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Academic literature on the topic 'Government, 1919'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Erős, Ferenc. "Sándor Ferenczi, Géza Róheim and the University of Budapest, 1918–19." Psychoanalysis and History 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2019.0279.

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The article deals with the prehistory and the circumstances of Sándor Ferenczi's university career, and also discusses the university affairs of another prominent Hungarian psychoanalyst, Géza Róheim. Ferenczi's application for lectureship at the Medical Faculty was refused by the conservative professors in 1913. However, after the revolution in 1918 the university students themselves demanded Ferenczi's invitation to teach at the university. The Faculty resisted again, but finally, in April 1919 Ferenczi was appointed as professor Chair of Psychoanalytic Studies and Psychoanalytic Clinic of the Medical Faculty of the Budapest University. His appointment was confirmed by the Communist government, which came to power in March 1919. Róheim's application for lectureship was also refused, by the Philosophical Faculty, in 1917. In contrast to various legends, Róheim was not rewarded with a university chair in 1919, although he gave lectures on anthropology for different audiences and supported the cultural politics of the Councils' Republic.
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Komarytsia, Mariana. "A bridge over Zbruch: Great Unity in the press of Ukrainian People’s Republic." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-9.

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In the article we analyze the press publications that covered the process of realizing the idea of consolidation and its theoretical reasoning in the journals of 1918—1919 in UNR and Ukrainian State. The subject of the research is newspaper materials of such press editions as «Nova Rada» (Kyiv, 1917—1919), «Kozatska Dumka» (Berdychiv, 1917), «Vidrodzennia» (Kiev, 1918), «Vistnyk Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky » (Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Vinnytsia, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Kharkiv, 1918), «Zhyttia Podillia» (Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Kievskii Kommunist» (1918—1919) and others. Analysis of publications about consolidation reveals a wide range of factors that influenced the Act of Union on January 22, 1919 — historical, mental, ideological, political and informational. At the same time it reveals the inconsistency policy of the leaders of the Ukrainian Central Rada, in particular Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, of promoting the idea of the federation (which was de facto in opposition to the idea of consolidation). We have made comparative parallels of understanding the process of unification among Galician and Dnieper Ukrainians, taking into account the fact of the presence of Ukrainian lands within different empires — Russian and Austro-Hungarian, related to this fact internal contradictions among the Ukrainian political elite, open armed aggression against Ukraine. The repressions of the Russian authorities led to the destruction of the nationally-oriented Ukrainian political elite, whose numerous representatives did not know their native language. Additionally, the influence of socialist ideology caused the priority of social demands against national ones. Representatives of the Galicians, released after the revolution from the Siberian camps, have joined the government, administrative and educational institutions of Ukraine. The opponents of consolidation were the Bolsheviks, who saw the prospects of unification only under the red flag. In the journals were published texts of documents, described the process of the celebration on January 22, 1919, abstracts of V. Vynnychenko`s, S. Petliura`s, L. Tsehelsky`s and V. Olesnitsky`s speeches, published mottos for the necessity of the unity of the nation. Keywords: consolidation, Act of Union, federation, UNR, ZUNR, ukrainian press of 1918—1919.
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VERBYTSKA, POLINA. "PECULIARITIES OF WOMEN'S EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHMENT IN GALICIA ON THE EXAMPLE OF BEREZHANY TEACHER'S SEMINARY." Scientific Issues of Ternopil Volodymyr Hnatiuk National Pedagogical University. Series: pedagogy 1, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 192–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2415-3605.21.1.23.

