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Journal articles on the topic 'Goddesses, Hindu'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

Bühnemann, Gudrun. "The Goddess Mahā;cīnakrama-Tārā (Ugra-Tārā) In Buddhist And Hindu Tantrism." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 3 (October 1996): 472–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00030603.

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It is well known that some goddesses are worshipped in both the Buddhist and Hindu Tantric traditions. A form of the Buddhist Vajrayoginī, accompanied by Vajravarṇanī and Vajravairocanī, is the prototype of the Hindu Chinnamastā accompanied by Ḍākinī and Varṅinī. Forms of Ekajaṭā and Mañjughoṣa were adopted from the Buddhist pantheon into the Hindu and worshipped by the same name. Usually it is not easy to trace how and when these adaptations took place. In the case of Mahācīnakrama-Tārā, a special form of Tārā, it has long been suspected that the goddess was imported from the Buddhist Tantric pantheon into the Hindu pantheon. In this paper I demonstrate, on the basis of clear textual evidence, how the goddess's description in a Buddhist sādhana was incorporated into the Hindu Phetkāriṅītantra, which was then quoted as an authoritative source regarding the goddess by later Hindu Tantras. I further examine representations of the goddess in art, and provide a new edition and translation of two sādhanas of Mahācīnakrama-Tārā.

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2

VICZIANY, MARIKA, and JAYANT BAPAT. "Mumbādevī and the Other Mother Goddesses in Mumbai." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 2 (March 2009): 511–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700340x.

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AbstractMumbādevī is the patron Goddess of the city of Mumbai, one of the largest and most cosmopolitan cities of Asia. Local traditions say that Mumbādevī was a Koḷī Goddess and worshipped by the indigenous Koḷī fisher community for centuries. However, since the turn of the twentieth century the temple of Mumbādevī and the rituals surrounding the Goddess have gradually been Sanskritised. Today, Mumbādevī is more closely associated with the Gujarati community. This paper examines this transformation and in doing so reflects on the survival of Mumbādevī, the ongoing popularity of Goddess worship in Mumbai and the failure of Hindu fundamentalists to subordinate the Mother Goddesses of Mumbai to a more limited range of Hindu Gods.

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3

Smears, Ali. "Mobilizing Shakti: Hindu Goddesses and Campaigns Against Gender-Based Violence." Religions 10, no. 6 (June 13, 2019): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060381.

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Hindu goddesses have been mobilized as powerful symbols by various groups of activists in both visual and verbal campaigns in India. Although these mobilizations have different motivations and goals, they have frequently emphasized the theological association between goddesses and women, connected through their common possession of Shakti (power). These campaigns commonly highlight the idea that both goddesses and Hindu women share in this power in order to inspire women to action in particular ways. While this association has largely been used as a campaign strategy by Hindu right-wing women’s organizations in India, it has also become a strategy employed in particular feminist campaigns as well. This article offers a discourse analysis of two online activist campaigns (Priya's Shakti and Abused Goddesses) which mobilize Hindu goddesses (and their power) in order to raise awareness about gender-based violence in India. I examine whether marginalized identities of women in India, in relation to caste, class and religious identity, are represented in the texts and images. To do so, I analyze how politically-charged, normative imaginings of Indian women are constructed (or maintained). This analysis raises questions about the usefulness of employing Hindu goddesses as feminist symbols, particularly in contemporary Indian society, in which communal and caste-based tensions are elevated.

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4

Findly, Ellison B., and David Kinsley. "Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition." Journal of the American Oriental Society 108, no. 2 (April 1988): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603681.

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5

Hiltebeitel, Alf, and David Kinsley. "Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 2 (1987): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758173.

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6

Brubaker, Richard L. "Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. David Kinsley." Journal of Religion 69, no. 2 (April 1989): 289–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488108.

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7

Agung Suharyanto, Wiflihani, Onggal Sihite, Yesti Pratiwi, Ijon Gabe Martuah Sinaga, Yesima Sidebang, Andreas, et al. "Maha Puja Navarathiri & Vijaya Dhasamiumat Hindu at the Sri Mariaman Temple in Medan City." Lakhomi Journal Scientific Journal of Culture 1, no. 1 (December 5, 2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/lakhomi.v1i1.342.

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This research is a research conducted to determine the procedures, components of the ceremony, and to know the function and meaning of the Nava Rathiri and Vijaya Dhasami celebrations for Hindus in Medan City. This study used qualitative research methods and data collection was carried out by following the ceremony held directly by the Maha Puja Navarathiri & Vijaya Dhasamiumat Hindu ceremony at the Sri Mariaman Temple, Medan City. This research was conducted at the Srimariaman temple, where the navaratri is carried out for nine days every night in a row by Hindus living in the city of Medan. The result of this research is that this celebration is a worship for goddesses who have fought long ago against evil, namely giants. This celebration performed at Worship was done to please the goddesses for nine days as many days as it took for the goddess to defeat the evil monster. This is in accordance with its implementation, which is for nine days in the Tamil month of purification. There are many components used in this statement, from a series of flowers, coconut, trinkets, and many more. Worship is done to restore the good qualities of humans and defeat the bad qualities in humans because basically every human being is created for good. There are many components used in this statement, from a series of flowers, coconut, trinkets, and many more. Worship is done to restore the good qualities of humans and defeat the bad qualities in humans because basically every human being is created for good. There are many components used in this statement, from a series of flowers, coconut, trinkets, and many more. Worship is done to restore the good qualities of humans and defeat the bad qualities in humans because basically every human being is created for good.

