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1

Woods, Kerri. "Human rights and environmental sustainability in the context of globalisation." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/17/.

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This thesis undertakes a sustained engagement with theoretical debates within and between the fields of human rights and environmental sustainability, which, it is argued here, inevitably come together in the context of globalisation. At issue in this thesis are questions about the nature of and rationale for human rights, the necessary and sufficient conditions of environmental sustainability, the impact of globalisation on human rights and environmental sustainability, and the interaction between them. The aim of the thesis is to interrogate a variety of arguments about human rights and environmental sustainability in order to assess their coherence and consistency, and to evaluate competing perspectives. The central questions animating this inquiry are, to what extent can environmental threats to human security be conceptualised as a human rights issue, and do human rights provide an adequate and appropriate framework in terms of which to respond to the environmental impacts of globalisation? The thesis begins by examining the impact of globalisation on human rights and environmental sustainability. There follows, in chapter 3, a detailed analysis of possible justifications of support for universal human rights, looking at philosophical foundations, the idea that there might be an overlapping consensus on human rights, and the idea of human rights as a sentimental education. Chapter 4 focuses on criticisms that have been levelled at the contemporary human rights regime and evaluates a proposed alternative, Thomas Pogge’s idea of an institutional model of human rights. Thereafter the focus of the thesis shifts to environmental sustainability. Firstly, chapter 5 investigates definitions of environmental sustainability and proposes an evaluative framework for assessing different models of economic organisation. Secondly, chapter 6 looks at the political changes that might be appropriate to an environmentally sustainable society by examining green (re-)interpretations of the concepts of citizenship, democracy, and justice. In chapter 7 the two fields of inquiry are reintegrated, firstly by addressing the question of whether rights or sustainability can or should be prioritised at the expense of the other, and secondly by considering the plausibility and merit of the idea of claiming that there are environmental human rights. The conclusion advanced in the thesis is that human rights do not provide a sufficient framework in terms of which to respond to the environmental impacts of globalisation, however, a renewed understanding of human rights, informed by a sense of the social and ecological embeddedness of human life, may be a fruitful feature of an environmentally sustainable society. Moreover, it is argued here that human rights and environmental sustainability share some illuminating features, in that support for each is most coherently justified in terms of a sentimental concern for the fate of others, though informed by a sense of the social and ecological embeddedness of human life. This informed sentimentalism is ultimately held to be a stronger motivation to act in defence of human rights or environmental sustainability than rational self-interest in the context of globalisation.
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2

Gari, Josep A. "The political ecology of biodiversity : biodiversity conservation and rural development at the indigenous and peasant grassroots." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365588.

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3

Fridh, Welin Anna. ""Minimal Solidarism" : Post-Cold War responses to humanitarian crisis." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4451.

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The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs.

The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change.

Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society.

In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.

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4

Ekstrand, Moa. "Ord men inga visor : En jämförande masterstudie om humanitära organisationers policy kring dialog och mänskliga rättigheter i relation till praktiskt genomförande av flyktingläger." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-266329.

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The average time for an individual to be located in a refugee situation is 17 years. That people are fleeing for such a long period of their life means that a large part of their human rights can easily be neglected. This study examines the humanitarian organizations MSB’s and UN- HCR's implementation of refugee camps and how they allow refugees to play a part in this process. This essay intends to examine the policy the organizations adhere to, namely the in- ternationally recognized handbooks Handbook of Emergencies and The Sphere Project. Em- pirical material is based on a qualitative interview method where a comparison between poli- cy and practice is investigated. Employees of organizations and experts on refugee camp de- sign, management and urban planning have served as respondents in this study. The city planning theory collaborative rationality is used to examine the empirical data to answer how organizations work with refugee camps, if a dialogue processes occur between organizations and refugees, and what benefits the theory can provide. This is followed by a discussion re- garding the human rights of the refugees and whether these are considered in the implementa- tion of the camp. A question raised in the discussion is whether a clarification of the concept could help the organizations' employees to meet the human rights of the refugees. The aim of this thesis is to create an interdisciplinary understanding across disciplinary boundaries. The idea is that the amalgamation of disciplines can improve the humanitarian organizations’ work and aid refugees living conditions. This study highlights a discrepancy in the relation- ship between policy and practice in relation to the procedure manuals, but also in relation to refugees and the satisfaction of human rights. A majority of the respondents testify a wish that a dialogue should be conducted between the organization and the recipients of humanitar- ian aid but that issues such as time pressure, ignorance and power relations complicates this process. What is needed for an improvement of dialogue processes is that the organizations need to take clearer positions on how the practical implementation should play out which would more easily control their employees to execute their work. States need to review their approach to refugees and to take responsibility for the people who need help. Last but not least, the concept of human rights and Nussbaum's definition of it is offered as a suggestion as to how UNHCR and MSB could simplify their work to accommodate that the refugees are treated within the realms of the human rights legislation.
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Shani, Giorgiandrea. "Globalisation and identity : Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416905.

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6

Strandsbjerg, Jeppe. "The Cartographic Reality of Space - Territory, Globalisation & International Relations." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487562.

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International Relations theory in general, and the globalisation debate in particular, operate with a conception ofspace that contains a number ofproblematic distinctions. Global space and the territorial space of the state are often considered as opposites. Furthermore, the concept of space is predominantly contained within a subject/object distinction which obscures the way in which territory and global space are both 'nature' and 'culture'. In .contrast, this thesis suggests that modem political space is best understood as being based on a cartographic reality established from the 15th to the 17th century. During this period European cartography underwent a transformation establishing a reality of space that conditioned the possibility of developing centralised sovereign territorial states within a unified global framework. This so-calIed modem cartography produced space as an autonomous sphere based on abstract mathematical principles. Through the agency of cartography, space was produced in such a manner that made large scale coordination in, and organisation of, space possible. EmpiricalIy, it is shown how the territorial space of a sovereign state, Denmark, developed in tandem with a coherent global space through a study· of cartographic practice in Europe from 1450-1650. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the notion of globalisation rests on the same spatial reality as that of the state and caution should, therefore, be shown when positing globalisation as a chalIenge to the territorial state system.
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7

Hooper, Charlotte. "Manly states : masculinities, international relations (IR) and gender politics." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389164.

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8

Pamuksuzer, Ayse Eda. "European Union’s Extraterritorialisation of Migration Management: The Expanding and Diminishing Agency of States, Migrants and Refugees : How can we understand the European Union’s use of extraterritorial management of migration?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-44388.

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In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’ and increased irregular migration flows, EU member states have taken up extraterritorial actions to address their migration problems. This thesis introduces three critical notions; the modern state, the agency of the third states and the agency of the migrant, to create an inclusive framework prior to analysing EU’s extraterritorial management of migration. It then explores the EU’s extraterritorial management of migration by investigating the EU’s relations with four different non-EU states, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Libya, Morocco and Turkey. Throughout the analysis power imbalances between the EU and third states and issues of state sovereignty are brought up. It is argued that the third states see their agency diminished as a result of the EU’s border reaffirmation attempts. Border reaffirmation is done through offshoring responsibility and accountability by providing financial aid and other forms of support to third states. As a result of this form of offshoring, agency of migrants and refugees are also diminished as they have limited agency over their destination and see their rights being abused in the processes of extraterritorialisation of migration management. This thesis underlines the mismatches between the EU’s commitments to human and refugee rights and their actions of extraterritorialisation.
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9

Eschle, Catherine. "Feminism, social movements and the globalisation of democracy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302257.

