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Journal articles on the topic 'Gladstone'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Sampson, Geoffrey. "Gladstone as linguist." Journal of Literary Semantics 42, no. 1 (January 14, 2013): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jls-2013-0001.

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AbstractAnyone who urges that differences between languages may correlate with differences in societies' perceptions of the world is open to misunderstanding by those who do not recognise the arbitrariness of their own socially-conditioned perceptions. A striking example is the reception of William Gladstone's nineteenth-century analyses of the vocabulary of the Homeric epics, Europe's first literature. Gladstone anticipated themes that are commonly seen as original advances of twentieth-century anthropology and linguistics; but this achievement has been obscured by a longstanding misinterpretation, according to which Gladstone ascribed Homer's surprising use of colour words to colour-blindness. At present, that misinterpretation is being disseminated more widely than ever before. In fact, Gladstone explicitly did not believe that Ancient Greeks were colour-blind. He did express a range of ideas standardly credited to much more recent scholarship. The reception of Gladstone's Homeric writings demonstrates the strength of the human disposition to trivialize significant cultural differences.

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2

Erb, Peter C. "Gladstone and German Liberal Catholicism." Recusant History 23, no. 3 (May 1997): 450–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000580x.

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When the subject of German Liberal Catholicism is raised alongside Gladstone's name, one is initially directed to the Munich historian and theologian, Ignaz von Döllinger (1799–1890). Few biographies of Gladstone omit a description of his first meeting with the German historian on September 30, 1845. The initial contact between the two men was certainly significant in Gladstone's career, but what is often not related is the full context of that meeting. Too often the incident is framed by their later meeting and correspondence, the Vaticanism controversies, and Döllinger's own opposition to the declaration of papal infallibility. At the end of his career, Gladstone himself interpreted their relationship in light of their later association, writing: ‘Nothing ever so much made me anglican versus Roman as reading in Döllinger over forty years ago the history of the fourth century and Athanasius contra mundum.’

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3

Windscheffel, Ruth Clayton. "Gladstone and Scott: Family, Identity and Nation." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 1 (April 2007): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.0054.

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In the 175 years since his death, Walter Scott has regularly been hailed as an influence by politicians. Amongst the poet-novelist's nineteenth-century political admirers, William Ewart Gladstone was possibly the most ardent, genuine, and significant. Scott's poems and novels were amongst the earliest texts Gladstone read; he read no works (in English), except the Bible, so consistently or completely over such a length of time. They offered him a plethora of inspirations, ideas, and language, which he imbibed and appropriated into his public and private lives. His concept of self, his understanding of family, and his sense of home, were all forged and conducted within a Scottian frame of reference. Scott's life and works also crucially influenced Gladstone's political understanding of the Scottish nation and its people, and his conception of how he could best serve their political interests. This article casts new light on an important and influential relationship in Gladstone's life, establishing that it was neither the superficial and recreational association some have described, nor simply a ploy of an astute politician. The article falls into three parts. The first elucidates how Gladstone's consumption of Scott's writings was seminal in the formation of his private identity, both individual and familial. The second explains how Gladstone's readings of Scott fitted into the specific and serious character of his other reading and knowledge-gathering, and the third shows how the details of Gladstone's response to Scott related to the broader intellectual and cultural context of his public life. By placing Gladstone within his Scottish context, this article shows how frequently and significantly his private and public worlds intersected.

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4

Burnard, Trevor, and Kit Candlin. "Sir John Gladstone and the Debate over the Amelioration of Slavery in the British West Indies in the 1820s." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 4 (October 2018): 760–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.115.

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AbstractSir John Gladstone made a fortune as a Demerara sugar-planter and a key supporter of the British policy of amelioration in which slavery would be “improved” by making it more “humane.” Unlike resident planters in the British West Indies, who were firmly opposed to any alteration to the conditions of enslavement, and unlike abolitionists, who saw amelioration as a step toward abolition, Gladstone was a rare but influential metropolitan-based planter with an expansive imperial vision, prepared to work with British politicians to guarantee his investments in slavery through progressive slave reforms. This article intersects with recent historiography highlighting connections between metropole and colony but also insists on the influence of Demerara, including the effects of a large slave rebellion centered on Gladstone's estates (which illustrated that enslaved people were not happy with Gladstone's supposedly enlightened attitudes) on metropolitan sensibilities in the 1820s. Gladstone's strategies for an improved slavery, despite the contradictions inherent in championing such a policy while maintaining a fierce drive for profits, were a powerful counter to a renewed abolitionist thrust against slavery in the mid to late 1820s. Gladstone showed that that the logic of gradual emancipation still had force in imperial thinking in this decade.