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8

Ghimire, Him Lal. "A Study of Living Godess Kumārī: The Source of Cultural Tourism in Nepal." Gaze: Journal of Tourism and Hospitality 9 (April 30, 2018): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/gaze.v9i0.19718.

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The Kumārī- living goddess, as the spirit of the goddess of power believed to be embodied in a long succession of Nepali virgin girls, has been worshiped for centuries. The Kumārī is a prepubescent girl who is hailed as manifestations of divine and spiritual energy, the living incarnation of the Hindu goddess of power; for Buddhist devotees, the Kumārī is a manifestation of Vajradevi or Tara. The most important requirement is that the girl has never menstruated. Hindu and Buddhist devotees bow their forehead on the toes of the living goddesses the Kumārī with high level of respect to fulfil their wishes. The Kumārī is commonly “Mother Deity or Kumārī ma”. As a Mother Deity it is believed that the Kumārī can transmit power or śakti directly into the bodies of those devotees who come to have her audience (darśana). The Kumārī culture is Nepali’s identity and historical cultural heritage. The Kumārī culture has a huge potential to develop cultural tourism in Nepal however, it has not been well-known to the rest of the world adequately. It is one of the country’s oldest tradition and should be preserved.The Gaze: Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Vol.9 2018 p.23-42

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9

Coburn, Thomas B. "Hindu GoddessesHindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. David R. Kinsley." History of Religions 27, no. 4 (May 1988): 412–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463131.

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10

Simmons, C. "Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. By Lynn Foulston and Stuart Abbott." Journal of Hindu Studies 5, no. 1 (March 6, 2012): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhs/his009.

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11

Dubey, Abhay. "MUSIC AND SOCIETY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 3, no. 1SE (January 31, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v3.i1se.2015.3390.

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In India, music is believed to be as eternal as God. Before the creation of the world —it existed as the all-pervading sound of "Om" —ringing through space. Brahma, the Creator, revealed the four Vedas, the last of which was the Sama Veda —dealing with music.Vedic hymns were ritualistic chants of invocation to different nature gods. It is not strange therefore to find the beginnings of Hindu music associated with Gods and Goddesses. The mythological heaven of Indra, God of Rain, was inhabited by Gandharvas (singers), Apsaras (female dancers) and Kinnaras (instrumentalists). Saraswati, Goddess of Music and Learning, is represented as seated on a white lotus playing on the Veena. The great sage Narada first brought the art to earth and taught it to men.

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12

Sarbadhikary, Sukanya. "Shankh-er Shongshar, Afterlife Everyday: Religious Experience of the Evening Conch and Goddesses in Bengali Hindu Homes." Religions 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2019): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10010053.

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This essay brings together critical archetypes of Bengali Hindu home-experience: the sound of the evening shankh (conch), the goddess Lakshmi, and the female snake-deity, Manasa. It analyzes the everyday phenomenology of the home, not simply through the European category of the ‘domestic’, but conceptually more elastic vernacular religious discourse of shongshar, which means both home and world. The conch is studied as a direct material embodiment of the sacred domestic. Its materiality and sound-ontology evoke a religious experience fused with this-worldly wellbeing (mongol) and afterlife stillness. Further, (contrary) worship ontologies of Lakshmi, the life-goddess of mongol, and Manasa, the death-and-resuscitation goddess, are discussed, and the twists of these ambivalent imaginings are shown to be engraved in the conch’s body and audition. Bringing goddesses and conch-aesthetics together, shongshar is thus presented as a religious everyday dwelling, where the ‘home’ and ‘world’ are connected through spiraling experiences of life, death, and resuscitation. Problematizing the monolithic idea of the secular home as a protecting domain from the outside world, I argue that everyday religious experience of the Bengali domestic, as especially encountered and narrated by female householders, essentially includes both Lakshmi/life/fertility and Manasa/death/renunciation. Exploring the analogy of the spirals of shankh and shongshar, spatial and temporal experiences of the sacred domestic are also complicated. Based on ritual texts, fieldwork among Lakshmi and Manasa worshippers, conch-collectors, craftsmen and specialists, and immersion in the everyday religious world, I foreground a new aesthetic phenomenology at the interface of the metaphysics of sound, moralities of goddess-devotions, and the Bengali home’s experience of afterlife everyday.

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13

Zubko, Katherine C. "Christian Themes and the Role of the Nāyikā in Bharatanāṭyam." International Journal of Asian Christianity 1, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00102006.

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Within the Indian classical dance style of bharatanāṭyam, performers traditionally embody the stories of Hindu gods and goddesses. This paper discusses selected examples of how Christian themes have been incorporated into the art form by both Hindu and non-Hindu participants, including the adaptation of the aesthetics of the nāyikā, a female heroine yearning for her absent beloved. In an extended case study, I examine the presentation of one such unique nāyikā, a Christian Indian woman who contracts HIV from her husband, in particular demonstrating how various gesture sequences draw upon the recognizable, empathetic foundation of the suffering heroine to depict the realities of the illness of HIV. The despair and pain of the nāyikā, and the role of a sakhī as sympathetic doctor, invite audiences into a familiar aesthetic framework that also creates receptivity towards a significant social critique.