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10

Maslo, Ron. "The Armenian Diaspora Influencing International Relations." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43342.

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This thesis explores the Armenian diaspora’s behavior concerning the issue of recognition of the Armenian genocide through lobbying within the US and EU. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to grasp a deepened understanding of diasporic lobbying, while focusing on the Armenian case, as a case enabling further scholarly deepening for the field of IR. In order to achieve an understanding of the Armenian diaspora, the appropriated behavior through lobbying and the trajectorial changes concerning the recognition of the Armenian genocide, the paper puts forward historical process tracing, comparative research and qualitative content analysis. These methods are utilized as a means for tracing the events contributing to the construction of the diaspora. They also establish the lobby’s influence on ‘host-states’ and the understanding of internalized norms granting policy changes for the cause of recognizing the Armenian genocide, this is done through the concepts of identity, norms and recognition.
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11

Bovin, Axel. "Free market or food stockpiles : A comparative case study of food supply in a crisis perspective in Sweden and Finland." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354986.

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The purpose of this study is to identify similarities and differences in preparations by Sweden and Finland to ensure food supply in a crisis. Previous research consisting of separate studies have showed a decreased ability to ensure food supply in crisis in Sweden, and an increased ability in Finland. In a time of raising awareness, changing security concerns and political will, the contribution of this study is to simultaneously investigate the two countries and provide an understanding of the historical- and present approaches. By using comparative case study as method and applying International relations theory, a broader understanding of the different approaches by otherwise similar countries is achieved. The approaches of Sweden can be explained by using realist, neorealist, liberal and neoliberal theories while Finland’s approach best can be explained by realist and neorealist theories. The study is relevant for the field of humanitarian action and conflict since it provides an understanding of the countries contingency plans regarding food. Threat assessments from both countries identifies man-made conflicts such as terrorism, cyber-attacks, use of military force and war to have the possibility to create disruptions in the normal cycles of the society and those of surrounding countries. If these threats were to occur, basic needs must be met, one being food supply.
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12

Harrafa, Hassan. "Globalisation and alternatives an interdisciplinary reading into the discourse of NGOs /." Master's thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/82441.

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"April 2002"
Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media & Philosophy, Centre for International Communication, 2003.
Bibliography: leaves 222-232.
Introduction -- Historiography of NGOs -- Historiography of globalisation -- World social forum, the who is who in the anti-globalisation/deglobalisation movement and alternatives -- Critical discourse analysis, discourse historical method and study's methodology -- Data analysis, findings and impact of NGOs' discourse on global civil society and TNCs -- Summary of findings, limitations and avenues for future research.
Non-Government-Organisations (NGOs) have been in the forefront of the struggle against the alleged negative impact of globalisation on developing countries and disenfranchised communities around the world. But despite the fact that NGOs and other grassroot movements are becoming increasingly strident, the discourse of this sector of civil society has not been subjected to any substantial and concerted academic study, particularly in the field of international communication. -- The present study aims at partially filling this gap by 1) reviewing the current general state of NGOs, 2) surveying the latest debates relative to the outreach of globalisation and 3) examining the alternatives being proposed. While drawing mainly on a select sample of NGOs and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) press communiques, the core focus of this study is to deconstruct the NGOs' discourse with a view to gauging its linguistic and hermeneutical underpinnings and situating its relevance within the ongoing debate on globalisation and alternatives. -- This study also aims to examine the discourse of NGOs in the context of a multidiscourse environment relative to the present state of global community development in general and civil society and disenfranchised communities in developing countries in particular as part of the praxis of mainstreaming alternative views and discourses. -- For this, an interdisciplinary methodology of text analysis, juxtaposition and interpretation, based largely on the matrix outlined in Wodak's (Matouschek, Wodak & Januschek, 1996, p. 60), Historical Discourse Method (HDM), Van Dijk's (1998) Media Discourse Approach and Fairclough's (1995, 2001) Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used throughout this study. -- And in order to gauge the impact of NGOs' discourse on global civil society, sample articles are examined to decode the perspectives of pro-globalisation media vis-a-vis NGOs' discourse within the parameters of TNCs/Civil Society/NGOs relationships, international political economy and NGOs' taxonomy within International Regimes.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
x, 232 leaves
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13

Smith, Liesl Ann Lynn. "Revisiting human responsibilities: prospects and challenges." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13947.

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Since the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (1948), the extent to which individuals should bear responsibilities for the fulfilment of universal human rights has been a contentiously debated subject. Despite conflicting value-based claims, the approach of international human rights law traditionally has been to recognise states as primary obligation bearers. While the UDHR focuses primarily on state obligations, deliberately unspecified duties of individuals are included under Article 29(1). The meaning of these duties has remained contested, often by relativist critics claiming that a stronger focus on responsibilities would provide a more balanced approach to human rights. The end of the Cold War brought a renewed interest in the normative potential of human rights and a parallel renewal of relativist objections to the universality of the UDHR. In this context transnational campaigns have emerged to advocate for a universal declaration of human responsibilities complementary to the UDHR. The issue has received attention from a number of initiatives, including those of United Nations bodies and agencies and of nongovernmental organisations. The most prominent of these initiatives have received firm opposition from influential Western state and non-state actors. Approaching the topic from a constructivist perspective, this dissertation draws on the social movement literature on the international political opportunity structure to argue that the activities of opponents to human responsibilities initiatives, particularly their framing of human responsibilities as having the potential to undermine and weaken the international human rights framework, have constrained the political opportunities available to human responsibilities campaigns.
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Schafer, Siegfried Rolf. "Globalisation, global governance and the reform of the global economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52866.

