Books on the topic 'Global market expansion'

The monograph, based on the identification of trends and problems of changes in the demand and supply of skills, as well as the study of modern mechanisms of their formation and actualization, substantiates the priority areas of human resources development in the Russian Federation that meet the strategic challenges of the period of digital transformation of the labor sphere. The authors identify and systematize current and future trends related to changes in the demand for professions and skills in the Russian and global labor markets. The directions of transformation of the demand for skills and professions in the conditions of digitalization of the economy, skills and professions of the future are determined. Quantitative and qualitative imbalances and trends in labor supply and demand in the Russian labor market are identified (based on statistical analysis of data from 2009-2019). The features and problems of supply and demand of professions/skills in the segments of the Russian labor market covered by Internet recruitment are identified (based on data from resume parsing and vacancies of Internet recruitment portals in 2018 and 2020). Methodological approaches to identifying widely-and poorly-demanded skills are proposed and tested during the competence analysis of labor supply and demand using Big Data technologies.the competence profile of the vacancies of the professional core and extra - skills. An innovative author's approach to assessing the potential of skills capitalization — a possible increase in the salary of an applicant due to the expansion of the set of skills that he has-is proposed and tested. The current policy directions of formation and improvement of skills of the population in the Russian Federation are identified and systematized. The strategic challenges of the period of digital transformation of the labor sphere facing the Russian Federation and the priority areas of human resources development that meet these challenges are identified. The conclusions and recommendations can be used in the work of the Ministry of Labor of Russia, Rostrud, the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia, the Ministry of Education of Russia, government authorities, employment services of the Russian regions, as well as organizations of the professional education system.

This work unveils the composition, the structure, the expansions, the tensions, asymmetries, fights and ways of political-professional recognization of workers' culture in Brazil, having as specificity, the musical language considered independent. The cultural work, the artistic creation activities and the technical and technologic process associated to it are in the center of the capitalism transformation in the last times, whose ambiguities integrate the new global chains of specialized symbolic services and the transnational industries. Behind the expansion of the global cultural markets, there is the creation of symbolic-economic value propitiated through the art and culture´s fieldwork. Looking at the professional category of art, through a work's parameter contributes to reveal the reality of an area that has not been studied that much: of the self-management artist. It is about not only considering the artistic activities as profession, but as paradigmatic expression of the current market. Analyzing the specifications that allows to draw the independent musician's morphology, collaborates for the theorical debate of the artistic work and the public cultural politics, in its fundamental articulations.

From home mortgages to iPhones, basic elements of our daily lives depend on international markets. The astonishing complexity of these exchanges may seem ungoverned. Yet the global economy remains deeply bound by rules. Far from the staid world of treaties and state-to-state diplomacy, governance increasingly relies on a different class of international market regulation—soft law—composed of voluntary standards, best practices, and recommended guidance created by a motley assortment of organizations. Voluntary Disruptions argues that international soft law is deeply political, shaping the winners and losers of globalization. Some observers focus on soft law’s potential to solve problems and coordinate market participants. Voluntary Disruptions widens the discussion, shifting attention to the ways soft law provides new political resources to some groups while not to others and alters the sites of contestation and the actors who participate in them. Highlighting two mechanisms—legitimacy claims and arena expansion—the book explains how soft law, typically viewed as limited by its voluntary nature, disrupts and transforms the politics of economic governance. Using financial regulation as its laboratory, Voluntary Disruptions explains the remarkable pre-crisis alignment of US and European approaches to governing markets, the rise and prominence of transnational industry associations in the 1990s and 2000s, and the ambivalence of US reforms toward international market cooperation in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. Rethinking scholarly and policy approaches to international soft law, Voluntary Disruptions answers enduring and pressing questions about global finance, international relations, and power.

This chapter focuses on the global British novel. While the novel as such has its roots in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century romance, the British novel owes its emergence and subsequent rise to global supremacy during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to the expansion and ascendancy of the British Empire. The history of the globalization of the British novel in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is therefore by necessity a history of negotiations and compromises between the foreign British form at the core of the literary system and the various local realities in the peripheral zones. Consequently, the chapter's discussion of the British novel's transmission to America, the West Indies, India, and Europe will focus on variations in the dynamic interaction between the core's formal influence and local resistance; between hegemonic ideology and local mentalités; and between global markets and local material practices.