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14

Sapkota, Jiblal. "The Iconography of Divinity: Kali as a Power-Cluster of Ten Different Goddesses." Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (May 23, 2014): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ctbijis.v1i1.10464.

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This article is an exploration of Kali, a Hindu deity, through Panofskian three-tiered meanings of a visual art: pre-iconographical description, iconographical analysis and iconological interpretation. It presents neither a dogmatic nor an erotic interpretation of Kali but a purely objective analysis of the Hindu deity. It is argued that Kali has layers of implications, associations and meanings as well as multiple forms, namely Kali, Chinnamasta Kali, Tara, Bhuvaneshwori, Bagalamukhi, Dhumbavati, Kamala, Bhairavi, Sodasi, and Matangi. Each form is also associated with different mythologies, allegories and allusions of their origin. It is assumed that this article has had great significance in the academia as well as for the academicians and academics who are interested in carrying out research works, with an objective description, analysis and interpretation of any visual art. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ctbijis.v1i1.10464 Crossing the Border: International Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Vol.1(1) 2013; 11-20

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15

Klostermaier, Klaus K. "Book Review: Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary." Theological Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2006): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390606700130.

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16

Nicholson, Hugh. "Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary ? Francis X. Clooney." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00085_4.x.

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17

Locklin, Reid B. "Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary ? Francis X. Clooney." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 3 (July 2006): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00085_5.x.

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18

Mitra, Semontee. "Merchandizing the Sacred: Commodifying Hindu Religion, Gods/Goddesses, and Festivals in the United States." Journal of Media and Religion 15, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15348423.2016.1177351.

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19

Dempsey, Corinne. "Clooney SJ, Francis X.,Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary." Theology & Sexuality 13, no. 2 (January 2007): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1355835806074439.

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20

Murdihastomo, Ashar. "IDENTIFIKASI DEWA-DEWI AGAMA HINDU-BUDDHA SEBAGAI DEWA PELINDUNG PELAYARAN (IDENTIFICATION OF HINDU-BUDDHIST GODS AND GODDESSES AS PATRON DEITIES OF SEAFARING)." Naditira Widya 13, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/nw.v13i2.397.

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21

Karapanagiotis, Nicole. "Cyber Forms, Worshipable Forms: Hindu Devotional Viewpoints on the Ontology of Cyber-Gods and -Goddesses." International Journal of Hindu Studies 17, no. 1 (April 2013): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11407-013-9136-4.

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22

Nicholson, Hugh. "Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary - By Francis X. Clooney, SJ." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 1 (January 2006): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00045_12.x.

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23

Alley, Kelly D. "River Goddesses, Personhood and Rights of Nature: Implications for Spiritual Ecology." Religions 10, no. 9 (August 26, 2019): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10090502.

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Designating rights for nature is a potentially powerful way to open up the dialogue on nature conservation around the world and provide enforcement power for an ecocentric approach. Experiments using a rights-based framework have combined in-country perspectives, worldviews, and practices with legal justifications giving rights to nature. This paper looks at a fusion of legal traditions, religious worldviews, and practices of environmental protection and advocacy in the context of India. It takes two specific legal cases in India and examines the recent high-profile rulings designating the rivers Ganga, Yamuna, and their tributaries and glaciers as juristic persons. Although the rulings were stayed a few months after their issuance, they are an interesting bending of the boundaries of nature, person, and deity that produce Ganga and Yamuna as vulnerable prototypes. This paper uses interview data focusing on these cases and document and archival data to ask whether legal interventions giving rights to nature can become effective avenues for environmental activism and spiritual ecology. The paper also assesses whether these legal cases have promoted Hindu nationalism or ‘Hindutva lite’.

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24

Puspa, Ratna Sari, and Suzy Azeharie. "Komunikasi Ritual Obiyem pada Etnis Tamil Hindu di Kota Medan." Koneksi 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/kn.v4i2.8076.