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The study, based on archival sources and scientific publications, identifies a number of issues related to the history of the formation of women's educational institutions in Galicia in the early twentieth century. Coverage of the peculiarities of the formation and development of women's seminaries for teacher training in Ukraine as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is considered on the example of the State Women's Teachers' Seminary in Berezhany. It has been found that the introduction of new educational institutions – men's and women's teachers' seminaries had been based on the Austrian state school law of 1869, which introduced significant changes in the process of teacher training. From the results of the article it has been identified that women's educational institutions had been created in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide public (primary) schools with teachers and aimed at professional self-realization of women. The research focuses on the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany which was opened in 1910/1911. The article analyzes archival documents from the collection of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in L’viv, in particular the materials of the fund № 179 "Curator of the L’viv School District", case 1111 "Case of transfer of premises in Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for a women's seminary". Based on the documents of the case on the transfer of the Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for the women's seminary, the content of the official correspondence of state and local authorities regarding the location and financing of the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany during 1913-1926 has been revealed. It has been found that before the war, the magistrate of Berezhany had handed over a house and 1 ½ of morgue - land in the center to the needs of the seminary, but the construction of the seminary building had not been started due to the war. On March 5, 1915, the Ministry of Religion and Education in Vienna granted the Berezhany community an annual subvention of 6,000 kroons as donations to a house on a needs of a teachers' seminary. The war made it impossible to further pay that subvention in the school years from 1914/1915 to 1918/1919. Therefore, the school regional council, expressing a request to the magistrate of Berezhany, appealed to the Ministry of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to support the commitment of the Ministry of Finance regarding the annual subvention payment for 1919 and 1920. The Polish government refused any legal obligations to the Berezhany community to pay debts. subventions for the years 1914-1919 instead of the Austrian government. In the case of the seminary in Berezhany, the curator of the Lviv school district, in a letter dated January 4, 1923, proposed to accept the gift of the castle in Berezhany proposed by Mr. Yakub Potocki for the use of the teacher's seminary, which was rejected by the Ministry of Education of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, based on a careful analysis of the condition of the monument. As a result of an agreement with the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Religion and Education decided to distribute the community of Berezhany the amount of 20,000 Polish marks for the needs of the teachers' seminary. The article reveals that the historical experience of the formation and development of women’s education in Galicia on the example of the Berezhany Teachers’ Seminary as an important asset of Ukrainian science and education.
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Leake, B. E. "Chapter 18 1916–1919: work for the Government." Geological Society, London, Memoirs 34, no. 1 (2011): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/m34.18.

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Birbudak, Togay Seçkin. "Osmanlı Devlet Adamlarından Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet Dönemindeki Faaliyetleri / Activities of Hacı Âdil Bey, who is the Ottoman Statesmen, in the Second Constitutional Period." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 6 (December 30, 2017): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1227.

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<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.</p><p>This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.</p><p>Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir. </p>
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REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.
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Tsybenov, Bazar D., Leonid V. Kuras, and Victoria E. Tsyrempilova. "Институты публичной власти в политиях маньчжуро-монгольского мира в 1900–1920 гг. (на примере Хулун-Буира)." Oriental studies 16, no. 4 (September 12, 2023): 718–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-68-4-718-726.

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Introduction. The paper attempts an insight into how institutions of public government developed in Manchu-Mongolian polities throughout the 1900s–1920s — and focuses on the geopolitically and strategically important Chinese region of Hulunbuir. Goals. The article aims to explore the transformation of power structures in Hulunbuir, reveal some internal contradictions and the split in bureaucratic circles that occurred under the influence of various political forces between 1908 and 1920.To facilitate this, the work shall examine the structure of the Manchu Eight Banner system in the region, analyze the new policies of Qing authorities in Hulunbuir, trace changes in the public government structure across the region in 1912–1915, follow how (and why) Hulunbuir lost its autonomy in 1920. Conclusion. As is shown, the hierarchical structure of Hulunbuir’s administrative powers — despite the attempts to change it undertaken by various political forces — did still retain the traditional features of the Manchu Eight Banner system by 1920. At the level of regional authorities, the shaping of policies was largely influenced by internal contradictions between various ethnic groups of Hulunbuir. However, even when it came to join Outer Mongolia in 1912–1915, authorities of Hulunbuir used each and every possibility to maintain independence in external and internal affairs, finances. The dramatic changes of 1917–1919 in the situation — in and around Hulunbuir — triggered that the decision-making apparatus preferred to abolish Hulunbuir’s autonomy and turn it into a mere periphery of the Republic of China.
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Gorbenko, Alexander Yu, and Vikentiy V. Chekushin. "‘Siberian Notes’ Journal as a Metatext: the System of Ideological Implications (1918–1919)." Вестник Пермского университета. Российская и зарубежная филология 15, no. 4 (2023): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2073-6681-2023-4-107-116.