‘The pre-Industrial Revolution, 1500–1700’ uses the cloth industry in Witney, a small Oxfordshire market town, as an example of the many themes of both the pre- and main Industrial Revolution. During the Industrial Revolution, the technology changed and so did the organization of work, but these changes did not benefit the workforce. Despite the decline in employment and real wages, the woven blanket industry remained the economic basis of the town for two more centuries. England’s success in the global economy had important effects beyond the growth of cities and rural manufacturing. These include the agricultural revolution, the coal revolution, the high wage economy, and the expansion of literacy.

The crisis demolished the myth that EDEs were decoupled from advanced economies and BRICS were becoming new engines of global growth. From 2011 onwards, with the end of the twin booms in commodity prices and capital inflows, growth in EDEs has converged downward towards the depressed levels of advanced economies from the very high levels achieved in the run-up to the global crisis and the immediate aftermath. Loss of momentum is particularly visible in economies that failed to manage the earlier booms prudently. In examining the spillovers from policies in major advanced economies and China to EDEs, the chapter introduces the notion of commodity-finance nexus wherein these markets reinforce each other during both expansions and contractions. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of policies needed to put the world economy into decent shape and to avoid liquidity and debt crises in EDEs.

In this book, Eli Carter explores the ways in which the movement away from historically popular telenovelas toward new television and internet series is creating dramatic shifts in how Brazil imagines itself as a nation, especially within the context of an increasingly connected global mediascape. For more than half a century, South America’s largest over-the-air network, TV Globo, produced long-form melodramatic serials that cultivated the notion of the urban, upper-middle-class white Brazilian. Carter looks at how the expansion of internet access, the popularity of web series, the rise of independent production companies, and new legislation not only challenged TV Globo’s market domination but also began to change the face of Brazil’s growing audiovisual landscape. Combining sociohistorical, economic, and legal contextualization with close readings of audiovisual productions, Carter argues that a fragmented media has opened the door to new voices and narratives that represent a more diverse Brazilian identity.

Abstract The growth of China and its re-emergence as a major economic power has been a key feature of globalization in the twenty-first century. China has become an increasingly significant actor in the global economy and this is likely to continue in the foreseeable future. The implications of this for Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) have been a source of major debate. This book examines the arguments, drawing on a growing body of research on China’s economic involvement in SSA and LAC. It begins by considering the process of economic reform in China from the late 1970s that provided the basis for China’s growing integration with the global economy. It considers four aspects of this integration: the growth of China as a global manufacturing centre; its impact on global commodity markets; the overseas expansion of Chinese firms as part of the ‘Go Global’ policy; and the increased role of China in global capital flows. Discussion of China’s impact on SSA and LAC is characterized by disagreements over both the extent of its presence and the underlying drivers. The book documents the different forms of Chinese economic involvement and clarifies some of the confusions that have arisen over the extent of China’s presence. It then analyses the economic, social, political, and environmental impacts of China on both regions to show a much more varied picture than the one that is often presented. These impacts depend to a significant extent on local conditions and actors and cannot be explained solely as a consequence of Chinese expansion.

This chapter traces the emergence of concerns about legal and conduct risk. From around the time of the first major UK privatization share issues of the 1980s, the history of the financial markets has featured a number of significant developments that have tended to bring concern about legal risk to the fore, albeit in specific contexts. These include the growth of global markets, the arrival of ‘universal’ banks (whose business involves much more than banking, as traditionally understood), and the huge expansion of markets in instruments commonly known as ‘derivatives’ and other highly structured financial products. Although such developments have brought benefits, they have also increased the complexity of financial activity. Many argue that these directly contributed to the underlying causes of the recent global financial crisis.

Evidence shows that international flows of highly skilled workers are increasing, both between advanced states and between advanced and developing regions. The movement of skilled people around the globe is driven by a variety of political forces, including governments’ continued efforts to address domestic labor shortages and restock through preferential immigration policies and international recruitment drives. For social scientists, the unprecedented movement of highly skilled labor across the globe calls into question earlier approaches to the study of migration. Where international highly skilled workers were treated in the classical sociological literature on migration as a small population that reflected both the potential for human capital transfers between states and, more controversially, a corresponding “brain drain” from source countries, the realities of transnational migration now complicate this picture. The expansion of the European Union and other forms of regional cooperation have given rise to important trade liberalizing agreements, producing a truly global migration market and the policy context for much contemporary research. More studies are needed to tackle issues relevant to the study of skilled migration, such as estimates of skilled migrants, longitudinal studies of circular migration, and analyses of the differentiation of migrants by occupational group and country of origin, along with the relative access that such groups enjoy in the receiving state.

