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Journal articles on the topic 'Glorious Revolution'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 May 2024

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1

Schwoerer, Lois G. "Women and the Glorious Revolution." Albion 18, no. 2 (1986): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050314.

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The role of women in revolutions has recently excited a good deal of scholarly interest. Innovative studies have appeared on women in the English Civil War, the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution that have not only rescued women from oblivion but also modified and enlarged understanding of the revolutions themselves. But for the English Revolution of 1688-89 there has been, aside from biographical studies of the two future queens, Mary and Anne, very little published work on the role of women. My purpose is to remedy that situation, and to broaden the inquiry by addressing four major questions: (1) what role did women from all social groups, lower, middle, aristocratic and royal, play in the Revolution: (2) why, in view of customary restraints, did they enter the public arena; (3) what influence did they have on the Glorious Revolution; and (4) what influence did the Revolution have on women? Underlying these queries is the basic question of what are the contextual conditions that encourage or even make possible women's participation in revolutions?Such a topic requires changes in the questions customarily used in studying political history. If politics is defined in traditional terms simply as the competition for and exercise of power by individuals through their office, voting, and decision making, then there is nothing to say about women in the Glorious Revolution. Women, whatever their social status, had no direct access to the levers of conventionally-defined politics. They did not vote, sit in either house of Parliament, or hold office on any level of government, unless they were queens. In a predominantly patriarchal society, females, except for widows, were customarily subordinate to their fathers or husbands and confined to the sphere of the family and household.

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2

Pincus, Steve. "The Glorious Revolution." History Compass 1, no. 1 (January 2003): **. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-0542.003.

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3

Forster, Greg. "A Glorious Revolution." Political Theory 32, no. 5 (October 2004): 706–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591704267510.

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4

Harris, Tim. "Cruickshanks, The Glorious Revolution." Scottish Historical Review 80, no. 2 (October 2001): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2001.80.2.278.

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5

Godfray, H. C. J. "Towards taxonomy's 'glorious revolution'." Nature 420, no. 6915 (December 2002): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/420461a.

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6

Patterson, W. Brown. "The Glorious Revolution Reconceived." Sewanee Review 119, no. 2 (2011): 330–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2011.0034.

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7

Hertzler, James R. "Who Dubbed It “The Glorious Revolution?”." Albion 19, no. 4 (1987): 579–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049475.

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It was not very glorious at first, at least to many English people of the late seventeenth century. With a king of undoubted legitimacy squeezed out and a new, albeit related monarch installed and recognized by Parliament, the transaction shook government, nation and church alike. It left Jacobite and non-juring splinters all round. The Revolution, happening in fulfillment of ideals of exclusionist Whigs, did not entirely satisfy those partisans, who soon learned that they could not control their masterful king, William III. As for the Tories, their consciences ached due to their resistance to a divinely-appointed sovereign. Few highly-placed Englishmen were comfortable with their need to call in a foreigner to help them solve their domestic squabbles. Indeed, one writer, reflecting on the letter inviting the Prince of Orange to invade England, thought it would have been “more glorious … to assist our undoubted Soveraign [sic], then to suffer him to be dethroned, solely because he is a Roman Catholic.”Twentieth-century historians called the Revolution other names than “glorious.” It has been dubbed a “sensible,” a “model,” a “moral,” a “respectable,” a “palace,” and simply the English Revolution. All agreed that it was indeed a Revolution, and they themselves were in agreement with some early writers who were contemporary with the event. The Orange Gazette, at the very end of the year 1688, reported on “the Revolutions that had occurred.” The historian Nicholas Tindal wrote that William of Orange himself, in a speech before the House of Lords, spoke of “this late Revolution.” Considerable discussion ensued in Parliament and in pamphlets as to whether William conquered James, or whether the king had abdicated, or had deserted his kingdom. But little question with contemporaries: there was a Revolution.

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8

Xiong, Yuhan, and Mujin Li. "Viewing the Change of Whigs Political Thoughts by the Glorious Revolution (1679-1760)." Communications in Humanities Research 29, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/29/20230527.

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This study aims to compare and analyze the changes in Whig's political thoughts by the Glorious Revolution and how these changes Shape their political ideology to gain valuable insights into the formation of modern British political ideology in the specific period of 1679-1760. By using the research method of document analysis, we deeply analyzed 20 research results of different scholars from home and abroad on the Whig Party and the Glorious Revolution and summarized the main changes in the Whig Party's political thought. Our findings indicate that under the influence of the Glorious Revolution, the political thought of the Whig party took place mainly in four aspects: The role of Parliament, Contractual theory, Attitudes towards the monarchical power, and religious toleration. This study provides a new insight into the development of Whig political thought from the perspective of the Glorious Revolution.