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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the end of the Cold War hopes were high for a freer, fairer new world order. This did not happen. What the world got instead was globalisation - a complex phenomenon born from the interaction of political and economic liberalisation and technological change. Much of the impetus behind globalisation was derived from the prescriptions of the so-called Washington Consensus, which given its powerful influence in developing countries forced them to integrate into the global economy - to the point that integration became a virtual substitute for development policy. The benefits of globalisation were unevenly spread around the world and those who had most, stood to gain most from it. While Multinational Corporations and inhabitants of the developed world were definite winners the losers included workers, the environment and financial market stability. As the full impact of globalisation was beginning to be felt criticism of the process emerged particularly, but not exclusively, from the NGO community and left-leaning commentators. These critics are diverse and do not have much in common, but have at times created alliances of convenience. Most critics however agree that international organisations play an important part in globalisation and that in order to impact on globalisation they would have to impact on these organisations. A particularly abundant area of criticism relates to the threats posed to the global commons. There is very little agreement though on how to deal with the threats. Suggestions range from a return to subsistence production and disengagement from the international trade system to using market forces and new technologies to benefit the global environment. Among the organisations with most critics are the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. A variety of factors contribute to the need for international financial institutions reform. These include: the blurring of their missions; the ineffectiveness of their assistance; and lack of transparency and accountability. The international financial institutions have however been remarkably effective at shielding themselves from calls for reform. The reasons for this are not only political (lack of agreement on required reforms) but also institutional (management siding with powerful stakeholders or pursuing their own agenda). The World Trade Organisation is another target of criticism. As with the international financial institutions the exact nature of future reforms is impossible to surmise, nevertheless environmental and development issues are certainly on the agenda. Decision-making is also likely to be revisited, with the focus being on reconciling effectiveness with representativeness. What is least likely to happen though is what is most needed - a thorough assessment of the World Trade ..Organisation's role in global governance and its relations with other institutions. This will not be possible without a rebalancing of power between the World Trade Organisation and international financial institutions on one side, and the UN family of institutions on the other. Reforming current systems of global governance may also involve creating new organisations. While there are a host of institutions active in global governance there is no formal mechanism to coordinate their efforts. This is where a UN Economic Security Council can playa major role, not least because such a body would give the international system a degree of legitimacy that it has so far lacked. A World Central Bank is however not an institution likely to be seen in the foreseeable future - it is too complex and many states will not give up monetary sovereignty as it impacts on too many other policy areas. It is widely acknowledged that a Currency Transaction Tax will go a considerable way in stabilising the international monetary system, while at the same time raising funds to finance global development. It is an elegant solution that is gaining political support worldwide. The institutional arrangements for its implementation and collection are however still subject to much debate. These are only a few possible ways in which the global economy may be reformed in the short to medium term. In the long term the most likely outcome is a loosely structured web of institutions that together form something akin to global federalism
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog is groot hoop gekoester vir 'n vryer, regverdiger nuwe wêreld orde. Dit het nooit gebeur nie. Instede daarvan het die wêreld globalisering gekry - 'n komplekse verskynsel gebore uit die interaksie van politieke en ekonomiese liberalisering en tegnologiese verandering. 'n Groot deel van die impetus agter globalisering het sy ontstaan in die voorskrifte van die sogenaamde Washington Konsensus, wat gegewe sy invloed in die ontwikkelende wêreld baie state gedwing het om in die wêreldekonomie te integreer - tot die punt dat integrasie byna 'n alternatief vir ontwikkelingsbeleid geword het. Die voordele van globalisering was ongelyk versprei, en die wat meeste gehad het, het gestaan om meeste voordeel daaruit te trek. Terwyl multinasionale maatskappye en inwoners van die ontwikkelde wêreld ongetwyfelde wenners was, was werkers, die omgewing en finansiële mark stabiliteit onder die verloorders. Soos wat die impak van globalisering meer en meer gevoel is het dit ook kritiek ontlok, veral - maar nie alleenlik - uit nie-regeringsorganisasie kringe en van linksgesinde kommentators. Alhoewel hierdie kritici nie veel in gemeen het nie, het hulle by tye gemaksalliansies gevorm. Die meeste kritici stem egter saam dat internasionale organisasies 'n belangrike rol speel in globalisering en dat om 'n impak op globalisering te maak dit nodig is om 'n impak op hierdie organisasies te maak. 'n Besonder vrugbare area van kritiek hou verband met bedreigings tot die sogenaamde "globale meent". Daar is egter baie min instemming oor hoe om die bedreigings te hanteer. Voorstelle wissel van 'n terugkeer na bestaansproduksie en terugtrede van die internasionale handelstelsel tot die gebruik van mark kragte en nuwe tegnologie tot voordeel van die wêreld omgewing. Onder die organisasies met van die meeste kritici is die Internasionale Monetêre Fonds en die Wêreld Bank. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore dra by tot die behoefte aan hervorming van die internasionale finansiële instellings. Hierdie sluit in: die verwarring van hulle onderskeie missies, die oneffektiwiteit van hulle bystand, en 'n gebrek aan deursigtigheid en verantwoording. Die internasionale finansiële instellings is egter besonder effektief daarin om hulself van oproepe om hervorming te isoleer. Die redes hiervoor is nie net polities nie (gebrek aan ooreenstemming oor vereiste hervormings) maar ook institusioneel (bestuur kies kant met invloedryke rolspelers of streef hul eie agenda na). Die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie is nog 'n teiken van kritiek. Soos met die internasionale finansiële instellings is dit nie moontlik om die presiese aard van moontlike hervormings te raai nie, desnieteenstaande is omgewings- en ontwikkellingskwessies definitief op die agenda. So ook is besluitneming, met die doel om effektiwiteit en verteenwoordigendheid te versoen. Wat egter mees nodig is, is mins waarskynlik om te gebeur - 'n deurtastende ondersoek na die rol van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie in wêreld besluitneming en sy verhoudings met ander internasionale instellings. Verandering in hierdie opsig is egter nie moontlik sonder 'n herbalansering van tussen die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie en die internasionale finansiële instellings aan die een kant en die VN familie van instellings aan die ander nie. Hervorming van huidige stelsels van wêreld besluitneming mag ook die skepping van nuwe organisasies behels. Terwyl daar etlike aktiewe organisasies in wêreld besluitneming is, is daar geen formele meganisme om hul aktiwiteite te koordineer nie. In hierdie opsig kan 'n VN Ekonomiese Veiligheidsraad 'n belangrike rol speel, veral omdat so 'n instelling 'n mate van legitimiteit aan die internasionale stelsel kan gee wat dit tot dusver nie gehad het nie. 'n Wêreld Sentrale Bank is egter 'n instelling wat nie in die voorsienbare toekoms die lig sal sien nie - dis te kompleks en baie state sal nie monetêre soewereiniteit wil prysgee nie omrede dit op te veel ander beleidsareas impakteer. Dit word wyd erken dat 'n buitelandse valuta transaksie belasting 'n beduidende stabiliserende invloed op die internasionale monetêre stelsel kan hê, terwyl dit terselfdertyd fondse sal in vir wêreld ontwikkeling. Dis 'n elegante oplossing waarvoor politieke steun wêreldwyd opbou. Die institusionele vergestalting wat benodig word om so 'n belasting te implementeer en administreer is egter nog die onderwerp van vurige debatte. Hierdie is slegs 'n paar van die moontlike maniere waarop die wêreldekonomie oor die kort- tot mediumtermyn hervorm kan word. Oor die langtermyn is die mees waarskynlike uitkoms iets soortgelyk aan 'n losweg gestruktureerde web van instellings wat soortgelyk aan 'n vorm van globale federalisme is.
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Owuor, Elijah Medego. "Theory of international law basic human rights conception of the international law /." restricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-05192008-125514/.

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Thesis (B.A. Honors)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Robert Sattelmeyer, Andrew Jason Cohen, committee members. Electronic text (34 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed October 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 34).
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16

Dodgson, Richard Paul. "The women's health movement and the international conference on population and development : global social movement, population and the changing nature of international relations." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285376.

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17

Uzgoren, Elif. "Globalisation, the European Union and Turkey : rethinking the struggle over hegemony." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12745/.