Observing the abandonment of traditional beliefs and practices in the 1830s, the scholar John O’Donovan remarked that ‘a different era—the era of infidelity—is fast approaching!’ In west Donegal, that era finally arrived c.1880, when, over much of the district, English replaced Irish as the language of the home. Yet it had been coming into view since the mid-1700s, as the district came to be fitted—through the cattle trade, seasonal migration, and protoindustrialization—into regional and global economic systems. In addition to the market, an expansion of the administrative and coercive capacity of the state and an improvement in the plant and personnel of the Catholic Church—processes that intensified in the mid-1800s—proved vital factors, as the population dwindled after the Famine, in the people breaking faith with the old and familiar and adopting the new.

From a global perspective, the Atlantic basin was an extremely dynamic arena of political change in the early modern era. Polity formation, re-formation, and collapse occurred as collateral consequences of European expansion, whether the spread of infectious diseases, the establishment of settler colonies, or commercial opportunities. Thus new polities arose in West Africa to engage in maritime trade with Europeans, Comanches came to the fore on the southern Plains of North America by dominating the market for horses, and the St Lawrence Iroquoians collapsed in the face of overwhelming pressures. Yet these diverse examples of political change tend to be pushed to the margins of the historical narrative of governance in the Atlantic world which is still stalwartly Eurocentric, bracketed, as it were, with the European settlement of colonies, their maturation, and their bids for independence in the Age of Revolution.

The New York Business (NYB) occupied an increasingly prominent role within the publishing activities and global reach of the Oxford University Press. The NYB published educational, trade, and academic titles, as well as bibles, and sold these books along with imported Oxford titles. The chapter describes the expansion of the American list, highlighting particular successes in reference, history, and science books, and sets this growth in the context of the Oxford list and the wider American market. Sales of New York and imported titles are analysed and profitability of publishing lines and the business as a whole are assessed. The chapter considers the influence of successive managers and their differing relationships with executives in Oxford. Significant growth in the 1980s prompted the NYB to invest in a new warehouse in Cary, North Carolina, and new executive offices on Madison Avenue in New York City.

This chapter analyzes the lives of enslaved women in the nineteenth-century United States and the Caribbean, an era characterized by the massive expansion of the institution of chattel slavery. Framing the discussion through the themes of labor, commodification, sexuality, and resistance, this chapter highlights the wide range of lived experiences of enslaved women in the Atlantic World. Enslaved women’s productive and reproductive labor fueled the global machinery of capitalism and the market economy. Although enslaved women endured the constant exploitation and commodification of their bodies, many actively resisted their enslavement and carved out supportive and sustaining familial, marital, and kinship bonds. In addition, this essay explains how white, native, and black women could be complicit in the perpetuation of chattel slavery as enslavers and slave traders. Considering women in their roles as the oppressed and the oppressors contributes and expands historical understandings of gender and sexuality in relation to slavery.

Heterodox work in Global Political Economy (GPE) finds its motive force in challenging the ontological atomism of International Political Economy (IPE) orthodoxy. Various strains of heterodoxy that have grown out of dependency theory and World-Systems Theory (WST), for example, emphasize the social whole: Individual parts are given form and meaning within social relations of domination produced by a history of violence and colonial conquest. An atomistic approach, they stress, seems designed to ignore this history of violence and relations of domination by making bargaining among independent units the key to explaining the current state of international institutions. For IPE, it is precisely this atomistic approach, largely inspired by the ostensible success of neoclassical economics, which justifies its claims to scientific rigor. International relations can be modeled as a market-like space, in which individual actors, with given preferences and endowments, bargain over the character of international institutional arrangements. Heterodox scholars’ treatment of social processes as indivisible wholes places them beyond the pale of acceptable scientific practice. Heterodoxy appears, then, as the constitutive outside of IPE orthodoxy.Heterodox GPE perhaps reached its zenith in the 1980s. Just as heterodox work was being cast out from the temple of International Relations (IR), heterodox scholars, building on earlier work, produced magisterial studies that continue to merit our attention. We focus on three texts: K. N. Chaudhuri’s Asia Before Europe (1990), Eric Wolf’s Europe and the People Without History (1982), and L. S. Stavrianos’s Global Rift (1981). We select these texts for their temporal and geographical sweep and their intellectual acuity. While Chaudhuri limits his scope to the Indian Ocean over a millennium, Wolf and Stavrianos attempt an anthropology and a history, respectively, of European expansion, colonialism, and the rise of capitalism in the modern era. Though the authors combine different elements of material, political, and social life, all three illustrate the power of seeing the “social process” as an “indivisible whole,” as Schumpeter discusses in the epigram below. “Economic facts,” the region, or time period they extract for detailed scrutiny are never disconnected from the “great stream” or process of social relations. More specifically, Chaudhuri’s work shows notably that we cannot take for granted the distinct units that comprise a social whole, as does the IPE orthodoxy. Rather, such units must be carefully assembled by the scholar from historical evidence, just as the institutions, practices, and material infrastructure that comprise the unit were and are constructed by people over the longue durée. Wolf starts with a world of interaction, but shows that European expansion and the rise and spread of capitalism intensified cultural encounters, encompassing them all within a global division of labor that conditioned the developmental prospects of each in relation to the others. Stavrianos carries out a systematic and relational history of the First and Third Worlds, in which both appear as structural positions conditioned by a capitalist political economy. By way of conclusion, we suggest that these three works collectively inspire an effort to overcome the reification and dualism of agents and structures that inform IR theory and arrive instead at “flow.”