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5

Sheridan, Richard B. "The condition of the slaves on the sugar plantations of Sir John Gladstone in the colony of Demerara, 1812-49." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2002): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002536.

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Reconstructs the business activities of the Scottish-born Liverpool merchant and plantation owner John Gladstone, placed within the context of slavery and the abolition of slavery, and the general colonial history of British Guiana, particularly in the Demerara colony. Author describes how Gladstone acquired several plantations with slaves in Demerara, and how he responded to the increasing criticism of slavery, and the bad conditions of slaves in these Demerara plantations. He describes how Gladstone was an absentee owner in Jamaica and Guyana, where he never set foot, and depended on information by his plantation attorneys or managers, who generally painted too positive a picture of the slaves' conditions, which in reality were characterized by high mortality rates, disease, and abuse of slaves. Also discusses the Demerara slave revolt of 1823 affecting some of Gladstone's plantations.

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6

CONLIN, JONATHAN. "GLADSTONE AND CHRISTIAN ART, 1832–1854." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 341–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03002978.

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Although his activity as a private collector has been documented, the extent to which William Ewart Gladstone's interest in art was implicated in his thought on church and state has been overlooked. Previously unnoticed memoranda and correspondence of the 1830s and 1840s with the French art historian and Roman Catholic thinker, François Rio, demonstrate a fascination with religious painting of early Renaissance Italy, of the sort which only came to be appreciated in Britain many years later. For Rio, however, introducing Gladstone to ‘Christian art’ was as much about encouraging Gladstone in his hopes of reuniting the Protestant and Catholic churches as it was about reforming his taste. The manuscripts considered here show Gladstone to have viewed art history in terms of a struggle between sanctity and sensuality, visualized in terms both of the individual as well as of nationalities. In so far as the young Conservative politician formulated this history in tandem with his theory of the religious personality of the state, a study of his model of Christian art's development affords a new path into an old debate: did Gladstone betray the principles of his first book, The state in its relations with the church (1838) in his subsequent political evolution into Liberal statesman?

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7

Bradley, Matthew. "Reading Gladstone/Gladstone and Dante." Journal of Victorian Culture 16, no. 2 (August 2011): 279–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2011.589686.

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8

CONLIN, JONATHAN. "GLADSTONE, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE DISCIPLINE OF HISTORY, 1840–1896." Historical Journal 63, no. 4 (January 21, 2020): 911–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000578.

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AbstractBetween 1885 and 1891, the Liberal statesman William Ewart Gladstone debated the scientific status of the Book of Genesis with the natural historian Thomas Henry Huxley in a series of articles published in the Nineteenth Century. Viewed in isolation, this episode has been seen as a case of a professional scientist dismissing an amateur interloper. This article repositions this familiar dispute as one chapter in Gladstone's lifelong engagement with the concept of historical ‘development’, the unfolding or evolution of Providence to human reason over time, a concept which came to prominence in the 1840s, in both Tractarian theology and in natural history. Gladstone consistently advocated an accommodation between transmutation and natural theology based on a probabilist ontology derived from the eighteenth-century Anglican churchman Joseph Butler (1692–1752). That understanding of historical truth to which Gladstone credited his ability to discern when political issues became ripe for agitation demanded a humble, Christian moral temper that embraced doubt and salutary suffering, rather than certainty and whiggish celebration of progress.

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9

Mcfarland, E. W. "Matthew, Gladstone, 1809–98; Shannon, Gladstone. Heroic Minister; Biagini, Gladstone." Scottish Historical Review 80, no. 2 (October 2001): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2001.80.2.286.

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10

QUINAULT, ROLAND. "GLADSTONE AND SLAVERY." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0900750x.

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ABSTRACTWilliam Gladstone's views on slavery and the slave trade have received little attention from historians, although he spent much of his early years in parliament dealing with issues related to that subject. His stance on slavery echoed that of his father, who was one of the largest slave owners in the British West Indies, and on whom he was dependent for financial support. Gladstone opposed the slave trade but he wanted to improve the condition of the slaves before they were liberated. In 1833, he accepted emancipation because it was accompanied by a period of apprenticeship for the ex-slaves and by financial compensation for the planters. In the 1840s, his defence of the economic interests of the British planters was again evident in his opposition to the foreign slave trade and slave-grown sugar. By the 1850s, however, he believed that the best way to end the slave trade was by persuasion, rather than by force, and that conviction influenced his attitude to the American Civil War and to British colonial policy. As leader of the Liberal party, Gladstone, unlike many of his supporters, showed no enthusiasm for an anti-slavery crusade in Africa. His passionate commitment to liberty for oppressed peoples was seldom evident in his attitude to slavery.