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The article analyzes the changes in the ideological implications of the Siberian Notes journal that occurred in 1918–1919 (the journal ceased to exist in December 1919). At that time, the views of the key editorial staff members on the large-scale socio-political shifts taking place in Russia underwent significant evolution. After the outbreak of the Civil War and the dissolution of the Siberian Regional Duma, the modality of the texts changed noticeably. In fiction works, the authors of the journal continued to discuss the socio-political situation using the arsenal of nature metaphorics. However, in contrast to the period of 1916–1917, the present and the future were described pessimistically. The authors used the trope of spring as a sign of change, traditional for Siberian Notes, but this metaphor was devoid of those exclusively positive connotations that had dominated before. In addition, both fictional and non-fictional texts repeatedly introduced a combination of white and green as a color dominant. This was driven by the fact that the white-and-green banner became the flag of the Siberian Republic, which existed from June to November 1918 and was controlled by the Provisional Siberian Government, with the publisher and editor of the journal Vl. M. Krutovsky being the Minister of Internal Affairs. Apparently, this was the way the journal’s staff manifested their ideological affiliation and commitment to the ideas of regionalism. This is most perfectly exemplified in the last issue of Siberian Notes for 1918, where the intensity of the use of the white and green reached its peak. The issue opened with the program poem The Anthem of Siberia, in the first verse of which the white-green colors of the regionalists’ banner were compared with the colors of two key components of the Siberian space – ‘the white-green sea of the taiga’ and ‘the white quiet expanse’.
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Hamerli, Petra. "A corpus separatum elszakadása a Magyar Királyságtól: Fiume 1918. november 4." Acta Scientiarum Socialium, no. 48 (February 15, 2018): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33566/asc.2751.

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After the Great War, in autumn 1918 the nationalities of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy proclaimed their independence. Croatia, which formed a personal union with the Hungarian Kingdom for centuries, was recognized to be an independent state by the Hungarian Government. The Croatian Committee formed in London in 1915 expressed its willing to be part of a federalist South-Slavic state. In this way Hungary lost its only one port, the city of Fiume, as territorically it was part of the Istria. Nevertheless, it was not obvious that Croatia could keep Fiume – Rijeka –, as the Italian National Council of the city formed on 30 October 1918 proclaimed its belonging to Italy through a petition written on 4 November 1918 to the prime minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, as the majority of the Fiumean citizens were Italians. This petition made Italy to claim Fiume on the Paris Peace Conference held in 1919, although it was not judged or promised to the Italians in the secret Treaty of London of 1915 that made Italy to enter into the war. The question of Fiume caused serious conflict among Italy and Yugoslavia, and – as the Peace Conference gave the city to the Yugoslavian Kingdom – in autumn 1919 the Italian poet Gabriele D’Annunzio decided to annex Fiume and create a city state. In my paper I will present, through the case of Fiume, what consequences an only day – in this case the 4 November 1918 – can have in history.
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Jopp, Tobias A. "Government Bonds Traded at the Amsterdam Stock Exchange 1914–1919 /." Vierteljahrschrift f??r Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 108, no. 3 (2021): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2021-0013.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Farmer, E. M. "Plutarco Elías Calles and the revolutionary government in Sonora, Mexico, 1915-1919." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598937.