On the one hand, the idea of a capitalist peace is a set of loosely integrated, but testable propositions. On the other hand it is part of a wider, libertarian philosophy of life. The spirit of this wider conception is best expressed by a quote from a pioneer of quantitative international politics, in 1981 Rummel wrote, “If you want peace, then minimize the power of government.” Although there has been a proliferation of variables assessing capitalism and economic interdependence—from economic freedom via contract intensity to the avoidance of state ownership or protectionism—the most frequently analyzed proposition about the capitalist peace says that trade makes military conflict and war less likely. By and large, the evidence supports this proposition in dyadic designs as well as in monadic designs. This cross-design validity of the proposition is important, because it distinguishes the peace by trade proposition from the democratic peace proposition. Most researchers agree that war is extremely unlikely in dyads where both nations are democracies. But only a minority contends that democracies are less frequently involved in military conflict than other states. The dyadic and the monadic findings are compatible because military conflict looks even more likely between an autocracy and a democracy than between two autocracies. Whereas the democratic peace is limited in application, the pacifying impact of trade or economic interdependence is more general. Moreover, the democratic peace may be embedded in a wider economic or capitalist peace. There is strong evidence that democracy rests on a foundation of capitalism or economic freedom and the prosperity that has been gained only by capitalism or some degree of economic freedom. Moreover, economic freedom and prosperity contribute to the avoidance of civil war. Better still: Economic freedom does not only promote economic growth and prosperity among those nations where people enjoy economic freedom, but the economic freedom of rich countries provides poor countries with the advantages of backwardness and catch-up opportunities.Capitalist peace theory evolves. It has been suggested that the pacifying impact of trade rests on the expectation that trade, or access to resources and markets, will continue. This suggestion requires a new look at economic sanctions, too. By interfering with trade, sanctions must undermine the expectation of future benefits of trade and globally interconnected markets. Given the rareness of evidence in favor of the effectiveness of economic sanctions in eliminating undesirable policies of other nations, a capitalist peace perspective implies the recommendation to use sanctions much less frequently than politicians do. They are likely to eliminate a pacifying factor when it is most urgently needed.The wider or visionary perspective on the capitalist peace is useful not only in connecting it with the issue of sanctions, but also in demonstrating the inherent limitations of capitalism as a tool to achieve peace. From a static perspective, capitalism, economic freedom, or trade may exert some pacifying impact, as argued above. But capitalism is a dynamic economic order. It is about “creative destruction”. Capitalism is not egalitarian. Nations grow at different speeds. They rise and decline. Capitalism and unequal economic growth upset pecking orders and contribute to power transitions that are related to risks of war, especially great power war. Whether the contribution of capitalism to power transitions—or its pacifying impact prevails—cannot be judged with much confidence.

Kroc established an iconic global fast-food empire even though he did not found his firm, McDonald’s, until in his fifties. An innovative franchising system was crucial to McDonald’s success, together with a two-dimensional marketing strategy which was quality and family oriented and stressed the formula QSC&V (Quality, Service, Cleanliness, and Value). While his emphasis was on innovative adaptation, strategic (marketing) calculation, and diverse deliberation, Kroc used all six of the rational methods. For example, he and his ‘numbers man’ Sonneborn created the leasing financial base for McDonald’s nation-wide expansion. Kroc’s emphasis on diverse deliberation included allowing his managers to argue with him as well as sell him policy proposals—often through informal deliberation. The final section describes his pioneering international joint-venture system that helped McDonald’s spread around the globe and be adapted to different cultures and markets worldwide.