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The Tamil Hindu ethnic community is spread across Indonesia, the majority live in Medan North Sumatra. Obiyem ritual is a religious activity believed by the Tamil Hindu ethnic community. The ritual has existed since the time of Bharatayudha and it is believed to eliminate bad karma for anyone who participates and performs the ritual. This ritual also obliges the devotees to make offerings to the Gods and Goddesses as a form of gratitude for giving abundance, maintain and protecting the universe. With the existence of ritual communication, the Tamil Hindu ethnic community in Medan can communicate and relate to the creator through the Obiyem ritual. This tradition is still carried out by the Tamil Hindu ethnic community to this day. The purpose of this study is to find out how the ritual communication is at the ceremony to the Tamil Hindu ethnic in Medan and what preparations are needed when the ritual is performed. Theories used in this research are communication theory, ritual communication and transcendental communication.The research method used was a phenomenological method with a qualitative descriptive approach. The data were obtained from in-depth interviews with three sources who understood about the ritual of Obiyem. The conclusion of this study is the ritual of Obiyem is a media used to communicate between humans and the Creator so that all bad karma is eliminated. It is also strengthen the relationship of Tamil Hindu ethnic society.Masyarakat etnis Tamil Hindu di Indonesia mayoritas berada di kota Medan, Sumatera Utara. Ritual Obiyemmerupakan kegiatan keagamaan bagi etnis Tamil Hindu. Ritual Obiyemsudah ada sejak zaman Bharatayudha. Ritual ini dipercaya bisa menghapuskan karma buruk bagi siapapun yang ikut serta dan melakukan ritual ini. Ritual ini juga mewajibkan para jemaah untuk memberikan persembahan kepada para dewa dan dewi sebagai bentuk terima kasih karena sudah memberi kelimpahan, memelihara dan menjaga alam semesta. Dengan adanya komunikasi ritual masyarakat etnis Tamil Hindu di Medan dapat berkomunikasi dan berhubungan dengan sang pencipta melalui ritual Obiyem. Ritual ini masih dilaksanakan oleh masyarakat etnis Tamil Hindu sampai saat ini. Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui bagaimana komunikasi ritual Obiyempada etnis Tamil Hindu di kota Medan dan apa saja persiapan yang dibutuhkan pada saat ritual Obiyem dilakukan. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori komunikasi, komunikasi ritual dan komunikasi transendental. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode fenomenologi dengan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Data diperoleh dari hasil wawancara mendalam dengan narasumber yang mengetahui ritual Obiyem. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah ritual Obiyemmerupakan media yang digunakan untuk berkomunikasi antara manusia dan sang pencipta untuk menghapuskan karma buruk. Komunikasi ritual ini juga dilakukan untuk mempererat hubungan masyarakat etnis Tamil Hindu.

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25

Maillart-Garg, Meena, and Michael Winkelman. "The “Kamasutra” temples of India: A case for the encoding of psychedelically induced spirituality." Journal of Psychedelic Studies 3, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2054.2019.012.

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The essay proposes that entheogenic mushrooms and shamanic experiences are encoded in the Khajuraho Temples of India. Erotic sculptures of Khajuraho have statues with limbs depicted in strange positions, separated from the body or with orientations that are anatomically impossible. These represent dismemberment experiences typical of shamanic and mystical initiation, a phenomenon with precedents in Hindu and Buddhist traditions. The central placement of mushroom depictions in the temple structures indicates that their identities should be sought among entheogenic mushrooms, but features that could distinguish entheogenic mushroom species are often ambiguous. Nonetheless, the centrality of their placement supports the entheogenic hypothesis. While the presence of multiple fungi and plant sources for soma seems likely, the argument for the originality of Amanita muscaria is made in assessing the principal names of the God Vishnu with respect to features of the mushroom. Various associations of the Gods at Khajuraho and other sites suggest the broad identification of Hindu Gods with entheogenic mushrooms. Icons of mushroom are also secretly encoded in the Khajuraho sculptures in association with the so-called vandalized or broken sculptures of Khajuraho. A repeated “figure 8” pattern suggests that the artists deliberately constructed them to appear vandalized in order to encode information depicting the early stage of A. muscaria and other entheogenic fungi. These encoded figures provide support for the argument that A. muscaria, Hindu God Vishnu, Jain Mahaveera, and the Buddha (and perhaps other Gods and Goddesses of Vedic/Jain/Hindu/Buddhist pantheon) could be interconnected. This paper concludes with an assessment of the implications of this entheogenic evidence for the reinterpretation of central aspects of religious beliefs and ideologies of India.

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26

Simmons, C. "Revelry, Rivalry, and Longing for the Goddesses of Bengal: The Fortunes of Hindu Festivals. By Rachel Fell McDermott." Journal of Hindu Studies 7, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhs/hiu014.

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27

Bacchetta, Paola. "All our goddesses are armed: Religion, resistance, and revenge in the life of a militant Hindu nationalist woman." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 25, no. 4 (December 1993): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1993.10416137.

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28

Werner, Karel. "Hindu goddesses: visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu religious tradition. By David Kinsley. pp. viii, 281, illus., Berkeley etc., University of California Press, 1986. £29.75." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 120, no. 1 (January 1988): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00164597.

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29

Islam, Sk Zohirul. "The Pair Lion Motif in Shiva Temple of Medieval Bengal: Its Source and Evaluation." American International Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v3i1.138.

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Lions, particularly male lions, have been an important symbol for thousands of years and appear as a theme in cultures across Europe, Asia, and Africa. The cultural significance of stucco pair lion motif in Shiva temples of Bengal and relates with various types of representation of the same motif found in others. The pair Lion used as stucco (Jora Shiva Temple, Muroli, Jessore district). Shiva is the braver among the all God and Goddesses in Hindu religion during the early period and still. Thus we have found many Shiva temple build in Bengal (present West Bengal(Paschimbango) and Bangladesh). This article try to analyses about how the pair lion motif is depicting of the Shiva temple and what is the relation between Shiva and lion under Mythology and Purana. Shiva is the second most important male deity of Hindu. The usual Shiva –lingam’s which were mainly worshipped in the temples and under trees or in an open space. We would have tried to decipher about Pair Lion Motif decoration of 18th – 19th century Shiva temple of Bangladesh. Those would have to help the history of evaluation of stylized art waves is coming out by its decoration motif with ritual, beliefs and faith of Bengal society. We may look at the artistic tradition of lion sculptures those are widely found from different parts of west Bengal and Bangladesh.

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30

Rustomjee, Sabar. "Working Between Eastern and Western Cultures / Trabajando Entre la Cultura Oriental y Occidental." FORUM, no. 4 (April 2011): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/foru2010-004009.