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This dissertation addresses Plutarco Elías Calles's government in the Mexican state of Sonora between 1915 and 1919, the years immediately following the period of most intense armed conflict in the Mexican revolution. Calles, the most astute and influential politician to emerge from the revolutionary struggle as well as the founder of the modern Mexican state, has been the most conspicuously ignored figure in the extensive historiography on the revolution. Until very recently it was generally accepted that Calles's political development began with his appointment in 1920 as Obregón's interior minister, and that from this office and later as president he pioneered corporatistic programs of agrarian reform and labour organization. Furthermore, revisionist historians have long characterized Calles as the principal influence in the betrayal of the supposedly more 'radical' and 'revolutionary' movements led by Villa and Zapata, who represented popular aspirations and a nationalistic response towards foreign capital finally redeemed by President Cárdenas in the late 1930s. My research, which in a narrative sense complements the wellknown work of the Mexican historian Héctor Aguilar Camín, suggests that the half decade of the callista state government in Sonora had a direct and important bearing on the future character of Mexican government and politics. Indeed, I have found Calles's governorship in Sonora to be a dry run for policies later implemented nationally. Calles pursued a programme which included the expansion of the public education system, substantial, often militarized agrarian reform, advanced labour reforms and the promotion of unions linked to the government, and the successful submission of large American firms to Mexican law; he expelled the Catholic clergy from the state and enforced the prohibition of alcohol and gambling.
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Fitzgerald, Patrick 1944. "Lost horizons : the British government and civil aviation between the wars, 1919-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22586.

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In the inter-war period Great Britain lost its pre-eminence in aviation. The new industries centered on civil aviation were not appropriately nurtured. The roots of this decline were in policies struck for military considerations in the pre 1914 period. The emergent institution of the war, the Air Ministry, continued the military priority. Civil Aviation was controlled by an essentially military institution. In the immediate post-war period airline development was inadequately subsidized. The government's chosen instrument, Imperial Airways, failed to nurture civil aviation development. Emergent national aspirations within the Empire and hostile and indifferent governments without frustrated airline route growth. Equally hampered by poor government stewardship was the manufacturing aspect of aviation.
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Ramstad, David P. "Oppression, Manifesting from a Government Mission of Positive Social Change." ScholarWorks, 2016. http://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1919.

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Government social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service's Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce's 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw's 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design's hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset's separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota's Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman's rho and Cohen's standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of program residents. Implications for positive social change hinge on the realization that social interventions may not be entirely anti-oppressive. In such cases, these conclusions should lead policymakers to change or replace programs so that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances.
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Whidden, James Neil. "The Egyptian revolution : politics and the Egyptian nation 1919-1926." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298207.

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Nagashima, Takeshi. "Arthur Newsholme and English public health administration 1888-1919." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366211.

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England came to have a nation-wide administrative system for public health in the 1870s. It consisted of the local councils which were designated as sanitary authorities and the Local Government Board (LGB) as the central department. This thesis explores how public health reform was pursued under this administrative system, by tracing the career of Arthur Newsholme (1857-1943), who served as Medical Officer of Health (MOH) for Brighton, 1888-1908, and as Medical Officer to the LGB, 1908-19. The main aim of the thesis is to examine the activities in which Newsholme was involved and his views, in order to consider the development of public health activities, or state medicine, in relation to the traditional notions of government and society in England, that underlay the administrative system such as 'minimal government', , local self-government' or 'voluntarism'. The first half of the thesis deals with public health reform in Brighton during Newsholme's years of office as local MOH. Particular attention is paid to how the scope of public health administration was decided through interactions between the MOH and the local council as a representative body of the community, and to how voluntary efforts were involved in its extension. The second half deals with Newsholme's administrative ideas and activities in the process of, and after, becoming the country's leading health official. By the time of his assumption of office at the LGB, Newsholme envisaged a comprehensive state medical service as the ultimate medical ideal. The thesis examines how he tried to pursue this ideal by means of reconciling it with traditional ideas of government. Special attention is paid to Newsholme's difference from his fellow reformers such as the Webbs and George Newman, particularly in respect of their recognition of the framework of centralllocal relations that underlay the administrative system, and concerning how reforms should or could be proceeded with by means of central bureaucratic initiatives.
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Ratz, D. (David). "The Canadian image of Finland, 1919–1948:Canadian government perceptions and foreign policy." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2018. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526220338.