This article argues that prospects for corporate social responsibility (CSR) are anchored in its early beginnings, in its ever-expanding acceptance as a legitimate business practice, and in the looming necessities and crises spawned by unprecedented global expansion of economic enterprise. CSR is an idea whose time has arrived, not just in the United States but wherever markets and corporate enterprise comprise the foundation of a society's economic endeavors. Unevenly developed and experienced across the grand arc of 21st century societies, CSR is infiltrating into corporate consciousness and corporate culture, finds expression in the workplace, sparks stakeholder involvement, molds company strategy, enriches the quality of community life, broadens business vision, and seeks to humanize economic enterprise wherever it is found. A cardinal principle of CSR's spread throughout the globe is that each society and each business firm shall find its own unique way of expressing and realizing CSR's core meaning.

Islands are not just geographical units or physical facts; their importance and significance arise from the human activities associated with them. The maritime routes of sailing ships, victualling requirements of their sailors, and strategic demands of seaborne empires in the age of sail – as well as their intrinsic value as sources of rare commodities – meant that islands across the globe played prominent parts in imperial consolidation and expansion. This volume examines the ways in which islands (and groups of islands) contributed to the establishment, extension, and maintenance of the British Empire in the age of sail. Chapters explore the geographical, topographical, economic, and social diversity of the islands that comprised a large component of the British Empire in an era of rapid and significant expansion. Although many were isolated rocky outcrops, they acted as crucial nodal points, providing critical assistance for ships and men embarked on the long-distance voyages that characterized British overseas activities in the period. Intercontinental maritime trade, colonial settlement, and scientific exploration would have been impossible without these oceanic islands. They also acted as sites of strategic competition, contestation, and conflict for rival European powers keen to outstrip each other in developing and maintaining overseas markets, plantations, and settlements. The importance of islands outstripped their physical size, populations, or individual economic contribution to the imperial balance sheet. Standing at the centre of maritime routes of global connectivity, islands offer historians fresh perspectives on the intercontinental communication, commercial connections, and territorial expansion that characterized the British Empire.

This book explores the emergence and expansion of global kosher and halal markets with a particular focus on the UK and Denmark. Kosher is a Hebrew term meaning “fit” or “proper” while halal is an Arabic word that literally means “permissible” or “lawful”. This is the first book of its kind to explore kosher and halal comparatively at different levels of the social scale such as individual consumption, the marketplace, religious organisations and the state. Within the last two decades or so, kosher and halal markets have become global in scope and states, manufacturers, restaurants, shops, certifiers and consumers around the world are faced with ever stricter and more complex kosher and halal requirements. The book is based on extended periods of research carried out in the UK and Denmark where kosher and halal are of particular significance. The research question in this book is: What are the consequences of globalising kosher and halal markets? This book argues that the similarities and differences between kosher and halal consumption, production and regulation in different national contexts are not well understood. We further argue that to better understand global kosher and halal markets these should be explored at different levels of the social scale. The book will be appropriate for students in a variety of upper-level undergraduate courses and graduate seminars as well as academics of food (science), sociology/anthropology, religion, globalisation, politics, economics, business/management as well as companies that are or want to be kosher/halal certified. It will also be of interest to religious organisations and policy makers.

With the rise of China’s information and communications technology (ICT) sector, a number of Chinese high-tech firms are approaching transnational stages and shifting the center of gravity in global ICT markets. In the meantime, China’s digital economy has raised the debate with regard to the nature and direction of its developmental model. This book investigates Huawei Technologies—China’s most competitive high-tech company—as a microcosm of the rise of China’s corporate power and its evolving digital economy. Yun Wen first traces Huawei’s history against the backdrop of China’s ICT development and its outward expansion in global markets. Focusing on Huawei’s research and development strategies, she then delineates Huawei’s path to its cutting-edge technology and innovation leadership. Huawei’s distinct experience in the design of its ownership structure and labor practices is also examined in the book. By examining how Huawei’s growth intertwined with the trajectory of China’s ICT development and how it responded to various forces of corporate China’s globalization, this book sheds light on distinguishing features of the “Huawei model” and the geopolitical economic implications of China’s corporate globalization. It argues that the core of China’s pathbreaking model lies in local alternatives and indigenous agencies that have the ability to insist on a self-reliant, open-minded, and innovation-oriented developmental strategy.