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11

Gunn, J. A. W., and Peter Jagger. "Gladstone." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052779.

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12

Ziegler, Paul R., and Eugenio F. Biagini. "Gladstone." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 33, no. 2 (2001): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053412.

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13

Maloney, John. "Gladstone's Gladstone? The chancellorship of Robert Lowe, 1868–73." Historical Research 79, no. 205 (August 2006): 404–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2006.00384.x.

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14

Gardiner, John P. "Gladstone, gossip and the post-war generation." Historical Research 74, no. 186 (November 1, 2001): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00135.

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Abstract This article is a case-study of the reputation of W. E. Gladstone at a time when it is often suggested that eminent Victorians were subject to widespread denigration. Drawing upon archival material relating to the way in which Gladstone's family sought to protect and promote his memory in the post-war period, it argues that in tandem with an enduring public respect for his reputation, gossipmongering failed to diminish his stature. This has important implications for the ways in which post-war society related to the lives of eminent Victorians and to the past more generally.

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15

Kinzer, Bruce L. "Gladstone (review)." Victorian Studies 42, no. 3 (2000): 520–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0069.

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16

McWilliam, Rohan. "Gladstone Studies." Journal of Victorian Culture 17, no. 4 (December 2012): 550–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2012.744594.

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17

SHANNON, RICHARD. "Matthew's Gladstone." Parliamentary History 15, no. 2 (March 17, 2008): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1996.tb00328.x.

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18

Kanter, Douglas, and John Powell. "Select document: W. E. Gladstone, ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 161 (May 2018): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.4.

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AbstractThis article introduces a newly discovered essay by W. E. Gladstone, ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’, originally published in the Dublin University Magazine in 1834. The introduction examines the context of the essay’s composition, relating it to the young Gladstone’s commitment to the confessional state, as well as to the contemporary debate over the appropriation of the revenues of the Church of Ireland. It then attempts to explain how – through a combination of political circumstances, Gladstone’s subtle reshaping of the historical record, and editorial confusion – a significant article, published in a major Irish journal, went virtually unnoticed for more than 180 years. ‘Parliamentary Doings with the Irish Church’, the text of which is reproduced here in full, constituted Gladstone’s first attempt to use the quarterly press to influence public opinion, anticipating his first book by four years, and what had previously been considered his first journal article by nine years.

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Warren, Allen. "Dublin Castle, Whitehall, and the formation of Irish policy, 1879–92." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 136 (November 2005): 403–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006404.

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In the past historians of the Anglo-Irish union have concentrated largely on the leading political figures. Peel, O’Connell, Gladstone, Parnell, Salisbury, Redmond, Asquith and Lloyd George and their Irish policies have all received detailed attention. For the years following the onset of the great agricultural depression, this tendency has been inevitably reinforced by the turmoil of politics following the Third Reform Act and Gladstone’s attempt to introduce home rule for Ireland.

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20

Meisel, Joseph S. "Words by the Numbers: a Quantitative Analysis and Comparison of the Oratorical Careers of William Ewart Gladstone and Winston Spencer Churchill*." Historical Research 73, no. 182 (October 1, 2000): 262–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00108.

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Abstract This article examines and compares the oratorical productivity of Gladstone and Churchill, two long-lived British statesmen and iconic prime ministers noted for their powers as public speakers. Based upon data sources providing the date, subject and location of their speeches (over 2,000 each), quantitative analyses provide new ways of viewing the patterns and emphases of Gladstone's and Churchill's political careers, and establish a new basis for assessing the role of oratory in their public lives and reputations. Comparisons between Gladstone's and Churchill's public speaking careers shed new light on the changing structures, practices and technologies of British politics from the eighteen-thirties to the nineteen-fifties.

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21

Bebbington, David. "The Spiritual Home of W. E. Gladstone: Anne Gladstone’s Bible." Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001820.