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Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada’s national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actions
Tiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja
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Paterson, David W. (David William). "Loyalty, Ontario and the First World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65476.

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Chakraborty, Diganta. "Forest policy of the colonial government: a case study in two Districts of North Bengal (1835-1919)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1076.

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Moëd, Madeleine. "The political department and the retraction of paramountcy in India 1935-1947." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001855.

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The Political Department and the Indian Political Service stand accused of sins of omission and commission. The evidence suggests that they were badly hampered by ill-conceived training prodecures, a lack of manpower and above all the incoherent policy of the British government towards the Indian states. The failure of the 1935 Federation Act which formally established the Political Department was not due to princely intransigence inspired by political officers. Between 1935 and 1947 the Political Department embarked on a vigorous programme of combining the resources of the smaller states to strengthen them as viable partners in a new India. Their lack of success in effecting the federation of the states with India in 1947 was not a result of the disinclination of political officers to implement reform as much as their inability to do so. Many princes were also unwilling to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty for efficient government and paramountcy precluded forcing internal reform on the princes. Paramountcy was never clearly defined and thus its retraction in 1947 took place amidst confusion and misunderstanding on all sides. The Indian Political Service was always treated as secondary to the Indian Civil Service and the states to British India. Britain's emphasis on constitutional change in British India, reflected in the Cripps Mission of 1942, the Cabinet Mission of 1946 and the rush towards independence in 1947 resulted in her inattention to the Political Department and the princes which culminated in the abandonment of both in 1947.
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Flores, Norma Lisa. "When Fear is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1350932743.

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Books on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Bilâ, Hikmet. CHP, 1919-1999. Güneşli, İstanbul: Doğan Kitap, 1999.

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Minzoni, Giovanni. Memorie, 1909-1919. Reggio Emilia Italia: Diabasis, 2011.

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Dreyfus, François G. L' engrenage, 1919-1939. Paris: Fallois, 2002.

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Mercedes, Cabrera, Juliá Santos 1940-, Martín Aceña Pablo, and Aldroft Derek Howard, eds. Europa en crisis, 1919-1939. Madrid: Editorial Pablo Iglesias, 1991.

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S. M. A. W. Chishti. Political development in Manipur, 1919-1949. Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2005.

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Carsten, F. L. Revolution in Central Europe, 1918-1919. Aldershot, Hants, England: Wildwood House, 1988.

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Ontario, Liberal Party in, ed. Finance, agriculture, Government House, 1919. [Toronto?: s.n., 1996.

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Przeniosło, Marek. Polska Komisja Likwidacyjna 1918-1919. Kielce: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Humanistyczno-Przyrodniczego Jana Kochanowskiego, 2010.

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Chatterjee, Srilata. Congress politics in Bengal, 1919-1939. London: Anthem, 2002.

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Bjelica, Slobodan. Radikali u Vojvodini 1919-1929. Beograd: Zadžbina Andrejević, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Smith, M. G. "Defeat and Recovery: Abbas, 1903–1919." In Government in Kano 1350–1950, 395–448. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429039645-7.

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Chapman, Jane L. "Government Attitudes and Indirect Voices." In African and Afro-Caribbean Repatriation, 1919–1922, 25–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68813-8_2.

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Karvonen, Lauri, and Sven Quenter. "Electoral Systems, Party System Fragmentation and Government Instability." In Authoritarianism and Democracy in Europe, 1919–39, 131–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914231_8.

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White, Bonnie. "From Volunteerism to Government Control: The Formation of the SOSBW." In The Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women, 1919-1964, 13–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13348-1_2.