Often we hear that modernism is all about speed. Better to say that modernism marked the age of acceleration, an explosion in rates of change. Today we routinely link capitalism and the metaphor of explosive growth. Capitalism threatens to consume everything in its path, producing great destruction along the way. This is conspicuously so with the advent of modern war epochally transformed by the modernist acceleration of technical innovation. Appalling loss of human life and systematic destruction of productive capacity inspired a world order movement obdurately modern in its conceptual underpinnings. It counted the League of Nations and then the United Nations among its institutional successes, while imagining that a world federal republic would duly emerge. Precipitous decolonization preserved the colonial legacy of accidental borders and divided peoples, thereby accommodating the global expansion of international society with surprising ease; dreams of a world federal republic faded away.

The Handbook provides a comprehensive exploration of a great renewal movement in Christian history, which has profoundly influenced not only the world Anglican Communion, but other Church traditions as well. Commencing with the Movement’s roots within both High Church and evangelical Anglicanism, and its genesis within the University of Oxford and notably Oriel College, the Handbook considers the relatively short period when the Movement could properly be called the Oxford Movement—including its publication outlets such as the Tracts for the Times, its vibrant personalities, its early years of expansion, its opposition and the backlash it inspired, culminating in the crisis of 1845–50, a crisis which for many marked its end, but which in truth brought renewed growth and diversification. The Handbook then examines the development of the Oxford Movement up to the present day, including the gradual adoption of the name Anglo-Catholicism, its adaptation to different national and cultural contexts, its growing commitment to liturgical and devotional reforms, its pastoral, missionary, and global outreach, its diverse influence on literature and the arts, and its wider ecumenical concerns.

The period between the 16th and 18th centuries witnessed the expansion of European travel, trade and colonization around the globe, resulting in greatly increased contact between Westerners and peoples throughout the rest of the world. With the rise of print and the commercial book market, Europeans avidly consumed reports of the outside world and its various peoples, often in distorted or fictional forms. With the consolidation of new empirical science and taxonomy, prejudice against peoples of different colours and cultures during the 16th and 17th centuries became more systematic, giving rise to the doctrines of race ‘science.’ Although humanitarianism and the idea of human rights also flourished, inspiring the campaign to abolish the slave trade, this movement did not hinder imperialist expansion and the belief that humans could be ranked in a hierarchy that authorized White domination. The essays in this volume trace the complex pattern of intellectual and cultural change from popular bigotry in the Age of Shakespeare to the racial categories developed in the works of Buffon and Kant. These essays also link changes in racial thinking to other trends during this age. The development of modern ideas of race corresponded with emerging conceptions of the nation state; new acceptance of religious diversity became linked with speculations on racial diversity; transforming ideologies of gender and sexuality overlapped in crucial ways with developing racial attitudes. In many ways, the period between the Reformation and Enlightenment laid the foundations for modern racial thinking, generating issues and conflicts that still haunt us today.

The post-war period following Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo saw an influential literary journalism dominated by the political polarities of Whig and Tory. All cultural judgements were affected, in an era when British imperial confidence and international prestige were at their height. The settlement of the Congress of Vienna, the strength of the British military, and colonial expansion across the globe drove economic power while also exerting broad influence on Romantic cultural forms. Romantic literary culture was, however, not unitary, but marked by ironic oppositions and contrasting stylistic idioms. Visionary idealism, imaginative subjectivity, and emotionalism were countered by demotic realism and a groundedness in new social and political forces and in the sensuous appeal of the material world. These oppositions are internalized in the major work of the leading poets and novelists, who seek to balance a representation of their own times with a transcendent vision of experience.

This book explores the history of Japan's pharmaceutical industry in the early twentieth century through a close account of Hoshi Pharmaceuticals, one of East Asia's most influential drug companies from the late 1910s through the early 1950s. Focusing on Hoshi's connections to Japan's emerging nation-state and empire, and on the ways in which it embraced an ideology of modern medicine as a humanitarian endeavor for greater social good, the book shows how the industry promoted a hygienic, middle-class culture that was part of Japan's national development and imperial expansion. The book makes clear that the company's fortunes had less to do with scientific breakthroughs and medical innovations than with Japan's web of social, political, and economic relations. It lays bare Hoshi's business strategies and its connections with politicians and bureaucrats, and the book describes how public health authorities dismissed many of its products as placebos at best and poisons at worst. Hoshi, like other pharmaceutical companies of the time, depended on resources and markets opened up, often violently, through colonization. Combining global histories of business, medicine, and imperialism, the book shows how the development of the pharmaceutical industry simultaneously supported and subverted regimes of public health at home and abroad.