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9

Schwoerer, Lois G. "Celebrating the Glorious Revolution, 1689–1989." Albion 22, no. 1 (1990): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050254.

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1988 and 1989 have been vintage years all over the world for centenary celebrations. People have celebrated the centenary of the Eiffel Tower, the bicentenary of the French Revolution, the bicentenary of Australia, the bicentenary of the American Bill of Rights, the quatercentenary of the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the sexcentenary of the battle of Kosovo (this one may have escaped your notice, but it brought over a million people to a gathering in the city of Pristina in Yugoslavia in June 1989), and, of course, the tercentenary of the English Revolution of 1688–89, with which I am concerned tonight. You will have no trouble believing that I have been “concerned with” and “celebrating” the Glorious Revolution for two years now, but I want to confess to you in the intimacy of this festive occasion that it has really been at least ten years, and that sometimes it feels more like three hundred!How did centennial observances start? Why do people go to trouble, take time, and spend money to call to mind an event that happened one, two, or three hundred years ago? What is it about centennial moments that turns serious-minded, scholarly-inclined historians like ourselves into “party people”? What do celebrations tell us about the uses of the past in successive “presents”? The fact is that celebrations, each varying in character, have attended the Glorious Revolution from its beginnings on through each centennial anniversary thereafter — in 1788–89, 1888–89, and 1988–89. The observances at these centennial moments not only celebrated the Revolution itself, but also served, even as they reflected, current political, cultural, and/or economic ideas and goals. In a long perspective, the celebrations are an important part of the political and cultural history of the Revolution of 1688–89 itself. They illustrate how high and low politics may intersect, show how political ideas circulate through society and undergo transformation, and offer an index of changing ideological and cultural assumptions and aspirations over three hundred years.

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10

Johnson, Dale W., and Hugh Trevor-Roper. "From Counter-Reformation to Glorious Revolution." Sixteenth Century Journal 25, no. 2 (1994): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542964.

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11

Groenhuis, G. "De Glorious Revolution van 1688 herdacht." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 105, no. 3 (January 1, 1990): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3242.

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12

Graham, John Remington. "Quebec, Canada, and the Glorious Revolution." Les Cahiers de droit 37, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 1015–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/043417ar.

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The theory of secession in the United States, as acknowleged by New England during the War of 1812 and by the South during the American Civil War, is traced to authentic historical roots, and freshly reexpounded so as to permit renewed consideration of the wisdom of James Buchanan and the error of Abraham Lincoln in 1860 and 1861. The British North America Act of 1867 (Constitution Act of 1867) is then viewed against Sir John Macdonald's misinterpretation of the American Civil War. Events leading to the present constitutional impasse between Quebec and Canada are reexamined, so as to reveal the underlying cause. The author expounds the principle of the Glorious Revolution, as explained by Sir William Blackstone, and shows why, in light of the constitutional custom giving legitimacy to the reign of William and Mary, and the present constitutional order of Canada under Elizabeth II, a reference to the Supreme Court cannot resolve the crisis now erupting in Quebec. The resolution of this crisis can only be accomplished by statesmanship, buttressed by patriotism and courage.

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13

Höbelt, Lothar. "Imperial diplomacy and the ‘glorious revolution’." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 11, no. 1 (June 1991): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1991.9525793.

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14

Pettegree, Andrew. "From counter-reformation to glorious revolution." History of European Ideas 18, no. 3 (May 1994): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90530-4.

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15

COX, GARY W. "Was the Glorious Revolution a Constitutional Watershed?" Journal of Economic History 72, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 567–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050712000307.

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Douglass North and Barry Weingast's seminal account of the Glorious Revolution argued that specific constitutional reforms enhanced the credibility of the English Crown, leading to much stronger public finances. Critics have argued that the most important reforms occurred incrementally before the Revolution; and that neither interest rates on sovereign debt nor enforcement of property rights improved sharply after the Revolution. In this article, I identify a different set of constitutional reforms, explain why precedents for these reforms did not lessen their revolutionary impact, and show that the evidence, properly evaluated, supports a view of the Revolution as a watershed.

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16

Schwoerer, Lois G. "Locke, Lockean Ideas, and the Glorious Revolution." Journal of the History of Ideas 51, no. 4 (October 1990): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2709645.