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Morris, Benny, and Dror Ze’evi. "The Genocide of the Christians, Turkey 1894–1924." In Documenting the Armenian Genocide, 251–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-36753-3_13.

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AbstractWe set out in 2010 to look afresh at the massacre of Turkey’s Armenians in 1915. While most of the world’s historians accepted the narrative that the Ottoman Turkish government had carried out a deliberate, pre-planned, systematic “genocide,” there were some—especially in Turkey—who disputed this. So, having no real knowledge or opinion either way, we decided to take a look at the vast, accessible documentation, in Turkey, the United States and Western Europe, and make up our own minds.What we discovered was that the story was much deeper and wider. The campaign of mass murder and ethnic cleansing was carried out, in staggered fashion, over a thirty-year period, between 1894 and 1924. It encompassed not only Turkey’s Armenians but also all the other Christian communities in the country, primarily the Greeks, but also the various Assyrian sects. The process of ethnic-religious cleansing was characterized by rounds of deliberate large-scale massacre, alongside systematic expulsions, forced conversions, and cultural annihilation that together amounted to genocide. At the beginning of this period, Christians had constituted about 20 percent of the population of Asia Minor; by 1924 the proportion of Christians in Turkey had fallen to 2 percent.The destruction of the Christian communities was the result of the deliberate policy of three successive Ottoman and Turkish governments –Abdülhamid II in 1894–1896, the CUP (the Young Turks) from 1914–1918, and the Nationalist regime under Ataturk during 1919–1924 –a policy that most of the country’s Muslim inhabitants did not oppose, and many enthusiastically supported. The murders, expulsions, and forced conversions were ordered by government officials and carried out by other officials, soldiers, gendarmes, policemen and, often, tribesmen and the civilian inhabitants of towns and villages. All of this occurred with the active participation of Muslim clerics and the encouragement of the Turkish-language press. This, we believe, is the inescapable conclusion to be drawn from the massive documentation we consulted, some of it seen and used for the first time.
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Horváth, Csaba. "A népuralom kísérlete és bukása." In Fontes et Libri, 89–101. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.8.

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József Sipos was the supervisor of my thesis that analysed the activities of the Social Democrats in 1918–1919. Later, a decisive element of our teacher-student and increasingly friendly relationship was a multitude of our professional discussions about the revolutionary period, one of the central issues of which was the failure to build a democratic system in 1918–1919. József Sipos believed that one of the most important reasons for this failure was the fact that a worker-peasant alliance – historically been burdened anyway in our current terminology – could not be realized. Accordingly, his analyses focused on the conflicts between the workers’ and peasants’ parties, as well as on their relations to their own social bases. In this present paper, I focus on the assumption that the consolidation carried out by a worker-peasant coalition in the spring of 1919 was a political reality. I examine the activities of the social democrats and smallholders through a few nodes: (1) the relation to Mihály Károlyi’s political programme; (2) the rural expansion of the political basis and (3) the debate on the land system; (4) the relation to the interpretation of the revolution in connection with the government crisis of December and January; (5) the participation in Berinkey’s coalition government. Despite political tendencies towards a worker-peasant alliance, the difference between political identities between social democrats and smallholders represented a fundamental problem. As opposed to the emancipation marks, the identity of the social democrats remained revolutionary, while the smallholders fully identified themselves as an emancipatory political movement. The resolution to this conflict was the most pressing question in the event of a coalition that appeared to be a political reality. Elections to clarify the balance of political power were not held, the political shock caused by the Vix Note swept away the chance for consolidation. The revolutionary identity of the social democrats led to their involvement in the dictatorship of the proletariat.
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Rast, M. C. "“Rickety Parliaments”: Dominion Home Rule and the Government of Ireland Act, 1919–July 1921." In Shaping Ireland’s Independence, 205–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21118-9_6.

