Relevant bibliographies by topics / Gordon Riots, 1780

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Academic literature on the topic 'Gordon Riots, 1780'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Gordon Riots, 1780"

1

Rogers, Nicholas. "The Gordon Riots Revisited." Historical Papers 23, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030979ar.

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Abstract The 1780 protests against the Catholic Relief Act were the most violent and controversial disturbances of the eighteenth century and have predictably given rise to several historical interpretations. Early studies sought to emphasize the political immaturity and deep sectarian prejudices of the common people and the anarchy and degenerate character of the riots themselves. By contrast, George Rude, in his first exploration of British crowds, insisted that the riots were more orderly and purposive than historians had assumed. Set within the context of the emergent radical movement, the riots, according to Rude, drew their inspiration from radical elements in London's Protestant Association and from antiauthoritarian notions of the “Englishman's birthright.” Directed initially against Catholic chapels and schools, the disturbances developed into a social protest against the rich and propertied. This essay adopts a different approach. Like Rude, it endorses the view that the riots seldom deviated from the cue of the Protestant Association. Despite the drunkeness and almost festive air which accompanied the disturbances, the riots constituted a disciplined reprisal against the Catholic community and a Parliament that refused to bow before popular pressure. Indeed, the pattern of violence reveals that rioters acted discriminately, directing their anger at Catholic chapels, houses, and schools and at the property of those sympathetic to Catholic relief. Only with the sacking of the gaols and distilleries did the disturbances deviate from their original objective and, even then, the degree of looting and lawlessness can be easily exaggerated. At the same time, the Gordon riots cannot be categorically viewed as a social protest against the rich. Although the targets of the crowd included a disproportionate number of prominent Catholics and parliamentary supporters of the Relief Act, the prime aim of the rioters was to immobilize the Catholic community and to intimidate Parliament. To be sure, elements of social protest did accompany the disturbances. In the carnivalesque freedom of the occasion participants sometimes showed a sardonic disrespect for rank. Moreover, the opening of the gaols, initially to rescue imprisoned rioters, denoted an almost Brechtian contempt for the prison system and the law in general. In the final phases of the riot, however, the social hostilities of the crowd were essentially local and concrete, directed against crimps, debtors' lockups, and toll bridges. That is, they addressed the customary oppressions of the poor, not a generalised form of social levelling. Nor were the riots closely associated with radical politics. Although some London radicals sympathised with the protesters in the initial stages of the disturbances, others, influenced by Enlightenment ideas, clearly did not. In fact, many were deeply troubled by the riots, fearing their excesses would prejudice popular movements in general. Basically the protests against the Catholic Relief Bill cut across traditional political alignments. Ideologically the Protestant Association was remarkably protean, drawing support from proministerial, but evangelical, conservatives as well as from radicals troubled by ministerial incursions upon liberty in Britain and America. Ultimately the anti-Catholic protests of 1780 pitted a cosmopolitan social elite against a more traditional rank and file fuelled by an evangelical fear of an incipient Catholic revival. In sum, the Gordon riots drew upon populist, nationalist sentiments that did not square with conventional political alignments. It remained to be seen how these forces could be accomodated in contemporary political discourse.
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Turnbull, Michael T. R. B. "Lord George Gordon: Politics, Religion and Slavery." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2024): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.10.1.5.

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Lord George Gordon (1751‐1793), was son of Cosmo George, third Duke of Gordon and Katherine Duchess of Gordon. His mother remarried Staats Long Morris, an American soldier and politician, who inculcated in Gordon an admiration of America, particularly during his naval service based in America and a long posting in Jamaica where he experienced the cruelty of slavery under British rule. Gordon left the navy under a cloud and entered parliament in 1774 under demeaning circumstances, voting for the Opposition where he launched a series of attacks on the government of Lord North. In 1780, he marched as president for a Protestant Association on Parliament in protest at the 1778 Catholic Relief Act for England, and the possibility of bringing in a similar bill for Scotland. The ‘Gordon Riots’ outside Westminster followed and Lord George was arrested for treason but in 1781 was exonerated. He was later charged with libel and again imprisoned. By this time he had converted to the Jewish faith and on 26 April 1792 wrote a powerful indictment of slavery to the Speaker of the House of Commons.
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Awcock, Hannah. "Handbills, rumours, and blue cockades: Communication during the 1780 Gordon Riots." Journal of Historical Geography 74 (October 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2021.07.005.