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The research approaches Turkish membership question to the European Union as an open-ended struggle among social forces. It aims to address whether there is a hegemonic pro-membership perspective and if any, which social forces are supporting it. Is there any alternative contesting and resisting membership and neo-liberal restructuring? Can disadvantaged groups from globalisation form a united struggle, and if not, how can we account for the lack of an alternative? At the theoretical level, it dismisses mainstream integration theories as debate is mainly stuck to the dichotomy between membership or not (form of integration), that in return is a non-debate. It introduces Gramscian historical materialist framework that paves the way to account for socio-economic content and power relations underpinning ongoing integration process. The argument proceeds by delving into a debate on theoretical coordinates regarding hegemony in Gramscian analyses and the theory of discourse introduced by Laclau and Mouffe in the Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Ultimately, it dismisses theory of discourse and conceives class struggle in relation to discipline of capital over society within social relations of production. The empirical data relies on semi-structured interviews conducted with capital and labour, political parties, state officials and women rights/feminist groups and human rights groups. Additionally, particular sectors, textile, automotive and agriculture are examined in parallel with Gramscian historical materialist coordinates on intra-class struggle. I shall argue that pro-membership perspective, whose socio-economic content is consolidation of neo-liberal restructuring, is hegemonic. It is pioneered by internationally oriented capital and conveyed as the means to stimulate competitiveness and economic growth and to consolidate democracy. It draws support from nationally oriented capital analogous with delocalization of production and integration to transnational production via outsourcing and contract manufacturing. Yet, it is possible to identify two rival class strategies that contest neo-liberal pro-membership project, neo-mercantilism that is supported by nationally oriented labour, nationalist political parties, centre-left political parties and Ha-vet (No-Yes) that is underpinned by internationally oriented labour, social democratic fraction among the Left, particular women rights groups and human rights groups. On the one hand, position of social forces underpinning neo-mercantilism is weakened in economy and ideas that echo import-substitution policy under Keynesian welfare state regime and developmentalist state in periphery are defeated analogous with globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring. The only criticism of neo-mercantilist project remains on national sensitivities. Put bluntly, the critique is anti-imperialist though not anti-capitalist. At the final analysis, membership is interpreted in relation to modernization and westernization with a populist discourse. On the other hand, although social forces within Ha-vet read European Union as a capitalist economic integration model, they conceive internationalisation of labour and European Social Model as the only viable mechanism to struggle against globalization and transnationalisation of production. Moreover, European integration is received positively as a democratization project. Ultimately, neither neo-mercantilism that supports ‘membership on equal terms and conditions’, nor Ha-vet that adopts the motto of ‘another globalisation and Europe is possible’, stands as an overall alternative.
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Redhead, Robin. "Reading the Visual : Gender, Human Rights and International Relations." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508986.

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19

Schütt, Robert. "Political realism, Freud, and human nature in international relations." Thesis, Durham University, 2009. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2085/.

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Political realism has enjoyed a renaissance in International Relations (IR). Recent studies have provided insightful accounts of its timeless virtues and philosophical depth. Although the concept of human nature has long been the philosophical basis of realism, it has now become a largely discredited idea. The thesis, Political Realism, Freud, and Human Nature in International Relations, provides an important re-examination of the concept of human nature in realist international-political theory with special reference to one of the truly consequential figures of Western thought: Sigmund Freud. The thesis questions whether human nature is really dead and also asks whether human nature ought to be dead. Examining a variety of theorists from Morgenthau to Mearsheimer commonly invoked as classical and post-classical realism's foremost proponents, the thesis shows that contemporary realism has not eliminated the concept of human nature from its study of world politics. Further, the thesis offers a powerful argument for the necessity of a sophisticated theory of human nature within realism, seeing Freud as offering the most appropriate starting point. This study will interest IR theorists and historians of international thought as well as Freud scholars.
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Nádasi, Teodóra. "The Possible Prospects of the Weak Veto reform proposal for the United Nations Security Council : A discourse analysis of United Nations Security Council meeting documents." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43220.

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Throughout the years many have called for a reform of the United Nations and more specifically its most influential body the United Nations Security Council. The Security Council has the authority to pass resolutions with the sole purpose to preserve the peace around the globe, in theory at least. As there are conflicts that have been going on for a decade without any kind of solution from the Security Council and with huge humanitarian toll, just like Syria and Yemen, the need for a reform is clearly needed for the Security Council to be able to act better in conflict solving. In the Council five members have veto rights which are also permanent members and are not elected. As this has been considered unfair, both the notion of a permanent member and also the notion of a veto, some reform proposals have been brought up by organizations or countries to change the Security Council. This work is concerned with the Weak Veto reform proposal as analysing possible reforms using discourse analysis can predict possible future behaviour of states and can introduce a different view on the future of international organizations.
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21

Hulsey, Amber Lee. "Human Trafficking| Flying under the Radar." Thesis, The University of Southern Mississippi, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10752077.

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The global hegemon, the United States encompasses roughly 57,000 to 63,000 of the roughly 45.8 million slaves present across the world today (Walk Free Foundation 2016a). This dissertation research uses the theoretical lens of Human Security as a unique approach in that it is people-centered, focusing on the individual, rather than the more traditional theories in international relations that emphasize the state as the central actor. This dissertation focuses on the understudied area of human trafficking into and within the United States. More specifically, the objective of this research examines the movement of trafficked persons via air and details actions to be taken to combat human trafficking.

Although the world relies upon aerial commerce to enable globalization and interdependence, these same transportation systems and flows that carry persons and goods for legal commerce and trade can also be used as an avenue for illegal commerce, including trafficking of human. Thus, the researcher surveyed aviation personnel in various sectors of the industry, government organizations, non-government organization and victims/survivors via an online survey platform and utilized social media to reach potential survey participants. The sample size used for this study was 10,065 and the study received 578 participants.

The data collection procedures and results used in this dissertation were designed to identify gaps in security safeguards that further enable human trafficking via aircraft. The author presents strategies that can be adopted to reduce, if not eliminate, human trafficking into and within the United States via air. The researcher identified eleven opportunities for future research and discusses the limitations. The studied reveals seven key findings: definition of human trafficking is not known in totality, the level of human trafficking awareness, the number of human trafficking cases identified, the characteristics of the typical respondent, aviation sectors place a slightly different areas of emphasis of human trafficking that is understudied, understudied areas of human trafficking were different than that of the typical respondent, and the absence of human trafficking regulations and training. Finally, the study introduces a comprehensive-holistic human trafficking training curriculum entitled, “Operation Safe House: Human Trafficking Training for Aviation Professionals.”

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22

Darby, Roger. "International human resource management : a study of the role of organisational support systems in determining the subsequent performance of expatriate managers." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313967.

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This research considers the effective deployment of expatriate managers by international organisations. It is argued that success on international placements is partly dependent upon the identification and development of support for personnel managing such assignments Extant research indicates that the success rates of international assignments are not commensurate with the investments made by organisations. A number of key elements have been identified which, it is argued, if properly supported could ensure a greater degree of satisfaction and success of the `dual' expatriation process. Central to this research is the view that in order for organisations to maximise the skills and abilities of staff sent on international assignments and to minimise the direct and indirect costs of the whole process, these key elements of support should be placed within an organisational policy. This should be framed, communicated, enacted upon and understood by all concerned. This would encompass the He cycle of assignments involving the main phases of pre-departure, post arrival and repatriation. In order to examine this propositional view, this research studied the support given to expatriate managers on international assignments and compares and contrasts it with stated parent company policy in the assistance of their staff placed abroad. A number of methods of enquiry were undertaken. Adopting a Western European perspective, it included the retrospective view by expatriate managers of the support given by their companies in the completion of an international assignment. To examine the extent to which the perceptions of managers of company support on assignments matched declared policy, data from a survey questionnaire of 300 managers from four companies in different sectors was examined. The expatriation policies of four multinational companies were also examined and key personnel were interviewed about the framing and implementation of these policies. Further analysis of perceptions within companies was possible through semi-structured interviews with selected key decision makers. The main contribution of this thesis is the development of a conceptual model identifying a typology of support during the dual expatriation process. This will assist both academic and practitioners to analyse the whole expatriation process and enhance both individual and organisational development.
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Hessler, Kristen M. "A theory of interpretation for international human rights law." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279864.