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Rossiter, Clinton, and William J. Quirk. "Crisis Government in Great Britain, 1919-1939." In Constitutional Dictatorship, 171–83. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080536-15.

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Shepherd, John. "The Great War Years, 1914–1919." In George Lansbury, 158–78. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198201649.003.0009.

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Abstract On 5 August 1914 the Daily Herald carried a short and utterly bleak headline on its front page: ‘ENGLAND AND GERMANY AT WAR’. Underneath it was the official government statement: ‘His Majesty’s Ambassador to Berlin has received his passports, and His Majesty’s Government declared to the German Government that a state of war exists between Great Britain and Germany as from 11 p.m. on August 4th’.
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Michie, Ranald C. "Reinventing Forex, 1919–1939." In Forex Forever, 94–191. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198903697.003.0003.

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Abstract The Gold Standard collapsed during the First World War, ushering in a prolonged period of international currency instability. The war also undermined transnational banking and the links between stock exchanges. The overall effect was not only to create an even greater demand for the facilities of a foreign exchange market but also to force it to reinvent itself. However, throughout the interwar years the assumption was made that the foreign exchange market was both temporary and damaging, with only a return to the Gold Standard capable of delivering currency stabilizing. As that proved impossible, the only alternative was to permit the foreign exchange market to function but only under varying degrees of government control. London emerged as the centre of this new foreign exchange market.
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Conference papers on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Rynkov, Vadim M. "Entrepreneurship in the East of Russia in the second half of 1918 – 1919." In Торговля, купечество и таможенное дело в России в XVI–XX веках. ИПЦ НГУ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/tktdr-35-2023-30.

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The article analyzes the restoration of the activity of business organizations in the east of Russia, the policy of the anti-Bolshevik governments in relation to trade and industry, measures to restore business activity of population. The author came to conclusion that the government paid great attention to legal instruments of influence on the economy, including interaction with the business community, but it was also forced to maintain active interference in the rights of private owners. Entrepreneurs adapted to the situation, and using illegal business practices as well.
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Shalamov, Vladimir. "Evacuation of the Temporary Main Department of the Russian Society of the Red Cross From Omsk to Irkutsk in Autumn 1919." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.22.

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By the fall of 1919, it became clear that the army of Admiral Kolchak could not defend his capital, Omsk. The evacuation of government agencies begins. The interim headquarters of the Russian Red Cross Society is leaving East from Omsk one of the last. During the evacuation, the place of arrival was designated — Irkutsk. However, the management failed to fully deploy and immediately after the December events of 1919 it was disbanded.
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Zhu, Jie, Quentin Stevens, and Charles Anderson. "Chinese Public Memorials: Under the Effect of Exclusively Pursuing Solemnness, Sacredness, and Grandness." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4010p4jpd.

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Authentic public memorials did not appear in the Chinese public space until the late 19th century. As a result of Western influence, many war memorials were built during the Republic of China era (1912-1949). Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the government has invested much in developing public spaces. Also, the government placed many memorials in Chinese cities to shape collective memory and urban identity. The affection of solemnness, sacredness, and grandness is the main affection that most memorials are intended to embody, particularly those that commemorate famous people, the government’s achievement, and the deceased from natural disasters and wars. By taking the example of memorials built from 1942 to the present in Chongqing, China, this paper critically examines changes over time in the forms. In addition, taking the analysis result from memorial forms as a base and combining widely cited literature in Chinese and English, the paper further explores the negative impacts of the intensive focus of solemnness, sacredness, and grandness. This paper’s analysis identifies standard, persistent and symbolic features in Chinese memorials, despite the diverse landscape elements and advanced construction techniques. Key themes emerge from this research are solemnness, sacredness, and grandness. Also, it reveals the issues raised by the exclusive pursuit of these affections, including similar memorial forms, insufficient engagement of memorials, and the unitary research topics on memorials.
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Kumar Pamu, Sampath, and Aroon Manoharan. "1917 Integrated Technology Enabled." In dg.o 2019: 20th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3325112.3329883.

