clearly defined and thus its retraction in 1947 took place amidst confusion and misunderstanding on all sides. The Indian Political Service was always treated as secondary to the Indian Civil Service and the states to British India. Britain's emphasis on constitutional change in British India, reflected in the Cripps Mission of 1942, the Cabinet Mission of 1946 and the rush towards independence in 1947 resulted in her inattention to the Political Department and the princes which culminated in the abandonment of both in 1947.
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Flores, Norma Lisa. "When Fear is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1350932743.
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Goss, S. "Local Labour and local government : A study of changing interests, politics, and policy in Southwark 1919-1982." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380528.
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Burgess, Jasen Lewis School of History UNSW. "The origins of the banlieue rouge: politics, local government and communal identity in Arcueil and Cachan, 1919-1958." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23345.
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By elucidating the origins of the banlieue rouge, a belt of communist-dominated suburbs surrounding Paris that arose during the interwar years and reached its apogee under the Fourth Republic, this thesis addresses the problem of why twentieth-century France was home to a pro-Soviet communist party with mass support. Specifically, a local study of the PCF in Arcueil and Cachan, two neighbouring communes south of Paris with divergent political evolutions since World War I, is used to discern how and why the Parti communiste fran??ais (PCF) came to exert hegemony in the working-class suburbs of Paris. After surveying the historiography of communism in France and beyond, this thesis concludes that the communist banlieue rouge was born of working-class alienation from bourgeois society that was nourished by a communist counter-society that was contingent upon the PCF???s capacity to adapt and respond to local circumstances. Using archival sources and statistical analysis, it demonstrates that in Arcueil and Cachan rapid suburbanisation and an attendant proletarianisation created the pre-conditions for the rise of the PCF. This study finds that during the interwar period the PCF rapidly emerged as an electoral force in both suburbs as it set about laying the foundations of a communist counter-society, especially in Arcueil where it won control of local government in 1935. In Arcueil, the PCF spearheaded the local Resistance movement during World War II and then under the Fourth Republic went on to consolidate a nascent communist communal identity, while in Cachan its influence fell victim to Cold War politics. The pre-conditions for the rise of communism were apparent earlier and to a greater degree in Arcueil, an industrialised, working-class suburb with long-standing radical traditions, than in the traditionally conservative Cachan. In Arcueil, the PCF was more successful than its counterpart in Cachan at exploiting an alienation that was not only part of the deep-seated historical traditions of the French working class but was also part of everyday life f or workers forced to live in miserable conditions. In suburbs such as Arcueil, suburban working-class pride at being a social outcast was conflated with communism to create a durable communist communal identity.
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Sundaram, Chandar S. (Chandar Sekharan). "The Indian National Army : a preliminary study of its formation and campaigns." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63369.
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Mitchell, John A. 1966. "Bolshevik Britain: An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.
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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
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Linge, John. "British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.
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Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.
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Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.
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Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.
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Magee, Francis D. "The British government, the last Weimar governments and the rise of Hitler, 1929 - 1933." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417340.
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Antle, Michael Lee. "Progressivism/Prohibition and War: Texas, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935651/.
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This thesis focuses upon the impact of war upon the progressive movement in Texas during 1914-1918. Chapter I defines progressivism in Texas and presents an overview of the political situation in the state as relating to the period. Chapter II discusses the negative impact that the first two years of World War I had upon the reform movement. Chapter III examines the revival of the Anti-Saloon League and the 1916 Democratic state convention. Chapter IV covers the war between James E. Ferguson and the University of Texas. Chapter V tells how the European war became a catalyst for the reform movement in Texas following America's entry, and its subsequent influence upon the election of 1918. Chapter VI concludes that James E. Ferguson's war with the University of Texas as well as World War I were responsible for the prohibitionist victory in the election of 1918.
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Jampol, Justinian. "Swords, doves, and flags : political symbols and their appropriation in the GDR 1949-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547764.