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A complete theory of interpretation for human rights law must answer two kinds of questions. First: Who should interpret international human rights law? Second: What principles should guide the interpretation of human rights law? Individual governments frequently claim the right to interpret international law as it applies to them, but this claim is contested by many United Nations subgroups and by nongovernmental organizations like Amnesty International. I argue that international institutions are more likely to give a fair hearing to people's human rights than are their own governments. Accordingly, we can conclude as a general rule that international institutions should be assigned authority to interpret international human rights law. The general rule has an exception, however. Democratic states that protect basic freedoms of speech and assembly will promote and protect their own citizens' human rights better than undemocratic states. Moreover, free democratic states, by giving a voice to all citizens, can take advantage of local knowledge about particular human rights problems and solutions, and so are more likely than international institutions to interpret human rights law with a sensitivity to the human rights of all citizens and to the locally important human rights issues. Therefore, unlike other states, liberal democratic states should have the authority to interpret international human rights law as it applies within their borders. What principles should guide the interpretation of human rights law? The answer depends on whether we take a short- or long-term perspective. Currently, the institutions of international law are relatively ineffective when compared to most domestic legal systems. While this remains the case, a principle allowing interpreters to use their judgment about moral human rights in interpreting human rights law can be justified on the basis of the contribution this would make to global deliberation about the proper understanding of moral human rights. As human rights law develops more effective, less voluntaristic institutions, this principle of interpretation should be phased out.
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Lobban, Ryan. "The merits of the human security paradigm : a materialist account of peasant insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12221.

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Contemporary food security concerns in sub-Saharan Africa centre on the pertinence of food versus fuel forms of production. As the global energy market enters into the postfossil-fuel epoch, the demand on land for commercial biofuel and feedstock production threatens the livelihood of sub-Saharan Africa's sizeable peasant community. This paper examines the theoretical and paradigmatic attributes of the human security and food security rubric, and its pertinence in accounting for the social threats which threaten individuals within an increasingly interconnected global economic system. While the emergence of these neologisms of the critical security studies school represent a marked divergence from that of the traditional approach of understanding security threats, they remained mired in contestation due to their lack of theoretical parsimony.
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Huang, Yingliang. "Reservations to multilateral human rights treaties." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27374.

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Reservations to multilateral human rights treaties have become an important issue since the case of the Genocide Convention in 1951. Although the compatibility principle upheld by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) was codified in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Vienna Convention), the current reservations mechanism is problematic and detrimental to human rights treaty-making. I will argue that the logical relation between the two standards comprising the compatibility principle has been lost under the Vienna Convention and it should be reintroduced by a competent body. For this purpose, I will analyze the characteristics of human rights treaties, clarify the permissibility of making reservations, go through the origin and development of the compatibility principle, and identify the problem of the current reservations mechanism, namely that the determination of the compatibility of reservations is left to individual States. The solution I will propose is that the ICJ should be conferred the competence to objectively determine the compatibility of reservations. Key words. the compatibility principle; the objective determination of compatibility
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.

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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Dalacoura, Katerina. "Human rights in international relations : Islam and liberalism in Eqypt and Tunisia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399796.

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28

Ichikawa, Minako. "Citizenship, human rights, and state sovereignty in international relations : towards global citizenship?" Thesis, Keele University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.411885.

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29

Nepgen, Arnold. "The impact of globalisation on trade unions : Cosatu’s present and future engagement in international issues." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1951.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.
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Hausséguy, Nicolas Paul. "Re-constructing identity : Mexico's International Human Rights Policy, 1988-2005." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/18260.

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31

Blakeley, Ruth. "Repression, human rights, and US training of military forces from the South." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/cbdf6917-ab7b-497b-848d-70881d75aa3b.

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In order to understand whether US training of military forces from the South has resulted in the use of repression or improvements in human rights, we need to situate the training within the broader context of US foreign policy objectives and strategies. The main aims of US foreign policy are to maintain its dominant global position and to ensure control of resources and markets in the South. These objectives are being pursued through an emerging, US-led transnational state, using the instruments of legitimation at least as much as repression. This contrasts with the Cold War, during which US foreign policy strategy towards the South emphasised repression. US training of military forces from the South during the Cold War played a key role in a US-led network, through which many states in the South were connected to the US and each other by cooperation between their militaries, police and intelligence services. The training was dominated by a particular form of counterinsurgency instruction which advocated repression of groups that might potentially threaten US control of Southern economies and assets. This contributed to widespread human rights violations, particularly in Latin America. Following the end of the Cold War, reliance on coercion diminished, and it was subsumed within the emergent transnational state. In line with this shift in US foreign policy strategy in the South, some aspects of the training began to be characterised by the promotion of legitimation. In the wake of 9/11, the US has intensified both its legitimation efforts and its use of repression, and the training continues to play a significant role in the service of US foreign policy objectives.
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32

Sen, Sweta. "When Rebels talk Human Rights: Non-State Armed Groups and Humanitarian Agreements." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1574696567910807.

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33

Lacatus, Corina. "The design of national human rights institutions : global patterns of institutional diffusion and strength." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3534/.

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“The Design of National Human Rights Institutions: Global Patterns of Diffusion and Strength” explores patterns of institutional design in the case of national human rights institutions (i.e. ombudsman, national human rights commission), seeking to understand why countries establish these bodies and give them certain mandated powers as reflected in their institutional design. The project answers two main questions about the global variation of institutional strength as a function of the design of these institutions: (1) What are the main global patterns of the institutional design of national human rights institutions? and (2) What explains variation in the institutional strength of national human rights institutions across borders? The project makes two main contributions to the scholarship on international organisation and cross-border diffusion: the dataset of institutional design features, which operationalizes and measures six different dimensions of an institutional design index on the basis of report-based and survey data, is the first global dataset of its kind. Institutional strength is the original dependent variable that represents an index of six design features, as a synthesis of main mandated functions: 1) de jure legal independence; 2) nature of the mandate; 3) autonomy from government control; 4) predominant de facto duties; 5) pluralism of representation; and 6) staff and financial resources. Institutional strength is a ranked categorical variable with three values (weak, medium, strong). An additional contribution is the explanatory framework, which derives a number of hypotheses about global and regional determinants of institutional design from four main mechanisms that draw respectively on domestic and international, as well as material and social, factors (socialisation, incentive-setting, cost & benefit calculations and domestic identity). The global analysis has found statistically significant evidence that participation in the United Nations-led peer-review process for national human rights institutions accreditation makes countries more likely to have stronger institutions. This is in line with recent work about the role of UN-led peer review processes and provides support for socialisation and acculturation explanations that are facilitated by a global network. At the regional level, social learning and acculturation across borders takes place in regions with high density of strong such human rights institutions (i.e. Europe and the Americas) and where more ‘early adopting’ countries are located. Countries with strong democratic identities, which established their human rights institutions prior to 1990, are both more likely to have strong institutions themselves and to motivate other governments to follow their lead. The analysis of global trends finds also that incentivesetting plays a role both at the global and the regional levels, as countries that receive higher amounts of Overseas Development Assistance from the United States or states that are subjected to EU membership conditionality are more likely to have stronger human rights institutions. The project follows a nested multi-method research design, which begins with a quantitative analysis of global trends as a backdrop for a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) focused on Europe, complemented by illustrative country institutional case studies. QCA finds two paths that are sufficient for European countries to establish strong institutions. Thirteen case studies present illustrative evidence of the QCA findings at the country/institution level.
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Bertrand, Gilles. "Le conflit helléno-turc : nouvelles donnes et nouveaux acteurs dans le système postbipolaire et à l'âge de la globalisation." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0026.