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Haydon, Colin. "John Wesley, Roman Catholicism, and ‘No Popery!’." Wesley and Methodist Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.14.1.0001.

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ABSTRACT This article examines John Wesley's anti-Catholicism and his hostility to ‘popery’ on theological, social, and political grounds. The subject is related to wider attitudes to the Catholic minority and its faith in eighteenth-century Britain and Ireland. The article stresses the complexity of Wesley's thinking, thinking which ranged from his admiration for some post-Reformation Catholic figures to his abhorrence of a Church that he feared imperilled the souls of its adherents. It further investigates various germane topics, such as the response of Catholics to early Methodism and Wesley's involvement in the events that culminated in the Gordon riots of 1780.
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Jones, Brad A. "“In Favour of Popery”: Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.60.

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AbstractIn 1778, in response to news of the American alliance with France, the British government proposed a series of Catholic relief bills aimed at tolerating Catholicism in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Officials saw the legislation as a pragmatic response to a dramatically expanded war, but ordinary Britons were far less tolerant. They argued that the relief acts threatened to undermine a widely shared Protestant British patriotism that defined itself against Catholicism and France. Through an elaborate and well-connected popular print culture, Britons living in distant Atlantic communities, such as Kingston (Jamaica), Glasgow, Dublin, and New York City, publicly engaged in a radical brand of Protestant patriotism that began to question the very legitimacy of their own government. Events culminated in June 1780, with five days of violent, deadly rioting in the nation's capitol. Yet the Gordon Riots represent only the most famous example of this new, more zealous defense of Protestant Whig Britishness. In the British Caribbean and North America, unrelenting fears of French invasions and the perceived incompetence of the government mixed with an increasingly confrontational Protestant political culture to expose the fragile nature of British patriotism. In Scotland, anti-Catholic riots drove the country to near rebellion in early 1779, while in Ireland, Protestants and Catholics took advantage of this political instability to make demands for economic and political independence, culminating in the country's legislative autonomy in 1782. Ultimately, Catholic relief and the American alliance with France fundamentally altered how ordinary Britons viewed their government and, perhaps, laid the foundations for the far more radical political culture of the 1790s.
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Hughes, Noel. "The Tichbornes, The Doughtys and Douglas Woodruff." Recusant History 23, no. 4 (October 1997): 602–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002399.

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Of what he called ‘The Great Fear of Popery’, Hugh Trevor-Roper wrote: ‘that fear … constantly renewed, had acquired a momentum of its own. It was the English equivalent of the great European witch-craze, and it would remain formidable for three centuries, a national neurosis which could be awakened again and again: in the myth of the great Irish massacre of 1641 (still repeated, over a century later, by John Wesley), in the great scare of the Popish Plot of 1678, in the fable of the Warming Pan in 1688, even, though with dwindling force, in the Gordon Riots of 1780 and the “Papal Aggression” of 1851, ‘(sic). He might have added the Tichborne trial to the list.
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Atherton, Jonathan. "Obstinate juries, impudent barristers and scandalous verdicts? Compensating the victims of the Gordon Riots of 1780 and the Priestley Riots of 1791." Historical Research 88, no. 242 (May 4, 2015): 650–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12096.

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HITCHCOCK, TIM. "The London Vagrancy Crisis of the 1780s." Rural History 24, no. 1 (March 13, 2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793312000210.