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Nuttall, Timothy Andrew. "Class, race and nation : African politics in Durban, 1929-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:876d79f4-db97-4efc-8751-18ac01fc38ef.
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The 1930s and 1940s in Durban have been relatively under-researched, and yet these two decades constituted a crucial phase in the city's growth. This thesis concentrates on the political experiences of Africans during the period. The beer hall riots of 1929 and the 'African-Indian' riots of 1949 serve as significant points at which to start and end the thesis. These two flashpoints were very different in nature, and their differences signalled the changes that took place in Durban between the late 1920s and the late 1940s. Yet the riots can also be linked: they both reflected extreme frustration amongst Africans at their exclusion from the resources of the city. The two riots illuminate key issues in African politics, in municipal and state policy, and in the changing structures of Durban society. These comparative findings are based on a detailed study of the period between the two riots. A wide variety of African political experiences in Durban is examined. These fall into four broad categories of political ideology and practice: populism, nationalism, ethnicity and 'workerism'. The narrative begins with the radical anti-municipal populism of 1929-30 and then attempts to explain the politically 'quiet' 1930s. The Second World War brought significant changes, giving rise to a range of important new ideologies and political strategies. The most important developments were in worker organisation and nationalist politics. The struggle for the city was heightened even further in the post-war period. Wide-ranging expressions of urban populism and racial ethnicity set the scene for the 1949 riots. Due to the nature of the evidence collected, much of the thesis concentrates on the roles played by the (largely middle class) political leadership. The analysis portrays African politics as a complex process of 'negotiation', and the historical narrative is informed by theoretical perspectives which integrate 'class' and 'race'.
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Clauss, Michael Eric. "Creating truth : the Committee on Public Information and the growth of government propaganda in the United States /." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12162009-020228/.
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Bergman, Leo. "Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323861.
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This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale.Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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O'Donnell, Cynthia Nelles. "Alberta women in the field, geoscientists in the resource industry, government research, and academia, 1914-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0017/NQ53881.pdf.
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Lewis, Sian. "Local government and film censorship : the control of film exhibition in England and Wales, 1909-1939." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251038.
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Mulcrone, Michael Patrick. "The World War I censorship of the Irish-American press /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6156.
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Snodgrass, Cynthia. "The sounds of Satyagraha : Mahatma Gandhi's use of sung-prayers and ritual." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/555.
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The Sounds of Satyagraha: Gandhi's Use of Sung-Prayers and Ritual M.K. Gandhi's work towards Indian independence was influenced significantly by sung-prayers found in a collection entitled Ashram Bhajanavali, a collection which, in turn, gives fresh insight into the satyagraha movement. Gandhi's employment of sung-prayers, chant, and ritual has, however, gone unrecognized until this time. The Sounds of Satyagraha presents detailed information concerning how formative and how important these sung-prayers were to Gandhi and to the national independence movement. Chapter One sets forth this thesis, along with methodology, historical context, and certain terms defined. Chapter Two consists of a preliminary historical overview of the Ashram Bhajanavali, along with a descriptive summary of the sung-prayer materials found within it. (An analysis of ritual practices presented in Chapters 3 through 5 also provides additional information regarding historical context and development.) This collection of chanted prayers used by the Indian sayagraha community, has sometimes been referred to as a hymnal. However, the collection is much more than what the word "hymnal" might imply, both in the scope of its contents, and in its significance as a tool with which to understand the developments of Gandhi's satyagraha community. Chapters Three, Four, and Five examine in detail how the Ashram Bhajanavali was used in ritual contexts, and how these sung-prayers supported Gandhi and the nation in its work for social change. The ritual theory of Roy Rappaport is utilized to discover the Bhajanavali's