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Le conflit helléne-turc est apparemment un conflit interétatique très classique : les enjeux en sont le statut de Chypre, les délimitations maritimes et aériennes en mer Egée, donc des questions de souveraineté et de territoire. Ce conflit a éclaté pendant la guerre froide (1955). Son identité comme conflit de la guerre froide fait débat, d'autant que la fin de celle-ci n'a pas entraîné sa résolution. La question est de savoir si le contexte de l'après-guerre froide et l'accélération du phénomène de mondialisation (particulièrement la révolution technologique des moyens de communication) affectent ce conflit comme ils peuvent affecter d'autres conflits interétatiques classiques ou en structurer de nouveaux (guerre du golfe, guerres de Yougoslavie) : nouvelles perceptions par les acteurs, autonomie grandissante des acteurs non étatiques, environnement régional (Balkans et Moyen-Orient en l'occurrence) de plus en plus imprévisible. D'où, notamment, l'attrait des processus de régionalisation, à un niveau encore faible de coopération (zone de coopération économique de la Mer noire dont sont membres Grèce et Turquie), ou à un niveau très élevé d'intégration (Union européenne à laquelle Chypre et la Turquie souhaitent adhérer). L'examen de la période qui va du processus de rapprochement bilatéral dit de Davos (1988) à celui dit du « tremblement de terre » (1999) montre un phénomène de « bifurcation » (suivant le paradigme de James Rosenau) entre l'espace des relations interétatiques qui progressent peu vers la coopération, en raison de l'absence de volonté politique et de la puissance du nationalisme de part et d'autre de la mer Egée et de la « ligne verte » à Chypre, et d'autre part l'espace transnational dans lequel les relations entre acteurs des sociétés civiles grecque, turque et chypriote(s) se développent avec un dynamisme certain. La globalisation et la mondialisation donnent également de plus grandes marges de manœuvres aux groupes armés clandestins (17 novembre en Grèce, PKK, ou Loups gris en Turquie), aux organisations diasporiques et aux stratégies individuelles (telles que les recours auprès de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme contre l'occupation d'une partie de Chypre par la Turquie).
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35

D'Hollander, Juliette. "Economic sanctions as a means to enforce human rights." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23437.

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The United Nations Security Council has recently imposed economic sanctions against several states with the aim to protect human rights. Before the Second World War economic sanctions had been imposed under the Covenant of the League of Nations. It was, however, only with the creation of the United Nations and the evolution of international human rights law that economic sanctions have been imposed explicitly in the name of human rights. While the Security Council has ordered economic sanctions against Iraq, Haiti and the former Yugoslavia for their human rights violations, the thesis explores the reasons why the Council has not taken similar measures against other countries with comparable human rights records and concludes that, there exists a double standard. Another important issue examined concerns the collateral consequences of economic sanctions. More often than not, it is the civilian population that ends up enduring the harsh conditions that result from the sanctions. The thesis suggests that the economic sanctions imposed for human rights purposes may in fact result in the infringement of the basic human rights of the very population that they are intended to protect.
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36

Strinka, Sarah Marie. "The Human Rights-Based Approach to Development: A Theory of Change." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1586262883778281.

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37

Freire, Fátima de Souza. "L'influence de la globalisation économique et de la dynamique des avantages comparatifs dans le secteur textile international et brésilien." Toulouse 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998TOU10037.

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Nous nous proposons de faire une étude des impacts du processus de la globalisation économique dans le secteur textile international et brésilien dans le contexte conceptuel de la théorie des avantages comparatifs. Nous avons utilisé comme matériel de recherche une multitude de données statistiques sur le commerce textile international, ainsi que les réponses recueillies lors de deux enquêtes réalisées dans plusieurs industries textiles brésiliennes. Les conclusions suggèrent que dans les pays développés, la dépendance des industries textiles par rapport à l'approvisionnement en matière première ainsi que le coût élevé de la main d'œuvre ne sont plus compensés par des gains de productivité liés à l'utilisation d'une technologie textile de pointe. Il s'agit de facteurs déterminants de la perte de leur compétitivité dans le secteur. Quant aux pays en voie de développement, l'existence d'une main d'œuvre bon marché aussi bien que la productivité des équipements utilisés sont fondamentaux pour garantir la compétitivité de leur industrie textile. Dans le cas particulier du Brésil, la façon dont est gérée son insertion dans le processus de globalisation économique facilite la modernisation des équipements de ses industries textiles. Toutefois les répercussions ont été désastreuses pour la culture cotonnière du pays, cette gestion étant la principale responsable de la chute de plus de 60% de la production brésilienne de coton de 1993 à 1996. Des problèmes similaires commencent également à surgir dans le domaine des fibres synthétiques et celui de la confection. Nous en avons déduit que le processus de globalisation économique fait, des tendances à long terme du marché textile, des éléments clés de l'élaboration de stratégies compétitives. Il impose, en outre, une dynamique prononcée aux avantages comparatifs des pays. Le processus de globalisation devient donc un facteur déterminant non seulement des stratégies d'approvisionnement en matière première textile, mais aussi de la technologie la plus compétitive possible et enfin, des limites de coût destiné à la rémunération de la main d'œuvre
We perform a study of the impacts of the economic globalization process on the international and the Brazilian textile sector within the conceptual framework of the comparative advantage theory. We have used as research background a profusion of statistical data concerning the international textile trade, as well as the answers of two questionnaires that were applied to a certain number of Brazilian textile industries. Our results indicate that the dependence of the textile industries localized in developed countries on the raw material and on the work force cost are the main contributing factors to their loss of competitive power. These factors are not counterbalanced any more by the productivity gains generated by their modem textile technology. In the case of developing countries, not only their low cost work force but also the modernisation of their textile machinery is crucial to strength the international level competitiveness of their textile industries. In the specific case of Brazil, the way the government administration is opening the country to the economic globalization process helps the Brazilian textile industry to modernise its machinery, with favourable effects on the performance of its yam an- fabric plants. However, it is imposing a disastrous effect on the Brazilian cotton yields, being the main responsible for a cotton production decrease about 60% during the 1993 1996 period. Similar problems concerning the production of synthetic fibres and clothes begin also to occur. We conclude that the economic globalization process turns the long time tendencies in the international textile market into key elements of strategic competitiveness, and imposes a noticeable dynamic to the comparative advantage of the countries in the textile sector. It is going to be fundamental not only to determine the textile raw material supply strategies, but also to indicate the most appropriate textile technology to be used, and finally the constraints on the work force payment costs
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Beattie, Amanda Russell. "Obligations of love : international political thought & the tradition of natural law." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/536.