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17

Morgan, Bruce A. "A glorious revolution in stem cell biology." Nature Genetics 40, no. 11 (November 2008): 1269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/ng1108-1269.

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18

Potter, Dorothy Bundy. "James Welwood: Physician to the Glorious Revolution." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 2 (January 2000): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525372.

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19

Cook, Harold J., and Elizabeth Lane Furdell. "James Welwood: Physician to the Glorious Revolution." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053935.

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20

Taylor, Stephen. "Church and Society after the Glorious Revolution." Historical Journal 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 973–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015612.

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21

Geiter, Mary K. "Sir John Reresby and the Glorious Revolution." Northern History 25, no. 1 (June 1989): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/nhi.1989.25.1.174.

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22

ROGERS, CHRISTOPHER A. "Conspirators, Rebels, and Empire: Connecticut’s Glorious Revolution." Connecticut History Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 34–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44370282.

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23

Dimitruk, Kara. "The Glorious Revolution and Access to Parliament." Journal of Economic History 83, no. 3 (August 31, 2023): 676–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050723000281.

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This paper shows that the Glorious Revolution of 1688 broadened access to Parliament for families needing rights to sell land in so-called estate bills. Bills were on average 14–27 percentage points more likely to be for gentry families and not aristocratic families in legislative sessions after the Revolution compared to sessions before. Regression and archival evidence suggest that parliamentary certainty was primarily responsible for improved access by altering families’ entry calculus and brokers’ recruitment of new business. More broadly, the paper provides insight into the ways in which political institutions affect access to and the provision of property rights.

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24

Rose, Steven. "Foresters and the EMAIL revolution: A glorious opportunity." Forestry Chronicle 70, no. 1 (February 1, 1994): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc70055-1.

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25

Reising, Matthew. "James Otis and the Glorious Revolution in America." American Political Thought 11, no. 2 (March 1, 2022): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/719262.

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26

Sirota, Brent S. "Making Toleration: The Repealers and the Glorious Revolution." History: Reviews of New Books 42, no. 3 (May 12, 2014): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2014.887970.

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27

Norton, Philip. "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION OF 1688 ITS CONTINUING RELEVANCE." Parliamentary Affairs 42, no. 2 (April 1989): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052186.

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28

Davis, Leith. "Mediating Cultural Memory: Ireland and the “Glorious Revolution”." Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 47, no. 1 (2018): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sec.2018.0014.

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29

Horton, Richard. "Offline: Is it time for a Glorious Revolution?" Lancet 385, no. 9980 (May 2015): 1818. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(15)60904-7.

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30

Nenner, Howard. "The Traces of Shame in England's Glorious Revolution." History 73, no. 238 (June 1988): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1988.tb02153.x.

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31

Gold, Sally Jane. "The Glorious Revolution and the Continuity of Law." Journal of Legal History 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440365.2016.1144268.

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32

Rosner, Lisa. "James Welwood: Physician to the Glorious Revolution (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 75, no. 3 (2001): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2001.0145.

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33

Dickinson, H. T. "HOW REVOLUTIONARY WAS THE ‘GLORIOUS REVOLUTION’ OF 1688?" Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1988.tb00032.x.

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34

PETTIGREW, WILLIAM A., and GEORGE W. VAN CLEVE. "PARTING COMPANIES: THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION, COMPANY POWER, AND IMPERIAL MERCANTILISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000107.

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ABSTRACTThis article revisits the late seventeenth-century histories of two of England's most successful overseas trading monopolies, the East India and Royal African Companies. It offers the first full account of the various enforcement powers and strategies that both companies developed and stresses their unity of purpose in the seventeenth century. It assesses the complex effects that the ‘Glorious Revolution’ had on these powers and strategies, unearthing much new material about the case law for monopoly enforcement in this critical period and revising existing accounts that continue to assert the Revolution's exclusively deregulating effects and that miss crucial subtleties in the case law and related alterations in company behaviour. It asks why the two companies parted company as legal and political entities and offers an explanation that connects the fortunes of both monopoly companies to their public profile and differing constituencies in the English empire and the varying non-European political contexts in which they operated.

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35

Harrison, George. "Prerogative revolution and glorious revolution: Political proscription and parliamentary undertaking, 1687–1688." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 10, no. 1 (June 1990): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1990.9525768.

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36

HUMPHREY, SHAWN, and BRADLEY A. HANSEN. "Constraining the state's ability to employ force: the standing army debates, 1697–99." Journal of Institutional Economics 6, no. 2 (May 6, 2010): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137409990348.