sitz im leben. Chapter 3 discusses the use of these sung-prayers in ritual prayer meetings that occurred twice daily. Chapter 4 looks at additional ways in which these songs were used by Gandhi and the satyagraha community to achieve their purposes, as the movement grew into a national initiative. Chapter 5 considers how it is that this sung-prayer repertoire, being specifically sung and chanted (rather than spoken or read), had a significant power for India and appeal for the satyagraha communities. By placing this collection in its historical, social, and ritual contexts, the extent to which these sung-prayers influenced and shaped Gandhi's sayagraha in India becomes clear. Chapter 6 considers the life and work of one spiritual musician, Shri Karunamayee Abrol, who teaches the Ashram Bhajanavali, its melodies and its history. Shri Karunamayee's family were freedom fighters, and, as a child, she sang for Mahatma Gandhi, receiving his blessing. Shri Karunamayee represents a living tradition. Inspired by childhood experiences and her respect for Gandhi, she has a special devotion to this repertoire. As a spiritual musician, she is a "tradition-bearer" of the Ashram Bhajanavali. The chanting of these sung-prayers has been her daily devotional ritual for decades. Her teaching, which stems from both musical knowledge and Æ⁄¿‰ò™ experience, provides additional insight into satyagraha. Chapter Seven concludes with a review of the evidence, illustrating the large extent to which Gandhi was guided by the sung-prayers and principles found in the Ashram Bhajanavali collection. It also consists of reflections in an analysis of the success or failure of satyagraha. Ashram Bhajanavali offers insight into the Indian independence movement, which has not been acknowledged or identified previously. Final reflections place this collection within the on-going East-West dialogue, indicating its continuing importance in the current discussion.
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Brownlie, Robin. "A fatherly eye, two Indian agents on Georgian Bay, 1918-1939." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ27779.pdf.
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Sellick, Patricia. "Responding to children affected by armed conflict : a case study of Save the Children Fund (1919-1999)." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2813.
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Save the Children Fund (SCF) was at its foundation in 1919 a value-driven organization. The values, or guiding principles, of the founding generation are the lens through which I look at the history of SCF, and the associated histories of war and peace, human rights and NGO-state relations. These guiding principles are identified as universalism, utilitarianism and optimistic pacificism. They can be understood as a paradigm to which the social community which made up the founding generation of SCF gave their assent. The first chapter locates the founding generation within the political culture of the anti-war movement. Succeeding chapters detail the metamorphosis of SCIF from a'contentious social movement into a respectable national organization. As soon as the organization adopted a national rather than a universal orientation, the coordinates of all its guiding principles shifted. In particular the optimistic pacificism of the founding generation was replaced by pessimistic defencism. It was not until after the Cold War that SCIF began to realign itself with its original guiding principles. The three guiding principles are found to be of continuing relevance. Universalism has been reasserted as a positive creed leading SCF to seize political opportunities to reach out to children from all sides. The organization has adopted a utilitarian perspective that affirms the dynamic role of young people in generating their own futures. Lastly, the primacy attached to peace by war-affected people has underlined SCFs urgent mission to uphold an optimistic belief in the possibility of peace.
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Cavanagh, Sheila L. "Professionalism as a legislated code of moral conduct the government of the woman teacher in education, Ontario, 1918-1949 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0011/NQ39258.pdf.
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Barros, Filho Roberto Gomides de. "Modelo de hedge para royalties de petróleo aplicado ao setor público subnacional." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/19194.
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In the past few years, several Brazilian subnational governments have developed an extremely high dependency on royalties revenues from the oil and gas exploration, but the financial flow generated by those revenues keep a strong relation with the several market variables like the Brent price, the level of production and the exchange rate. Despite the fact that revenues may oscillate with the market, it is reasonable to assume that Brazilian public expenditures are inflexible in both short and medium term, so the government´s inertia towards market movements may compromise a sound budget policy. This paper intends to propose a hedge strategy for those revenues complying with restrictions imposed by the Brazilian legal framework.