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This article describes differences and similarities in conducting analytic individual and group psychotherapy in a 19-year-old single Indian Hindu woman who had recently immigrated to Melbourne. This case is complicated. Transference relationships between therapist and client arising from both eastern and western cultures had to be taken into consideration and required much self-questioning. Not only does the client present in a unique manner, but the entire case material presented is equally unusual. The acceptance of female sexuality in Indian culture expressed lovingly through dance and music by the client as dancer in her adoration of Hindu gods and goddesses is described. The therapist found herself in an unaccountable state of fear early in the therapy that she was later able to uncover and relate to an early encounter with a potentially unpredictable and violent tribe, the Hijras, who present with a rare form of sexual perversion. The case ends with healthy separation and individuation by the client.Este artículo describe diferencias y similitudes en la conducción de psicoterapia individual y grupal en una mujer hindú soltera de 19 ańos que había emigrado recientemente a Melbourne. Es un caso complicado. Hubo que tomar en consideración y auto-cuestionar mucho la relación transferencial entre terapeuta y cliente emergente de la cultura oriental y occidental. No solo se presenta la cliente de una forma única sino que todo el material del caso es igualmente inusual. Se describe la aceptación de la sexualidad femenina en la cultura india, amorosamente expresada a través de la danza y la música por la cliente en su baile de adoración a dioses y diosas hindúes. La terapeuta se encontró en un estado inexplicable de temor desde los comienzos de la terapia, que más tarde pudo descifrar y relacionar con un encuentro temprano con una tribu potencialmente impredectible y violenta, los Hijras, que presentan una extrańa forma de perversión sexual. El caso termina con una separación e individuación saludable por parte de la cliente.

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Wiratini, Ni Made, Ni Komang Sutriyanti, and I. Gusti Ngurah Sudiana. "Kajian Pendidikan Karakter Dalam Cerita Sundara Kanda." Cetta: Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.37329/cetta.v3i2.447.

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Hindu teachings contain a lot about character education, morals, ethics and manners. Moral education can be seen in the story of Sundara Kanda, which is a sub of Itihasa in the Ramayana epic that tells the journey of life with various obstacles and tests that must be faced with full fortitude, strength and determination. Every event that occurs in the Sundara Kanda story is a unified narrative unit in resolving the conflict of every event. The setting in this story uses the setting of Mount Mainaka, Alengka Palace, Taman Angsoka, Kiskinda kingdom. The character is Hanuman who becomes a central figure, then there are goddesses Sitā and Ravana. The accompanying figures are Trijata, Wibisana, Anggada, Jembawan, Sugriwa, Laksmana and Rama. Rahwana as the Antagonist, then there are also giants. His mandate is loyalty and determination in carrying out dharma. Character characters contained in the Sundara Kanda story include characterization displayed through the use of the character's name, through the appearance of the character, and characterization through the author's speech. In accordance with the characters contained in Hindu teachings, namely in the book of Bhagawadgita, the characters in the Sundara Kanda story can be grouped into two characters namely daivi sampad and asuri sampad. The values contained in the character of the Sundara Kanda story include religious, honesty, responsibility, tolerance, discipline, and hard work. As a whole, the character's character value is a national character that should be inculcated and developed to the wider community, in order to shape the attitudes and behavior of a person in carrying out the duties and obligations that should be carried out both towards oneself, the family environment, society, nation and state.

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Narayanan, Vasudha. "Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. By David Kinsley. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986. viii, 281 pp. Appendix, Notes, Bibliography, Index. $35." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (February 1987): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056716.

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Bauman, Chad M. "Divine Mother, Blessed Mother: Hindu Goddesses and the Virgin Mary. By S. J. Francis X. Clooney. Oxford University Press, 2005. 264 pages. $49.95." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 74, no. 3 (July 11, 2006): 779–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfj101.

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Halim, Andre. "THE MEANING OF ORNAMENTS IN THE HINDU AND BUDDHIST TEMPLES ON THE ISLAND OF JAVA (ANCIENT - MIDDLE - LATE CLASSICAL ERAS)." Riset Arsitektur (RISA) 1, no. 02 (July 17, 2017): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/risa.v1i02.2391.170-191.

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Abstract- As one of the relics of the Classical Era, temples and shrines have been known as a means of worshipping the gods and goddesses or one’s ancestors, especially in the religions of Hinduism and Buddhism. Observers often regard the ornaments of these temples as mere visual art objects, as eye candy that may beautify their outward appearance. However, when examined more closely, these ornaments carry a certain meaning in each of the temples. The aim of this research study is to explore the deeper significance of these ornaments and their location. This research can be classified as qualitative, using the descriptive-analytical method. Employing the Purposive Sampling method regarding ornamentation, eleven temples have been selected that meet the research requirements. Both Hinduism and Buddhism have been known to make a division into three worlds, namely the lower, middle and upper spheres. This division has also shaped the elements of temples into their respective head, body and legs/feet. Further categorization yields six motifs, all of which can be found in temples in various shapes, consisting of several types of ornament that embellish the three elements mentioned above. Each of the motifs carries a variety of meanings. In this research study, the relationship between the meanings and their exact location (placement) is analyzed, indicating that they are in keeping with the division into three worlds, but then again there are ones that do not follow that pattern, and still others that are not affected at all. Development of the physical shape of the ornaments has occurred in several ornaments, but the majority of the changes in their physical shape has left no impact on the meaning contained within these ornaments.Keywords: temple, ornament, meaning, placement, physical shape

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Dasgupta, Sutopa. "Revelry, Rivalry, and Longing for the Goddesses of Bengal: The Fortunes of Hindu Festivals. By Rachel Fell McDermott. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. xviii, 372 pp. $89.50 (cloth); $29.50 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 1 (February 2012): 290–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811002841.