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39

Gruici, Simona. "International Security : Crossing Borders: International Migration and National Security." Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15242.

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One of the most dynamic events of our time is the large extent of population movements within and across national boundaries. The causes of this movement of people include economic hardship due to various natural calamities such as earthquakes, droughts, famine and floods, as well as economic hardship due to lack of income. Political instabilities represent a central factor that is forcing the population movements at both national and international level. In most of the cases, reality is beeing perceived as follows: if international security is enhanced, so is national security. However, the phenomenon of migration is perceived as being a greater challenge in the field of security towards failure states, rather than it might affect any welfare postindustrial states. Nowadays we are facing a more globalized security environment, fact that is actually providing other states with the possibility to create a better security for their own nations. In order to gain this security immunity, the states should be able to enforce and protect the migration policies within international security. The relationship between migration and security became increasingly complex in the new millennium. As it follows, the focus of this theme is the correlation between migration´s consequences, both positive and negative, towards national security of host states. Furthermore, the topic of this paper is extending over ´what terrorism implies´. In order to reach a clear understanding, it has been analyzed the phenomenon of globalization and its forthcoming implications within both terrorism and migration. As a result of this transformation, terrorism has the power now to threat much more countries in the global area. Nevertheless, the purpose of this thesis is to examine which factors have an impact on international security, within a continental similarity. The central focus reflects over the Euro-Mediterranean area and to certain extends over the United States. The considered factors are: migration, loss/gain of governmental control, the political reaction after the attack of 9/11, spread of democracy (e.g. globalization), and creating citizenship.
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40

Akman, Bahar. "Post-conflict reconstruction and human insecurity: untangling the security-development nexus." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92195.

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How does assistance for social, political and economic development interact with efforts to provide security in post-conflict societies? To study this interaction, this dissertation focuses on strategies for peace operations. Influenced by the human security agenda, peace operations have adopted a multi-sectoral approach, seeking to address the many sources of insecurity facing conflict-ridden societies. In fact, there is a growing awareness that to establish sustainable peace after an event of conflict or collapsed state, not only the domestic and/or international root causes of the conflict should be identified and addressed, but the elements fueling the vicious cycle of violence should also be tackled and eliminated. I found that several policy recommendations proposed to better integrate peace operations' activities reveal a strong disagreement about the relationship between development and security. From this debate, I derived three types of peacebuilding strategies; 1) the Security-only strategy proposes providing order and security first and leaving developmental assistance to specialized agencies, 2) the Sequential strategy promotes providing security and order first, and then assuming development-related tasks as a means to avoid contradictory effects, and 3) the Simultaneous strategy emphasizes the relationship between underdevelopment and conflict, thus urges the implementation of both security and development related tasks simultaneously. Using logitistic models corrected for temporally dependent data, I quantitatively test the effectiveness of these three strategies in establishing peace with a dataset I compile covering all civil wars from 1946 to 2006. This analysis shows that interventions designed with strategies prioritizing the establishment of security first (Security-Only and Sequential strategies) are more successful at terminating conflicts and achieving durable peace. The argument that multi-dimensionality increases the effectiveness of pe
Comment l'assistance apportée pour le développement social, politique et économique interagit avec les efforts pour rétablir et assurer la sécurité dans les sociétés sortant de guerre? Pour pouvoir étudier cette interaction, la thèse se concentre sur les stratégies des opérations de paix. Motivé par le souci de la sécurité humaine, les opérations de paix ont opté pour une approche multisectorielle, cherchant à identifier les diverses sources d'insécurité confrontées par les pays en question. En effet, on découvre de plus en plus que pour établir une paix durable dans un pays qui sort d'un conflit ou un pays effondré, il faut non seulement identifier et prendre en considération les causes originelles du conflit mais il faut aussi attaquer et éliminer les éléments qui causent le cercle vicieux de violence. J'ai noté que les recommandations de politiques proposées pour mieux intégrer les opérations de paix montrent des désaccords importants à propos des relations entre le développement et la sécurité. De ce débat, j'ai tiré trois types de stratégies de construction de paix: 1) la stratégie sécurité-seulement propose de fournir d'abord et avant tout l'ordre et la sécurité et de laisser l'assistance au développement aux services spécialisés, 2) la stratégie séquentielle promeut l'ordre et la sécurité avant le développement comme un moyen d'empêcher les effets contraires 3) la stratégie simultanée met l'accent sur la relation qui se trouve entre le sous-développement et le conflit, par conséquent propose l'implémentation des deux activités en même temps. En utilisant des model logistiques, j'ai testé quantitativement l'efficacité de ces trois stratégies pour rétablir la paix avec un dataset couvrant toutes les guerres civiles d'entre 1946 et 2006. Cette analyse montre que les interventions qui donnent la priorité à l'établissement de la sécurité avant tout ont obtenu un plus grand succès pour instau
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Santa, Ritta Pietsch Majic Karla. "Intergroup Relations & Power : An ethnographic case study observing the multicultural staff of Cambambe, through the lenses of Psychology & International Relations Theories." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-140922.

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This is an ethnographic case study, based in participant observation, which investigates and analyzes how the everyday relationships between Europeans, South Americans expatriates & Angolan nationals, are structured in a common transnational labor community in Angola, named Cambambe. This study investigates if there are any features of post-colonial power relations that affect and shape the interactions between those three communities. Thus, if the contemporary forms of relationship, as expressed by this community, can still be compared to that old hard power stereotype namely labor relations from the colonial past, or if those have changed with modernity. In doing so, this study equally analyzes not only how the interactions between the three communities is expressed in terms of identity, culture and ethnic belonging, but also how such expressions bring about tangible consequences for the groups relating to their social and institutional positions inside the working community. Furthermore, this study examines if the three group populations are able to go beyond their ethnic and cultural boundaries in order to create common zones of togetherness and empowerment, and if so, how these zones are shaped. To do so, the analysis observes how the intergroup perceives power into their relational context, focusing in four dimensions, namely; rationality, perceived justice, material resources and identity. Moreover, this is a multidisciplinary analysis which makes use of the theoretical lenses provided by the post-colonial theory, psychology of intergroup relations and power theories in international relations, to shed light into the understanding of contemporary labor communities and in the position of the post-colonial subjects in society in a North to South perspective.
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Parisi, Laura Jean. "Gendered disjunctures: Globalization and human rights." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290144.

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In this dissertation, I attempt to improve upon previous studies of globalization and human rights by employing several strategies. First, I employ an interdisciplinary theoretical analysis that draws on disparate literatures from political science, economics, international law, and feminist studies. Second, I use a methodology known as multiple imputation to deal with missing data problems that have plagued previous studies. Third, I test for the differential effects of globalization, economic development, and democracy on the achievement of female and male socio-economic rights in order to understand the degree to which these variables affect the dependent variables of female and male infant mortality, life expectancy, literacy, primary school enrollment, and economic activity rates. Overall, the main findings in this dissertation shed light on inequities of men and women as empirical categories in the context of globalization, economic development and democratization. There are two main findings of this study: (1) There is a statistically significant difference between the achievement of socio-economic rights for women and men in the context of globalization; and, (2) The differential effects of globalization, economic development, and democratization on female and male socio-economic rights are varied but in general all three of these independent variables tend to have more positive effects on the achievement of women's socio-economic rights relative to men's.
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Kami, Hideaki. "Diplomacy and Human Migration:A History of U.S. Relations with Cuba during the Late Cold War." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1448899397.