Nos últimos anos, diversos entes subnacionais brasileiros se submeteram a uma forte dependência das receitas oriundas de royalties e participações especiais provenientes da exploração de petróleo e gás natural. Entretanto, como o fluxo financeiro gerado por essas receitas guarda forte relação com o preço do Brent, nível de produção e câmbio, tal fluxo pode sofrer severas oscilações durante o exercício financeiro. Ocorre que, no Brasil, enquanto que as receitas ficam sujeitas à flutuações, as despesas obedecem a uma rigidez, e, nesse sentido, a inércia dos entes públicos perante aos movimentos do mercado pode comprometer a elaboração de um orçamento equilibrado. Dado o exposto, o presente trabalho visa propor uma estratégia de proteção às receitas em questão, observadas as restrições legais impostas aos entes subnacionais.
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Khan, Taj Moharram. "Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.
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This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy
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Loadsman, Gerald Hugh. "Government and the British aircraft industry, 1945-1979." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407947.
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Sondrol, Paul Charles. "Castro's Cuba and Stroessner's Paraguay: A comparison of the totalitarian/authoritarian taxonomy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185284.
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In Latin America, the regimes of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner are indiscriminately posited as representative cases reflecting similarities and differences of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. This work tests the more general typology by studying the contrasting institutions, processes, and styles of the Castro and Stroessner autocracies, habitually labeled totalitarian and authoritarian, respectively. Totalitarianism emerged as an analytic concept as social scientists attempted to understand characteristics of the Hitler and Stalin regimes distinctive from other forms of dictatorship. While authoritarian regimes are generally based on history and tradition, leaving intact existing arrangements regarding wealth, status, church, family, and traditional social behavior, totalitarian regimes aim to revolutionize and politicize society, culture, and personality. They claim jurisdiction over the whole life of the citizenry and obliterate the boundaries between public and private. Despite the corpus applicable to totalitarianism, authoritarianism, and Latin America, few studies exist melding all three topics in a comparative context. Paraguay has long remained outside the mainstream of serious study by political scientists, yet Stroessner's 34-year dictatorship was one of the world's most durable. This research contributes to a better understanding of a nation and regime begging scholarly attention. Stroessner's downfall leaves Castro's Cuba the Western Hemisphere's oldest non-democracy and provokes analysis revealing organizational resemblances common to both regimes. Divergences relate more fully to sui generis social forces, forms of government, and geopolitics. The work analyzes the differences and similarities between Cuba and Paraguay, linking them to the larger typologies by focusing on four distinguishing variables comprising the totalitarian syndrome: (1) the supreme leader; (2) the nature and ideology of the single, official party; (3) the forms and uses of political force in the state control apparatus; and (4) the scope and degree of societal mobilization and mass legitimacy engendered by the regime. The work concludes by considering the policy relevance and utility of these heuristic paradigms.
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Nișanyan, Rehan. "Early years of the Young Turk revolution (1908-1912) as reflected in the life and works of Halide Edib." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22407.
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This thesis studies three novels of the Turkish writer Halide Edib (1884-1964) written between 1908 and 1912, and examines this historical period and her life during it. The thesis deals with the 1908 Constitutional Revolution, the '31 March Incident' and the Turkist movement, as reflected in her novels, as well as independently through secondary sources. The examination of Raik'in Annesi (1980) reveals Edib's ideas on 'ideal womanhood,' morality and divorce. Seviyye Talib (1990) includes her views on the Constitutional Revolution, women's modernisation and the '31 March Incident.' The study of Yeni Turan (1912) reveals much about Turkism, or Turanism, and its political opponent in the novel, Ottomanism. From these novels Edib's main ideas are brought out and examined. Among the recurrent themes analysed are her strong admiration for the Angle-Saxon culture, her understanding of Westernisation, her approach to Islam, and her views on women and family.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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Haunton, Melinda Alison. "Conservatism and society : aspects of government policy, 1924-1929." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272636.
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Mulroe, Patrick. "Irish government security policy along the border 1969-1978." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.685441.