Beyond the Arab Cold War brings the Yemen Civil War (1962–68) to the forefront of modern Middle East history, in a comprehensive account that features multilingual and multinational archives and oral histories. Throughout six years of major conflict Yemen sat at the crossroads of regional and international conflict as dozens of countries, international organizations, and individuals intervened in the local South Arabian civil war. Yemen was a showcase for a new era of UN and Red Cross peacekeeping, clandestine activity, Egypt’s counterinsurgency, and one of the first large-scale uses of poison gas since World War I. Events in Yemen were not dominated by a single power, nor were they sole products of US-Soviet or Saudi-Egyptian Arab Cold War rivalry. Rather, during the 1960s Yemen was transformed into an arena of global conflict whose ensuing chaos tore down the walls of centuries of religious rule and isolation and laid the groundwork for the next half century of Yemeni history. The end of the Yemen Civil War marked the end of both Egyptian President Nasser’s Arab nationalist colonial expansion and the British Empire in the Middle East, two of the most dominant regional forces. The legacy of the eventual northern tribal defeat and the compromised establishment of a weak and decentralized republic are at the core of modern-day conflicts in South Arabia.

Feminist scholarship has contributed to the conceptual development of globalization by including more than merely the expansion and integration of global markets. Feminist perspectives on globalization are necessarily interdisciplinary; their definitions and what they bring to discussions of globalization are naturally shaped by differing disciplinary commitments. In the fields of International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE), feminists offer four major contributions to globalization scholarship: they bring into relief the experiences and agency of women and other marginalized subjects within processes of globalization; they highlight the gendered aspects of the processes of globalization; they offer critical insights into non-gender-sensitive globalization discourses and scholarship; they propose new ways of conceiving of globalization and its effects that make visible women, women’s agency, and gendered power relations. The feminist literature on globalization, however, is extensively interdisciplinary in nature rather than monolithic or unified. The very definition of key concepts such as globalization, gender, and feminism are not static within the literature. On the contrary, the understanding of these terms and the evolution of their conceptual meanings are central to the development of the literature on globalization through feminist perspectives. There are at least four areas of feminist scholarship on globalization that are in the early stages of development and deserve further attention: the intersection between men/masculinities and globalization; the effects of globalization on women privileged by race, class, and/or nation; the gendered aspects of the globalization of media and signs; and the need for feminists to continue undertaking empirical research.

Numerous crises have occurred since the beginnings of the modern economic system, from the Dutch Tulip Mania of 1636 and the South Sea Bubble of 1720 to the Dollar Crisis and Asian Financial Crisis. Scholars have written about the causes and remedies of financial crisis, resulting in a substantial amount of literature on the subject especially after the Great Depression. The writing on financial crisis declined between the end of World War II and the monetary crises in the early 1970s, but has become vibrant again since the 1980s. Some of the earliest voices that contributed to the intellectual history of studying financial crisis include Adam Smith, Karl Marx, David Ricardo, Walter Bagehot, and John Maynard Keynes. These men provided the foundation for understanding the central issues and questions about financial crisis and influenced the debates and scholarship that followed. One such debate involved monetarists vs. business cycle theorists. The monetarists argue that crises are caused by changes in the money supply, while those favoring a business cycle approach insist that expansions and contractions are part of economic interactions and so the economy will at times experience crises. As crises continue to affect both domestic and global financial markets, more perspectives are added to the discussion, including those that invoke rational expectations and economic models, along with those that draw from international political economy. There are also questions that remain unanswered, such as the issue of crisis response and that of financial fragility.