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Abstract:Britain's Glorious Revolution of 1688 is one of the most widely studied cases of institutional change. Recent institutional analyses of the Glorious Revolution, however, have failed to address one of the central issues in political science: control of the state's comparative advantage in violence. This paper examines this issue through analysis of the standing army debates of the late 1690s. Participants in the debates disputed whether a standing army or a militia would be the most effective institutional arrangement to guard against threats from abroad and tyranny at home. Both sides of the debate analyzed the effects of a standing army in terms of the incentives that it created for soldiers, citizens, the monarch, and foreign governments.

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37

Cox, Gary W. "War, Moral Hazard, and Ministerial Responsibility: England After the Glorious Revolution." Journal of Economic History 71, no. 1 (March 2011): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711000052.

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I reexamine Douglass North and Barry Weingast's argument regarding credible commitment and sovereign debt in post-revolution England. The central problem that the architects of the revolution settlement had to solve, I argue, was not the king's frequent reneging on financial commitments (a symptom), but the moral hazard that generated the kings' malfeasance (the underlying cause). The central element of the revolution settlement was thus not better holding kings to their commitments, but better holding royal advisors to account for all consequences of the Crown's policies—through what we now call ministerial responsibility.

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38

Steele, Ian K., Robert E. Moody, and Richard C. Simmons. "The Glorious Revolution in Massachusetts: Selected Documents, 1689-1692." New England Quarterly 63, no. 2 (June 1990): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365813.

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39

Farr, James, and Clayton Roberts. "John Locke on the Glorious Revolution: A Rediscovered Document." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 385–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003174.

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40

Claydon, Tony. "William III's Declaration of Reasons and the Glorious Revolution." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020689.

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ABSTRACTThe paper considers reactions to William III's Declaration of reasons, the manifesto issued by the prince of Orange on the eve of his invasion of England in 1688. It questions recent historiography, which has argued for the importance of this document in William's success by claiming that it achieved a virtual hegemony of English political discourse in the period of the Glorious Revolution. The paper first shows that James II's supporters mounted an effective challenge to the Orange Declaration by reversing its claim that liberties were in danger under the existing regime. It then suggests that William lost control of his manifesto over the winter of 1688–9 by making moves to secure power and authority which were unadvertised in the document. Once this had happened, various groups opposed to Orange ambition were able to adopt the rhetoric of the Declaration and quote it back at the prince in attempts to block his advance. The paper concludes with the irony that the ubiquity of the Declaration in 1688 may have been a result of its failure as publicity for the Orange cause; and by suggesting that scholars should look in places other than the manifesto for an effective Williamite propaganda.

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41

Sommerville, J. P. "Lord Churchill, the British Empire, and the Glorious Revolution." Reviews in American History 24, no. 3 (1996): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1996.0079.

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42

Pesante, Maria Luisa. "Paradigms in English political economy: Interregnum to Glorious Revolution." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 3, no. 3 (September 1996): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427719600000038.

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43

GLEBOVA, I. I. "RUSSIA – 1917: THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION OF THE TROOPS IN RESERVE." RUSSIA AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD, no. 3 (2018): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rsm/2018.03.01.

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44

Niggemann, Ulrich. "Some Remarks on the Origins of the Term 'Glorious Revolution'." Seventeenth Century 27, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 477–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tsc.27.4.5.

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45

Lane Furdell, Elizabeth. "Dilucidating 7he Dilucidator. published epistolary commentary and the 'Glorious Revolution'." Quaerendo 30, no. 1 (2000): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006900x00147.

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46

Knights, Mark. "Scott Sowerby. Making Toleration: The Repealers and the Glorious Revolution." American Historical Review 119, no. 3 (June 2014): 981. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.3.981.

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47

GIBSON, WILLIAM. "Dissenters, Anglicans and the Glorious Revolution: The Collection of Cases." Seventeenth Century 22, no. 1 (March 2007): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2007.10555591.

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48

Burkert, Günther R. "The österreichischen erblande in the time of the glorious revolution." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 12, no. 1 (June 1992): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1992.9525808.

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49

HARRIS, TIM. "JAMES II, THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION, AND THE DESTINY OF BRITAIN." Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 763–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007012.

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50

TAFT, BARBARA. "Return of a Regicide: Edmund Ludlow and the Glorious Revolution." History 76, no. 247 (June 1991): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1991.tb02385.x.

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