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van Brussel, Noor. "Tales of Endings and Beginnings: Cycles of Violence as a Leitmotif in the Narrative Structure of the Bhadrakāḷīmāhātmya." Religions 11, no. 3 (March 10, 2020): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11030119.

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The asura’s demise at the hands of the goddess is a theme frequently revisited in Hindu myth. It is the chronicle of a death foretold. So too is the Bhadrakāḷīmāhātmya, a sixteenth century regional purāṇa from Kerala, that narrates the tale of fierce goddess Bhadrakāḷī and her predestined triumph over asura king Dārika. Violence is ubiquitous in this narrative, which was designed with one goal in mind: glorifying the ultimate act of defeating the asura enemy. In its course the story exhibits many kinds of violence: self-harm, cosmic warfare, murder, etc. This paper argues that (1) violence comes to serve as a structural aspect in the text. Reappearing consistently at key moments in the narrative, violence both frames and structures the goddess’s tale. Yet, it is not only the violent act that dominates, it is its accompaniment by equal acts of regeneration that dictates the flow of the narrative, creating a pulsating course of endings and beginnings; (2) these cycles, that strategically occur throughout the narrative, come to serve as a Leitmotif referring to the cyclic tandem of destruction and regeneration that has dominated post-Vedic Hindu myth in many forms. The pulsating dynamic of death and revival thus becomes a specific narrative design that aims to embed the regional goddess within a grander framework of Time.

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Ulrich, Edward Theodore. "Learning Hinduism through a Rural Homestay in South India." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 30, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v30i1.404.

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As a professor of theology with expertise in interreligious issues, I designed a January Term course on Hinduism set in south India. The course met liberal arts requirements and was designed for predominantly upper Midwestern students with Catholic and Protestant backgrounds. The focus was not on major sites but on meeting people in the countryside. Also, the course moved traditional learning and pedagogy into a living space by staying for six nights, during the Pongal harvest festival, in rural homes in Tamil Nadu. In terms of academics, the course was originally designed to focus on asceticism, the worship of Shiva, village goddesses, and the role of hill shrines in Tamil Nadu. The students would learn about these topics directly through the town, its inhabitants, and nearby religious sites. I did my best to prepare students for the experience, utilizing interviews, orientation sessions, on-site orientations, and assigned readings. My plans and preparations might seem to have been good, but at the midpoint of the course, on the first day in the small town, the program ground to a halt. Many students were emotionally devastated by the level of poverty. In this context, my lectures on asceticism, Shiva, goddesses, and hill shrines rang hollow and empty. Instead, the minds of the students were flooded by a host of other issues, including poverty, race, class, gender, environmental pollution. Although initially devastated by poverty, the students were quickly drawn into the life of the town. After only two days many frowns and tears turned into smiles. They were drawn in by the hospitality, the highly relational nature of the Tamil people, the exuberance and color of the Pongal celebrations, and the town’s rituals. Religion was a main facet of the experiences of the students, and this was key in terms of transforming their stay into a positive one, but my lectures on Shiva nevertheless rang empty. The students were experiencing a different aspect of the religion than what I had learned about in graduate school or was prepared to teach. Westerners tend to think of Asian religions in terms of meditation, asceticism, and philosophy, but the students were experiencing religion in terms of family intimacy, obedience to the elders, and hospitality to the stranger. I later found that the sixth century Tamil classic, the Tirukkural or “Holy Speech,” addresses the experiences of the students. The text gives instructions on how to live a virtuous life, and it discusses two main lifestyles, those of the ascetic and the householder. The former pertains to material that I was prepared to teach and the latter to the world my students were experiencing. There were a variety of lessons which the students, and students in future years, learned from the lifestyle of a Hindu householder. Lessons they wrote about in their journals included generosity to outsiders and guests, valuing family relations, that great joy can exist in the midst of poverty, and that Americans value individual choice, whereas Indians value collective decision making.

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Ferrari, Fabrizio M. "Rachel Fell McDermott: Revelry, Rivalry, and Longing for the Goddesses of Bengal: The Fortunes of Hindu Festivals. xviii, 372 pp. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. £20.50. ISBN 978 0 231 12919 0." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 75, no. 2 (June 2012): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12000328.

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Brittlebank, Kate. "Sakti and Barakat: The Power of Tipu's Tiger." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012725.