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Short, David 1972. "Assessing the utility of a human rights approach to international environmental protection." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23966.

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There is a growing awareness of the inadequacy of the traditional framework of international law as a means of dealing with current environmental problems. This has led to calls for a new approach. In view of the links between the protection of the environment and the protection of human rights, one such approach has been to focus on the development of international human rights law concepts and mechanisms to address environmental concerns.
This thesis undertakes a critical assessment of a human rights approach to environmental protection, with the aim of suggesting ways in which it could realistically contribute to the protection of the global environment. I consider how the environment may be protected both through the application of presently accepted human rights and through the establishment of a new human right in relation to the environment. I highlight the objections that are raised from both a human rights perspective and an environmental perspective and examine the substantial conceptual and practical difficulties that are encountered. I ultimately attempt to show that although a human rights approach has serious limitations and is unlikely to fulfill the aspirations of its promoters, it does have modest value as one strand of a much wider strategy for environmental protection under international law.
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Sachleben, Mark. "International Human Rights Treaties: Understanding Patterns of Participation and Non-Participation, 1948-2000." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1070910200.

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46

White, Tari. "Humanitarian Intervention, Refugee Protection, and the Place of Humanitarianism in International Relations." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political and Social Sciences, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7772.

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In taking into account the vast body of literature that exists on the topic of international humanitarianism, this thesis aims to provide a contribution to the field by way of an analysis of the dubious manner in which states apply the principles of humanitarianism. It derives conclusions around the level of commitment and sincerity of the international humanitarian regime to the principles of humanitarianism by exploring the dynamic relationship between the two of the main areas of humanitarianism: humanitarian intervention and refugee protection. From this analysis stems the argument is that while the governments of the wealthy Western states are often amongst the loudest trumpeters of humanitarian principles, they fail to live up to their humanitarian obligations. For, rather than committing to humanitarian action on the basis of need, they are only willing to commit to humanitarian action in cases that serve in their own national interests; cases of human suffering from which they do not stand to benefit remain caught in the margins of the international humanitarian regime.
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Muftic, Lamija. "Protection of human rights in the case of immigration related detention in the EU: Between international law and international relations." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22392.

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The aim of this thesis is to explore the relation between the extent of abidance to human rights international law provisions in regard to the detention of immigrants in the countries of EU, and the motivations for doing so, as presented in the international relations theories. The principal research question is: Why are immigrants facing problems in obtaining human rights in the context of immigration related detention? The answers are implicitly found in the answers to the underlying question: Why do states crate and obey international law? Methodologically, the problematic is approached through the theoretical analysis of International Relation theories: Realist, Institutionalism, Liberalism and Constructivism. Each of these theories provides different factors as explanatory for the actions of the states, respectively: power, existence of institutions, interest of individuals and social practices. National law remains the key system in the protection of rights due to its enforceability. Despite the existence of provisions relating to the rights of aliens, national law primarily protects the rights of nationals. From the second half of the 20th century international law has developed rapidly and has influenced the development and advancement of human rights and standards. However, due to the lack of strength in its enforceability, its application is dependent of the political interest and motivation of individual states, both in their inclusion of international law provisions into their national legal systems and its enforcement, and in the use of the constellation of power in international relations in applying pressure on other states to do the same. Entities like European Union bring a new quality to this problematic, given its specific legal structure that has influenced the rethinking of national sovereignty as the uncontested authority in creating and abiding the law. Nonetheless, provision and protection of individual's rights remains tightly knit to and dependent upon citizenship.
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George, Rachel. "From contestation to convergence? : a constructivist critique of the impact of UN Human Rights Treaty ratification on interpretations of Islam in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3722/.

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This thesis discusses UN human rights treaty ratification in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Ratification of human rights treaties by most GCC countries, often with extensive reservations concerning the compatibility of certain provisions with Islam, has generated international debate about the applicability of international human rights norms in an Islamic context. With poor compliance records, GCC cases are seen to demonstrate that global human rights norms fail to diffuse and take hold in specific local contexts. This thesis disputes this claim by arguing that normative change can be observed in these cases. It offers a constructivist critique of “norm diffusion” literature by focusing on changes in language and ideas, rather than on legal changes and implementation. Using the cases of the Convention Against Torture, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the thesis identifies when and how language and ideas about Islam and human rights have been shaped by UN conceptualizations of rights as a result of GCC engagement with these treaties. Examining both Arabic and English sources and carrying out analysis of the discourses in UN documents, employing legal analysis of recent constitutional documents and laws, and through interview research, the thesis demonstrates how arguments about Islam and human rights in the GCC have been shaped by treaty engagement since the 1990s. By demonstrating ratification’s impact on GCC actors’ use of UN human rights vocabulary and concepts within an Islamic context, the thesis argues that ratification matters more than the conventional literature suggests. It concludes that, even in cases that human rights treaties have failed to result in improved practices, they have contributed to the framing of interpretations of Islam alongside UN human rights concepts, a process that is worthy of greater scholarly attention.
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Mai, Tam Thi Hong. "Human Rights in Vietnam: A Debatable Issue." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1212197540.

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Dhirathiti, Nopraenue Sajjarax. "Identity transformation and Japan's UN security policy : from the Gulf Crisis to human security." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2007. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1141/.

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This research uses discourse analysis to examine Japan's UN security policy after the Cold War period using three cases: the Gulf Crisis, the Cambodian peace process and the promotion of the human security policy. The key argument is that there is a need for a new IR theory-based approach that could explain foreign or security policy decision-making process and could also provide the analysis at both the domestic and the international level simultaneously. This research therefore adopts Wendt's Constructivism, along with the use of 'identity' as the key analytical platform, from which the 'recursive Constructivist model' is developed. Unlike popular literature, this research suggests that 'identity transformation' and the level of conformity between the identities projected internationally (international -role identities) and those embraced domestically (domestic-type identities) are the key factors determining Japan's foreign and security policy preferences. On the interpretation of Japan's post-Cold War security development, this research argues that it could be understood via the UN framework, and not only from the traditional perspective of the Japan-US alliance. Apart from the fact that it could be understood via the process of 'identity transformation', this research provides strong evidence and suggestions that Japan's assertive foreign and security pursuits in the post-Cold War era are the result of the nation's changing sets of ideas and beliefs on the link between 'national' and 'international' security. The original contributions of this research are two-fold. The theoretical contribution is a modification of Wendt's original framework of identity transformation into the so-called 'recursive process of identity transformation. ' The application of 'identity' and the 'recursive Constructivist model' to Japan's UN security policy in this research is significant because it is the first example among research in the field of Japanese studies to use a different analytical framework and tool in examining Japan's foreign and security policy. The model's ability to capture the intertwined process of social interactions at both the domestic and the international level is also important as it contributes to further IR theoretical development and a better understanding on Japan's foreign policy decision-making process. Also, the value-added benefit of the examination of human security policy is another vital substantive contribution, as this is the first exploration of this issue within the context of Japan's UN security policy.
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