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This research examines the role played by Irish security forces along the border with Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1978. Security policy posed particular problems for the southern state. By cooperating with the RUC and British Army against republicans, there was a risk of re-igniting latent republican sentiment in a state with a nationalist ethos at its core. Meanwhile, the IRA had the expressed aim of taking over the southern state and in many ways presented as great a threat to the southern state as it did to Northern Ireland. The implications of this dilemma are central to the study. There has been consistent criticism of the Irish security response to violence during this period from the media, British security sources and political figures. This remains one of the least researched 'legacy' issues associated with the troubles which this thesis now addresses. Using sources from official archives in Dublin and London, newspaper archives, the reports of official inquiries as well as other published sources the thesis reveals some significant findings. First, the notion that all cross border violence resulted from lax security south of the border is erroneous. Second, considerable new information on cross border security cooperation emerges from the archives, showing that cooperation was better in some parts of the border than others. There is evidence of discrete unofficial cooperation taking place in some areas but not in others. Third, archive material supports the view that successive Irish governments privately favoured such discrete cooperation. FOUlth, there was considerable animosity between republican groups and the Irish security forces. However, action against republicans was not necessarily accompanied by security cooperation with UK forces. Overt cooperation with British security forces risked destabilising the southern state. Chapters follow a consistent pattern of evidence and are structured according to a strict template. They examine first, the nature of political relations within the Republic of Ireland and with its neighbour; second, the state of the Irish security forces; and third, the general security situation along the border. By examining the political background the thesis demonstrates that the Irish state was essentially "weak" in socio political terms and placed primary emphasis on domestic security. The state was also weak in material terms with the Gardai and Irish Army both poorly organised and equipped. The security forces were, therefore, primarily tasked with ensuring domestic stability and this meant the focus of their actions was on combating the republican threat. Other threats, notably from loyalists, were downplayed. In border areas at stages during the early 1970s, the thesis confirms that republican sentiment was strong and it is shown that this created considerable friction with the Irish security forces. Levels of violence were also high along the border with significant numbers of casualties. This violence emphasised to decision makers in Dublin that there was a possibility of conflict spreading southward. Contrary to some suggestions, the thesis argues that levels of sympathy for republican activists within the security institutions of the southern state were low. While some individuals did collude with republican activists, such incidents were the exception not the rule. Overall, the thesis demonstrates that the Irish state took substantial action to deal with the IRA within the boundaries of the twenty six counties with the role of the Special Criminal Court particularly significant in this regard. Nevertheless, both security and political leaders were unsure as to whether the Irish state could survive the instability associated with overt cooperation with the British security forces.
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Fleming, Jenny, and n/a. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Griffith University. School of Humanities, 1998. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20051109.142157.
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This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.
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Fleming, Jenny. "New Governments in Queensland: Industrial Relations, 1957-1961, 1989-1990." Thesis, Griffith University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365316.
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This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
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Martínez, Farrero Santi. "Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.
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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition.
The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections.
The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d’una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l’explotació d’aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s’evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l’hora d’assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys el llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU.
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Simmonds, Alan Geoffrey Vernon. "Conservative governments and the housing question, 1951-1959." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273543.
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Escobar, Barbra Bastidas. "Militarization of Venezuelan politics under Hugo Chávez's government 1999-2003." FIU Digital Commons, 2004. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2309.
Full textAbstract:
Since President Hugo Chávez Frias came to power in 1999, the Venezuelan political space has become militarized. The study focused on examining how and why the military entered into the traditional civilian space in Venezuela and militarized the political system. The purpose of this thesis was to analyze the participation of the Venezuelan military in state affairs, the reasons why this institution became such an active political actor, and how this process evolved over the last five years.
Findings revealed that the Venezuelan military became involved in national politics through a series of prerogatives granted by the government of Hugo Chávez. These military prerogatives were granted in key state areas such as the cabinet, legislature and police/intelligence. Also, by using the Rational Choice Model it could be examined of why President Chávez, as the purposive actor, made the choice of militarizing Venezuelan politics. This was a value-maximizing alternative among a set of other alternatives to accomplish Chávez's major political goals.
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Kösecik, Muhammet. "Central-local government relations in the Thatcher years (1979-1990)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390968.