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AbstractThis article outlines the changing character of vagrant removal from the City of London during the 1780s, suggesting that the City largely abandoned its duty to ‘punish’ the vagrant poor in favour of a policy of simply moving them on as quickly and cheaply as possible. After describing the impact of the destruction of Newgate and the resulting overcrowding in London's other prisons, it provides evidence for a dramatic increase in vagrant numbers. The article suggests that this change was both a direct result of the crises of imprisonment, transportation and punishment that followed the Gordon Riots and American war; and a result of growing demand for the transportation provided to vagrants, on the part of the migratory poor. Having established the existence of a changing pattern of vagrant removal, it suggests that the poor increasingly made use of the City of London, and the system of removal, to access transportation in pursuit of seasonal migration, and more significantly, medical care in the hospitals of the capital as part of a wider ‘economy of makeshift’.
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Boynton, Lindsay. "Gillows’ Furnishings for Catholic Chapels, 1750-1800." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012560.

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When Catholic Emancipation came at last in 1829 it was the culmination of half a century’s agitation. The first landmark was the Relief Act of 1778, which repealed most of the penal legislation of the 1690S, and the second was the Act of 1791, which, in effect, removed penal restraint on Catholic worship in England. Of course, both the anti-Catholic hysteria of the Gordon Riots which followed the 1778 Act and the repression after the rebellions of 1715 and ’45 have remained vivid in the national memory. On the other hand, we ought to recall how Defoe observed that Durham was full of Catholics, Svho live peaceably and disturb nobody, and nobody them; for we … saw them going as publickly to mass as the Dissenters did on other days to their meetinghouse.’ After the death of the Old Pretender in 1766 the Pope recognized George III de facto and ordered the Catholic Church to pay no royal honours to ‘Charles III’. The penal laws on church-going were now only lightly enforced and then usually at the behest of informers, until the 1778 Act frustrated them, since it was no longer illegal for a priest to say Mass. Thomas Weld of Lulworth Castle (the head of probably the richest Catholic family in the kingdom) maintained six chaplains in different houses; his ability to do so must have been helped by the fact that the Lulworth estate had not paid the double land tax, for which it was theoretically liable, since 1725.* Mr Weld deliberately flouted the remaining archaic laws by building a handsome chapel in his grounds (‘truly elegant,—a Pantheon in miniature,—and ornamented with immense expense and richness’, said Fanny Burney).
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Weisenberger, Hannah Anina. "Immobilizing the Catholic Foe: A 'Popery' of Protestation in London 1780." MacEwan University Student eJournal 3, no. 1 (November 25, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.31542/j.muse.330.

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The Gordon Riots of 1778 were one of the most violent public demonstrations of the century in London, and represent the culmination of an explosive religious and political climate in late 18th century England. This paper examines the nature and extent of the riots as well as details of specific rioters to shed light on the fact that even among London’s lower orders there existed a deep and complex set of beliefs about how British society should be structured. While on the surface the riots may appear to be simply yet another expression of xenophobia, they were connected to a growing nationalism tied to religion, global economics, and a strained domestic situation. I argue that the methodical, discriminate nature of the riots reflects the deeply held belief in the rightful supremacy of Protestantism as essential to the identity and security of Britain and demonstrates that anti-Catholicism could unify different social classes under a single cause.
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Books on the topic "Gordon Riots, 1780"

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Hibbert, Christopher. King mob: The story of Lord George Gordon and the riots of 1780. Stroud: Sutton Pub., 2004.

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Hibbert, Christopher. King mob: The story of Lord George Gordon and the riots of 1780. Stroud: Sutton Pub., 2004.

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(Society), Johnsonians. London, June 1780. New York]: The Johnsonians, 2007.

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John, Nicholson. The great liberty riot of 1780: Being an account of how the people destroyed the prisons of London and set free the prisoners, together with a thorough examination of how this event has been portrayed in history and literature. London, England: BM Bozo, 1985.

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Maugham, W. Somerset. Ah King: And other stories. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986.