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A figure who walks larger than life through the pages of eighteenthcentury south-Indian history is Tipu Sultan Fath Ali Khan, who held power in Mysore from 1782 until his death at the hands of the British in 1799. In general, scholars of his reign have taken a mainly Eurocentric approach, essentially concentrating on his external relationships and activities, particularly with regard to the French and the British, while more recently there has been some examination of his economy and administration. Recent research into both kingship and religion in south India raises issues which suggest that it is time this ruler was reassessed in his own terms, from the point of view of the cultural environment in which he was operating.3 Little attempt so far has been made to do this.4 One matter which merits closer attention is his use of symbols, particularly in connection with the symbolic expression of kingship. Given Tipu's somewhat ambiguous status as a parvenu, whose legitimacy as ruler was questionable, this would appear to be a fruitful area for research.5 His most famous symbol was the tiger, yet while it has captured the imagination of scholars in other disciplines,6 it has not exercised the minds of historians to any extent.7 It is the aim of this paper to restore the balance by looking at this symbol in the light of the work of Susan Bayly, who has underlined the strongly syncretic nature of religion in south India. Drawing upon both written and oral material, Bayly has described the interaction which has taken place between Muslim, Hindu and Christian traditions, the result of which is a borrowing of symbols and ideas, a frequently shared vocabulary, and an interweaving of motifs within a common sacred landscape, at the centre of which is the imagery associated with the ammans or goddesses of the region.8 It is my contention that an examination of Tipu's tiger symbol will reveal that it is firmly rooted in this syncretic religious environment and that this should emphasize to us the importance of placing the Mysore ruler within his cultural context in order to understand his actions, particularly from the point of view of kingship.

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Urban, Hugh B. "DESEO, SANGRE Y PODER – GEORGES BATAILLE Y EL ESTUDIO DEL TANTRA HINDÚ EN EL NORESTE DE LA INDIA." Revista Científica Arbitrada de la Fundación MenteClara 1, no. 3 (December 20, 2016): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32351/rca.v1.3.22.

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Este artículo analiza el tantra hindú y la adoración de la diosa en el noreste de la India. Para esto se vale de varias de las ideas de Bataille sobre el erotismo, el sacrificio y la transgresión, al tiempo que las repiensa de manera crítica. Específicamente, analiza la adoración de la diosa Kamakhya y su templo en Assam, que es venerado como uno de los más antiguos «centros de poder» o asientos de la diosa en el sur de Asia y como el centro del órgano sexual de la diosa. En muchos sentidos, el trabajo de Bataille es extremadamente útil para comprender la lógica de la transgresión y el uso de la impureza en esta tradición. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, este ejemplo también pone de manifiesto algunas tensiones en el trabajo de Bataille, especialmente, la cuestión de la sexualidad femenina y la representación de las mujeres. En el caso del tantra asamés, la sexualidad femenina juega un papel central e integral en los fenómenos más amplios de la transgresión, los gastos y el éxtasis en la experiencia religiosa. Como tal, se puede poner fructíferamente en diálogo con el trabajo de Bataille para una «teoría de la religión» crítica en la actualidad.Abstract: This article examines Hindu Tantra and goddess worship in northeastern India, by using but also critically rethinking several of Bataille’s insights into eroticism, sacrifice, and transgression. Specifically, the article examines the worship of the goddess Kamakhya and her temple in Assam, which is revered as one of the oldest “power centers” or seats of the goddess in South Asia and as the locus of the goddess’s sexual organ. In many ways, Bataille’s work is extremely useful for understanding the logic of transgression and the use of impurity in this tradition. At the same time, however, this example also highlights some tensions in Bataille’s work, particularly the question of female sexuality and women’s agency. In the case of Assamese Tantra, female sexuality plays a central and integral role in the larger phenomena of transgression, expenditure, and ecstatic religious experience. As such, it can be fruitfully put into dialogue with Bataille’s work for a critical “theory of religion” today.

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Dobia, Brenda. "Approaching the Hindu Goddess of Desire." Feminist Theology 16, no. 1 (September 2007): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735007082517.

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Urita, Michiko. "The Xenophilia of a Japanese Ethnomusicologist." Common Knowledge 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8723047.

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This autobiographical, sociological, and musicological essay, written for a symposium on xenophilia, concerns how the love of a foreign culture can lead to a better understanding and renewed love of one’s own. The author, a Japanese musicologist, studied Hindustani music with North Indian masters, both Hindu and Muslim, and concluded that it is the shared concept of a “sound-god” that brings them together on stage in peaceful celebration with audiences from religious communities often at odds. The author’s training in ethnomusicology began in India in 1992, immediately after the violent demolition of the Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodhya by militant Hindus, but even at that time she found no trace of such belligerence in the Hindustani musical world. Years later, while conducting research on the Shinto music rituals of her own culture, she discovered a little-known imperial and aristocratic cult of Myō’onten, a Japanese form of the Hindu goddess of music, Saraswati, who is presently an object of devotion for both Hindu and Muslim musicians in North India. This essay, based on nearly three decades of research in India and Japan, offers some answers to a question raised repeatedly in the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia: What is the source of the xenophilic impulse and the power that sustains it?

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Fibiger, Marianne. "When The Hindu-Goddess Moves To Denmark." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 41, no. 3 (October 9, 2012): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v41i3.29.

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This article will focus primarily on how the adaption-process into a Danish environment has provided a local ??kta-cult from Sri Lanka with a special narrative, and with symbols and text that it, most likely, would not have had if it were still in Sri Lanka. This is important with regards to understanding religion as a dynamic phenomenon, but also in relation to understanding how a tradition not only survives in a new setting but also expands in new environments.

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Bolle, Kees W., and William P. Harman. "The Sacred Marriage of a Hindu Goddess." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112, no. 3 (July 1992): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603106.