This volume examines the period from 1750–1820, which was a crucial period in the development of the novel in English. Not only was it the time of Smollett, Sterne, Austen, and Scott, but it also saw the establishment and definition of the novel as we know it, as well as the emergence of a number of subgenres, several of which remain to this day. Conventionally however, it has been one of the least studied areas—seen as a falling off from the heyday of Richardson and Fielding, or merely a prelude to the great Victorian novelists. This book takes full advantage of recent major advances in scholarly bibliography, new critical assessments, and the fresh availability of long-neglected fictional works, to offer a new mapping and appraisal. The opening section, as well as later chapters, consider historical conditions underlying the production, circulation, and reception of fiction during these seventy years, a period itself marked by a rapid growth in output and expansion in readership. Other chapters cover the principal forms, movements, and literary themes of the period, with individual contributions on the four major novelists (named above), seen in historical context, as well as others on adjacent fields such as the shorter tale, magazine fiction, children's literature, and drama. The volume also views the novel in the light of other major institutions of modern literary culture, including book reviewing and the reprint trade, all of which played a part in advancing a sense of the novel as a defining feature of the British cultural landscape. A focus on ‘global’ literature and imported fiction in two concluding chapters in turn reflects a broader concern for transitional literary studies in general.

Historians describe the ‘long 19th century’ as an age of empire, characterized by expansion and industrialization. The period witnessed the evolution of Western medicine into something uniquely ‘modern’, rooted in the shift to industrial capitalism and encroachment of government monitoring to state health, as well as the colonial mindset that drove overseas travel and encounters with unfamiliar populations, climates and disease. More than ever before, food, drugs, people and sickness circumvented the globe, crossing borders and prompting enormous changes in the way people made sense of health and illness. Novel technologies, from vaccination to x-rays, and ways of organizing medicine and its delivery, increased the reach of medicine and augmented the power of the state and colonizers. Equally, the new medicine answered governments’ growing recognition that health had acquired cultural value and meaning for their domestic populations. Spanning the period from 1800 to 1920, this volume surveys the spatial, experiential, visual and material cultures that shaped authority, mind and body, disease theories and the growing integration of human and animal health. These essays focus on the centrality of the state and hospitals, the growing importance of controlled laboratory experimentation, statistical methods, medical specialization, as well as the impact of war and peace on sick and injured bodies marked by notions of gender, race and class. While documenting the rise of new medical paradigms, this volume also charts the ways in which patients and populations have mediated, contested and shaped medical encounters, as well as the meanings of health and illness. Together these chapters map the contours of recent trends and trajectories in the cultural history of medicine and set an agenda for the self-reflexive critique of medicine’s past in the future.

Abstract The establishment of mass media organizations in India is contemporaneous with that of its counterparts in the developed world. Indian Media Giants: Unveiling the Business Dynamics of Print Legacies is an analytical chronicle of six Indian mega media conglomerates' individual odyssey from their humble, incipient beginnings in the pre-independence era to their transformation into powerful business empires in the digitised world. The book traces Indian Media metamorphosis, the birth, phase-wise contours of growth and development, travails and trajectories, organizational structures, editorial policies and business dynamics of print majors in India, namely, The Times Group, The Hindu Group, The Hindustan Times Limited, The Indian Express Group, Dainik Jagran Limited and DB Corp Limited. It unravels their understanding of the values of co-dependence, collaboration, and competition with their contemporaries. It is an untold story of how these organizations leapt over the perimeters of conventional greatness to achieve unmeasured success that spans the globe. The book analyses how innovations have been brought in the management policies of these print businesses, with respect to production, distribution, consumption, while accrediting the visionary leadership that drives each organisation forward in its endeavours. What the case studies also details, is the wide extent of strategic intent enunciation; the role of product lines, development and diversification into radio, TV, digital and other segments; geographical spread, expansion, regional penetration and international footprint; the role of technological advancements in throwing up unimaginably new business opportunities; strategic alliances, mergers, acquisitions, joint ventures and takeovers; manpower management policies; CSR activities and financial performance of these media giants. The theoretical implications of the growth of media organisations in terms of the nature of mass media and its products are also underlined. The book focuses on the theoretical framework of media management and pays attention on the changing media management practices from one era to another, gradually orienting and re-orienting the strategic positioning of respective media giants to the pulse of the media market and the opportunities under various regulatory regimes. It is replete with the meticulous analysis of the editorial values and business dynamics upon which their legacies are founded, changing business models adopted by the media moguls, the ripples they have created in the media world and how they are constantly being modified to suit the tastes of the modernising market. With this, and more, Indian Media Giants is a holistic compendium that offers multiple perspectives on how print media organizations in India have grown from strength to strength and have become platform agnostic. The book also details the changing media landscape in India and also underlines the efforts of media giants in retaining print while embracing the digital. The book will be of immense value to the academic fraternity and industry professionals to gain an incisive as well as panoptic view and understanding of the Indian media conglomerates. Compressed in these pages is the analytical story of the past, present and future of the Indian print legacies for the pleasure and curiosity of the readers.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.