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John, Bowen, ed. Barnaby Rudge: A tale of the riots of 'eighty. London: Penguin Books, 2003.

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Dickens, Charles. Barnaby rudge: A tale of the riots of 'eightythe original classic edition. [Place of publication not identified]: Emereo Pty Limited, 2012.

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Donald, Hawes, ed. Barnaby Rudge: A tale of the Riots of 'eighty. London: J.M. Dent, 1996.

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Holder, Nancy. Barnaby Rudge: A tale of the riots of 'eighty. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005.

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Dickens, Charles. Barnaby Rudge: A tale of the riots of 'eighty. London: The Folio Society, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gordon Riots, 1780"

1

Bailey, Victor. "Sir Samuel Romilly on the Gordon Riots, 1780." In Nineteenth-Century Crime and Punishment, 92–98. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429504013-11.

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Bailey, Victor. "Dr. Samuel Johnson on the Gordon Riots, 1780." In Nineteenth-Century Crime and Punishment, 99–100. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429504013-12.

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Rogers, Nicholas. "Nights of Fire: The Gordon Riots of 1780 and the Politics of War." In Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World, 124–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316516_8.

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Burney], Susannah Elizabeth [Susan] Phillips. "Susanna Elizabeth Burney's account of the Gordon Riots." In The Early Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney, Vol. 4: The Streatham Years, Part II, 1780-1781, edited by Betty Rizzo, 547–50. Oxford University Press and McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00070933.

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Langford, Paul. "Britannia’s Distress, 1770-1783." In A Polite and Commercial people, 519–64. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198207337.003.0011.

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Abstract Lord North’S ministry began propitiously. Much of its success derived from North’s gifts as a parliamentarian, much too from the confidence which he inspired among the back-bench country gentlemen. It was clear, however, that the ferments of the 1760s had had permanent consequences, not least in the searching scrutiny to which the traditional assumptions of the eigheenth-century constitution were subjected by critics of the regime. These included Dissenters in matters of Church as well as State. North’s handling of imperial affairs, in India, in Canada, and in America, suggested resourcefulness and firmness. His decision to use force against the American colonies was widely supported and positively strengthened his political position. But when the war began to go badly in 1777, a crisis of unpre cedented dimensions unfolded. Recognition of American independence came to be seen as unavoidable. Something of the same sort threatened in Ireland with the appearance of the Volunteer movement. In England a campaign in favour of’ economical reform’, and to a lesser extent parliamentary reform, made itself felt. The Gordon Riots of 1780 heightened the sense of impending catastrophe. North’s survival until the surrender at Yorktown nearly two years later only postponed a resolution of these conflicts. The Peace was unpopular, though less humiliating than had been feared.
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Kelly, James. "Breakthrough." In The Oxford History of British and Irish Catholicism, Volume III, 31–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843443.003.0003.

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Abstract The withdrawal in 1766 of papal recognition of the Stuarts’ claim to the throne of Britain and Ireland paved the way for the repeal of the penal laws. Irish Catholics were better organized than their British equivalents in the 1760s, but enduring anti-Catholic sentiment, animated by a combination of historical memory and contemporary events, ensured no progress was made until the early 1770s when the Irish and Westminster parliaments approved measures—an Oath of Allegiance and the Quebec Act most notably—that held out the promise that legislation to repeal the penal laws might soon follow. Military and political calculations, spurred by the exigencies of the American War of Independence provided the context for breakthrough acts in 1778 but the contrasting reactions of public opinion in both jurisdictions determined what was to follow. In Ireland, optimistic hopes that an era of religious toleration and political accommodation beckoned resulted in additional relief measures in 1782, but efforts to extend the franchise to Catholics in 1783–4 aroused atavistic fears for the Protestant constitution that ensured no further relief was forthcoming during the 1780s. In Great Britain, meanwhile, opposition in Scotland to the reliefs agreed at Westminster in 1778 prompted an outbreak of ‘no popery’, peaking in the Gordon Riots in London in June 1780. This underlined the enduring strength of anti-Catholic sentiment there and, by encouraging a much chastened Catholic leadership to rethink its approach, exposed divisions within Catholic ranks.
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Berman, Carolyn Vellenga. "Breach of Privilege." In Dickens and Democracy in the Age of Paper, 58–88. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192845405.003.0003.