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Kashevarov, Anatoliy. "THE FIRST ANTI-RELIGIOUS CAMPAIGN OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX FAITHFUL OF PETROGRAD (DECEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918)." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb21/s05.016.

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Danoyan, Valery L. "Institutionalization Of Civil Society: Urban Self-Government In Russia 1917." In International Scientific Forum «National Interest, National Identity and National Security». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.02.02.25.

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Eberhardt, James J. "Overview of the DOE Heavy Vehicle Technologies R & amp;D Program." In Government/Industry Meeting. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/1999-01-2235.

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Kumar, Sudhir. "Top-of-Rail Lubrication System for Energy Reduction in Freight Transport by Rail." In Government/Industry Meeting. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/1999-01-2236.

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Macheret, J., A. D. Watkins, G. E. Korth, T. M. Lillo, and J. E. Flinn. "Equal Channel Angular Extrusion for Development of Advanced Metallic Alloys." In Government/Industry Meeting. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/1999-01-2237.

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McCallen, Rose, Richard Couch, Juliana Hsu, Fred Browand, Mustapha Hammache, Anthony Leonard, Mark Brady, et al. "Progress in Reducing Aerodynamic Drag for Higher Efficiency of Heavy Duty Trucks (Class 7-8)." In Government/Industry Meeting. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/1999-01-2238.

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Reports on the topic "Government, 1919"

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Fuentes, J. Rodrigo, and César Calderón. Government Debt and Economic Growth. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011505.

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The growth prospects of a nation are stymied by the burden of government debt. This study has two goals: first, it tests whether public debt hinders growth; and, second, it explores whether economic policy ameliorates this effect. A large panel data of countries for 1970-2010 reveal a negative and robust effect of public debt on growth. Strong institutions, high quality domestic policies, and outward-oriented policies partly mitigate this adverse effect. An enhanced policy environment and its interaction with public debt has helped explain the improved growth performance of industrial and developing countries for the years 2001-05 compared to the years 1991-95. Viewing the actual performance of the Latin America and the Caribbean region, South America encompasses the group of countries more benefited by improvement of economic policies, while Central America and the Caribbean lag considerably. A simultaneous sharp reduction in public debt and an improvement in the policy environment induce an increase in the growth rate per capita of 1.7 percentage points for the Caribbean and 2 percentage points for South America. A more conservative scenario that considers an upgrade in quality of policies and a reduction of public debt leads to lower but still significant growth benefits for the Caribbean and South America, by 0.85 and 1.5 percentage points, respectively.
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Jaimovich, Dany, and Ugo Panizza. Public Debt around the World: A New Dataset of Central Government Debt. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010859.

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Commonly used datasets on the level of public debt provide incomplete country and period coverage. This paper presents a new dataset that includes complete series of central government debt for 89 countries over the 1991-2005 period and for seven other countries for the 1993-2005 period. The data set can be found at: http://www.iadb.org/res/pub_desc.cfm?pub_id=DBA-005
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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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Bank Premises Department - Sydney - Head Office - Commonwealth Government Tenants - 1914-1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_2006/24257.

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Queensland Government Savings Bank - Maryborough - Signature Registers - Accounts 1-6000 - 1914-1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_2006/20809.

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Queensland Government Savings Bank - Brisbane (Head Office) - Specimen Forms - Deceased Depositors Declaration - 1911-1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_2006/20751.

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Premises - Government Savings Bank of NSW - Branches - Deniliquin - Interior - 1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-016501.

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Premises - Government Savings Bank of NSW - Branches - Deniliquin - (view 1) - 1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-016499.

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Premises - Government Savings Bank of NSW - Branches - Deniliquin - (view 2) - 1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_pn-016500.

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Government Savings Bank of New South Wales - Sydney (Head Office) - Chief Accountant's Department - Investments Ledgers (Loose Leaf System) - 1914-1919. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_2006/22048.

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