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Chakravarty, Saumitra. "Kali, Untamed Goddess Power and Unleashed Sexuality: A Study of the 'Kalika Purana' of Bengal." Journal of Asian Research 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v1n1p1.

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<p><em>This paper attempts to analyse the paradox inherent in the myth of Kali, both in her iconic delineation and the rituals associated with her worship as depicted in the twelfth century Kalika Purana. The black goddess Kali breaks conventional stereotypes of feminine beauty and sexuality in Hindu goddess mythology. She is the dominant sexual partner straddling the prone Siva and the wild warrior goddess drinking demon blood. She is originally depicted as a symbol of uncontrolled fury emerging from the fair, beautiful goddess Ambika in the battle with the demons in older goddess texts. Thereafter she gains independent existence both as the dark, mysterious and sexually demanding version of the more benign and auspicious Parvati and the Primordial Goddess Power pre-dating the Hindu trinity of male gods, the Universal Mother Force which embraces both good and evil, gods and demons in the Kalika Purana. Unlike other goddess texts which emphasize Kali's role in the battle against the demons, the Kalika Purana's focus is on her sexuality and her darkly sensual beauty. Equally it is on the heterodoxical rituals associated with her worship involving blood and flesh offerings, wine and the use of sexual intercourse as opposed to Vedic rituals. </em></p>

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Weiss, Sarah. "Rangda and the Goddess Durga in Bali." Fieldwork in Religion 12, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.33750.

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This article examines Rangda and her role as a chthonic and mythological figure in Bali, particularly the way in which Rangda’s identity has intertwined with that of the Hindu goddess Durga— slayer of buffalo demons and other creatures that cannot be bested by Shiva or other male Hindu gods. Images and stories about Durga in Bali are significantly different from those found in Hindu contexts in India. Although she retains the strong-willed independence and decision-making capabilities prominently associated with Durga in India, in Bali the goddess Durga is primarily associated with violent and negative attributes as well as looks and behaviours that are more usually associated with Kali in India. The reconstruction of Durga in Bali, in particular the integration of Durga with the figure of the witch Rangda, reflects the local importance of the dynamic relationship between good and bad, positive and negative forces in Bali. I suggest that Balinese representations of Rangda and Durga reveal a flux and transformation between good and evil, not simply one side of a balanced binary opposition. Transformation—here defined as the persistent movement between ritual purity and impurity—is a key element in the localization of the goddess Durga in Bali.

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Pierce, James F. "Revelry, Rivalry, and Longing for the Goddesses of Bengal: The Fortunes of Hindu Festivals, by Rachel Fell McDermott, New York: Columbia University Press, 2011, xviii + 372 pp. ISBN 978-0-231-12918-3, US$90.00 (cloth); ISBN 978-0-231-12919-0, US$29.50 (paperback)." Religion 44, no. 4 (June 20, 2014): 717–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2014.929445.

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Tary Puspa, Ida Ayu, and Ida Bagus Subrahmaniam Saitya. "Position Tapini In Yajña Ceremony: Perspective Tealogi Hindu." Vidyottama Sanatana: International Journal of Hindu Science and Religious Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/ijhsrs.v3i1.796.

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<p><em>Tapini</em> has a strategic position in the <em>yajña</em> ceremony This feminist figure in the perspective of Hindu theology has been able to become a ceremonial leader even though it is customary to wait until the Pedanda dies. However, sometimes also in a Pakraman Village such as Sanur, the Pedanda of the one who has not died gives Pedanda his wife the opportunity to become the leader of the ceremony when she is overwhelmed to accept the wishes of Hindus so that she becomes the leader of the <em>yajña</em> ceremony . This shows that the current relationship in the position of leader of the ceremony is a serious challenge because a Tapini must also be an expert in the position of Goddess, as a teacher, and as an tukang banten. </p>

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Moodie, Deonnie. "ON BLOOD, POWER, AND PUBLIC INTEREST: THE CONCEALMENT OF HINDU SACRIFICIAL RITES UNDER INDIAN LAW." Journal of Law and Religion 34, no. 2 (August 2019): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2019.24.

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AbstractCritiques of animal sacrifice in India have become increasingly strident over the past fifteen years. In the state of West Bengal, many of these critiques center on Kālīghāṭ, a landmark Hindu pilgrimage site in Kolkata where goats are sacrificed daily to the goddess Kālī. However, while similar critiques of this practice have resulted in many Indian states pushing to ban it—or enforce previous bans of it—no such legal action has been issued in West Bengal. Instead, in 2006, the Calcutta High Court ruled that this practice must be visually concealed at Kālīghāṭ. Drawing on modernist notions of cleanliness and public space, the bench argued that the blood and offal produced by this practice creates an inappropriate visual experience for visitors at a major pilgrimage and tourist site in this city. In the act of concealing sacrifice, the Calcutta High Court follows suit with courts across India in deeming the practice unmodern. Yet the Court's orders are defied daily by practitioners at Kālīghāṭ who seek physical and visual access to sacrificed animals and their blood. They believe Kālī desires that blood, and bestows her power and blessings through it. Fault lines in Hindu conceptions of power are dramatized here. The power of the courts is pitted against the power of the gods as Hindus debate the potency, necessity, and modernity of this practice.

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White, David Gordon, and Tracy Pintchman. "The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 2 (April 1996): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605770.

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