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This chapter is devoted to parliamentary reform and the art of representing the People—two topics that engaged Dickens’s fervent interest as a writer and reporter. It emphasizes the role played by the media in the passage of the Reform Act of 1832. Reporting the parliamentary debates remained an official breach of privilege until after Dickens’s death, though it was tolerated. The chapter asks how the private is made public in fiction and journalism from The Mirror of Parliament to Dickens’s parliamentary sketches. It offers a history of parliamentary reform intertwined with Dickens’s own family history, while examining the pressures on Parliament to offer a “mirror” of the nation. Next, it returns to Gurney’s Brachygraphy, showing how the unconscious satire of its practice texts concerning legitimate rule reverberated in Dickens’s fiction. The chapter ends with Dickens’s first contracted novel, Barnaby Rudge, a tale of the Gordon Riots of 1780. It reads this historical novel as both a response to parliamentary history and a re-presentation of events Dickens witnessed: the anti-Catholic riots leading to parliamentary reform. These events produced the “breach” birth of Dickens as a writer.
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Jortner, Adam. "Jews at War." In A Promised Land, 71–90. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197536865.003.0005.

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Abstract This chapter explains the war experience of American Jews and Jewish patriots. Jews served in wartime alongside their Gentile countrymen. Washington and others accepted Jews as soldiers and promoted them as officers, something no other country did at the time. When Jewish patriots wrote of their experiences in wartime, they simply assumed citizenship and membership in the struggle against Britain and the colonial apparatus. They believed the war made them citizens. At least twice, British officers ordered the expulsion of Jews from occupied areas—Georgia and St. Eustatius. Meanwhile, Britain’s attempt to widen religious citizenship to Catholics resulted in the Gordon Riots of 1780. Jews fought for the revolution and Washington’s decision to include Jews as soldiers served the United States far better than anti-Semitism served Britain. After the war, the Jewish patriots had all ended up in the town of Philadelphia and started building a national religious organization and consciousness alongside their community and institution, Mikveh Israel.
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Maccoby, S. "The Gordon Riots." In English Radicalism 1762–1785, 305–26. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315014371-16.

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Haydon, Colin. "Anti-Catholicism and Protestant Relations with Catholics." In The Oxford History of British and Irish Catholicism, Volume III, 142—C8S8. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843443.003.0009.

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Abstract This chapter examines anti-Catholicism and Protestant-Catholic relations in Britain and Ireland from 1746 and the demise of Jacobitism to Catholic emancipation in 1829. The chapter delineates the continuing dissemination of anti-Catholicism through printed works, sermons, language itself, the commemoration of anniversaries, and rituals, and by bodies such as the Protestant Association and the Orange Order. It outlines lessening Protestant-Catholic animosities among social and intellectual elites from c.1760, but also emphasizes sources of persisting discord, notably theological differences. Consideration is given to tensions and accommodations within families and workplaces and in local communities, where plebeian memories and superstitions could both reinforce and temper anti-Catholic prejudices. Violence and rioting (most notably the Gordon Riots in Edinburgh and London) are analysed. So is the sympathy for Catholics in France engendered by the Revolutionaries’ persecution of the Church and hence for the Georgian State’s own Catholic subjects (though the Revolution excited some Protestants to expect the imminent ‘Fall of Antichrist’ too). The chapter describes the 1798 Irish Rising’s entrenchment of ‘no popery!’ sentiment among aghast Protestants, and not only in Ireland, during the three decades preceding emancipation, and opposition to that measure.
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