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Phipps, Mike. "Relations between government and trades unions in Nicaragua, 1979-86." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328373.
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Turkington, Stephen Henry. "British Military Government and the Churches in Germany, 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428615.
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Williamson, P. "The formation of the National Government : British politics 1929-1931." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382332.
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Akbar, Rusdi. "Performance measurement and accountability in Indonesian Local Government." Thesis, Curtin University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1910.
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Performance measurement and accountability in the management of public sector programs have long been seen as central factors in public management research globally. For more than two decades, in many developed countries, heightened interest in performance measurement in government organisations has held tremendous promise for both academics and practitioners.Despite the global trend, there has been little research on performance measurement and accountability in Indonesia. This paucity exists even though regulations have been in existence for more than a decade requiring government organisations to prepare and submit an 'accountability of performance report‘ as a crucial component of Indonesia‘s public sector reform. This thesis investigates the implementation of performance measurement systems in Indonesia during the first wave of public sector reform. Specifically, it examines factors affecting the development and use of performance indicators in Indonesian local government (ILG).Employing a mixed research methodology, the thesis utilises a combination of a nation-wide survey and follow-up in-depth interviews with local government senior officials who are responsible for preparing performance reports. Specifically, the study explores the experiences and perceptions of government officials regarding the development and use of performance indicators and accountability practices in Indonesian local governments. The research findings contribute not only to the academic literature but also to practical public policy. The results indicate that metric difficulties, technical knowledge, management commitment, legislative requirement, and organisational capacity all have an effect on the development and use of performance indicators and accountability practices in ILG. Legislative requirement and management commitment have the strongest influence.The more contextual reasons and motivations behind the implementation process were also investigated and are illustrated in this thesis. For this purpose, institutional theory was used as the theoretical framework to better explain and understand the issues. The findings revealed that institutional isomorphism did contribute to the process of decision making. All three institutional components of isomorphism-coercive, mimetic and normative pressures-were found in ILG with coercive pressure found to be the strongest influence.The findings of this research have academic implications for scholars in public sector management and practical implications for many different parties, namely: 1) central government; 2) local government; 3) government auditors; and 4) universities. The findings provide an overview of performance measurement and accountability practices in a local government context. Specifically, this thesis provides important evidence regarding factors influencing the development and use of performance indicators, as well as factors hindering the implementation of performance measurement systems. In addition, it reveals the influence of isomorphic pressures in the implementation of performance measurement systems in Indonesia.Results revealed in the thesis are useful in evaluating the success or failure of the past implementation process. More importantly, the findings will be essential in helping to determine current and future policies and to ensure their continued success. This thesis provides analyses on the results of a decade of reform efforts in the area of public sector performance measurement and accountability in Indonesian local governments. With the recently-launched bureaucratic reform marking the second wave of reform (2010-2025) to improve Indonesian government, a reform effort that includes for the first time the vice-president‘s office, research into performance measurement and accountability practices in the first wave of reform (1999-2009) is especially timely.In summary, the significant contributions this thesis makes to performance measurement and accountability literature are threefold. Theoretically it provides a relevant exemplar regarding the application of institutional theory on performance measurement research in a developing country. Methodologically it contributes to the increasing use of mixed-method research. Analytically it provides evidence of the use of partial least squares as a relevant analytical tool. Further, this thesis paves the way for future research in the relatively unexamined area of public sector performance measurement and accountability in Indonesia.
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Hall, Matthew Thomas. "The limits of perestroika." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45971.
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This study examines Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of perestroika, or restructuring. The analysis begins by defining the political-economic "structure" (termed "neo-Stalinism") of the Soviet Union. The study evaluates Gorbachev's policies and results. Though the internal reforms to date have r been politically bold, they have been modest and non-structural. Gorbachev's external reforms, primarily military reductions, have been more successful. However, it can not be determined whether or not they are structural reforms. The study concludes that while perestroika is likely to succeed sometime in the long term future of the Soviet Union, it is unlikely in the short term.
Master of Arts