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‘Popery is the religion of Cathedrals’, wrote J.W. Cunningham, the evangelical vicar of Harrow in his novel The Velvet Cushion (1815), ‘– Protestantism of houses’. It is a commonplace in the secondary literature that the household was the citadel of the evangelical version of Protestantism in nineteenth-century England. ‘Evangelicalism’, according to a representative comment by Ian Bradley, ‘was above all else the religion of the home.’ The head of the household conducting family prayers was the embodiment of the evangelical spirit. It is not the purpose of this essay to question that received image, but it does suggest that a clearer picture of the religious atmosphere of the evangelical home can be obtained from sources other than the manuals published for the paterfamilias to read to the assembled household. The books of family prayers tell us what was prescribed; but alternative sources show us what was practised. Spiritual journals, reflective meditations and candid correspondence can often be more revealing. Nowhere, however, is the kernel of household piety more evident than in the Bibles that some zealous believers annotated for their own benefit. The study of the Bible, as Edward Bickersteth, a leading evangelical divine, put it in his book A Scripture Help (1816), was ‘a great and important duty’. When members of evangelical families retired to the privacy of their own rooms, they might spend time in devotional reading of the Scriptures and leave a record of their reflections in the margins. Such Bibles, one of which is to be examined here, are treasuries of authentic domestic spirituality. They show something of the heartbeat of evangelical religion.

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22

Altholz, Josef L., and John Powell. "Gladstone, Lord Ripon, and the Vatican Decrees, 1874." Albion 22, no. 3 (1990): 449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051181.

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In August 1874, the Marquess of Ripon, until recently a Liberal Cabinet Minister, decided to convert from the Church of England to that of Rome. The Times, which like the rest of the English political world assumed that this ended Ripon's public career, denounced the moral “obliquity” of the man who “has renounced his mental and moral freedom, and has submitted himself to the guidance of the Roman Catholic Priesthood.” In October, the former Prime Minister, William E. Gladstone, asserted in an article on ritualism that the High Church position could not lead to Rome because, among other things, “no one can become her convert without renouncing his moral and mental freedom and placing his civil loyalty and duty at the mercy of another.” Remonstrances from Catholics (among them Ripon) on the issue of civil loyalty led Gladstone to develop his position fully in a pamphlet in November, The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance: A Political Expostulation, which in turn provoked one of the major Church-State controversies of the century. Historians have generally assumed that Ripon's conversion was causally connected with Gladstone's outburst.” It was, but with a difference.

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23

Podhovnik, Edith. "The Purrification of English: Meowlogisms in Online Communities." English Today 34, no. 3 (March 9, 2018): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078418000020.

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In July 2016, the British media covered the events in Whitehall from the viewpoint of cats. Larry, the Number 10 Downing Street cat, along with his feline colleagues Palmerston, Gladstone and Evie, made the news when the coverage of British politics was transferred to the street fights of competing tomcats Larry, Palmerston, and Gladstone. Headlines included: ‘The feline fight for Downing Street: Larry and Palmerston face-off to be the top cat of No 10’ (Burrows, 2016) in The Daily Mail; ‘Gladstone the cat lands Treasury job’ (‘Gladstone the Cat Lands Treasury Job’, 2016) on the BBC; ‘Gladstone the cat gives Treasury some paws for thought’ (Walker, 2016) in The Guardian; and ‘Cat & Mouser. Foreign Office moggie in stand off with Larry at No10 as bid for power continues’ (Foxton & Pettitt, 2016) in The Sun.

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24

Zaiontz, Keren. "“Scrounge” and “Exploit”: Amiel Gladstone Stages Invention and Intimacy in Hippies and Bolsheviks and Other Plays." Canadian Theatre Review 133 (March 2008): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.133.016.

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Arn ie! Gladstone. Hippies and Bolsheviks and Other Plays. Toronto: Coach House Books, 2007. Hippies and Bolsheviks and Other Plays represents the first published volume of work by the enterprising Arnie! Gladstone, co-founder of Victoria-based Theatre SKAM. Currently an associate artist at th e Caravan Farm Theatre, Glads tone is the second Theatre SKAM artist to be published by Coach House Books. The first, Sean Dixon, the company’s “playwright out of residence” since 1998, so titled because he is based in Toronto, published a volume of plays in 2002, AWOL: Three PlaysJor Theatre SKAM. Gladstone’s collection includes three plays : The Wedding Pool, which made the rounds as a SKAM production at the 2003 Summerworks Festival, in Toronto, and the 2004 Per formance Works sho wcase, in Vancouver, and has since been performed in Victoria and Colmar, France; Lena’s Car, staged at Performance Works, in 2003, as a piece commissioned by the Solo Collective; and Hippiesand Bolsheviks, first produced by SKAM, in 2005, at the University of Victoria, and subsequently dramaturged and staged at the 2006 Alberta play Rites Festival.

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25

Diedrick, James. "Mary Gladstone: Late-Victorian Hostess, Salonnière —and New Woman." Victorians: A Journal of Culture and Literature 143, no. 1 (June 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vct.2023.a903689.

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ABSTRACT: Mary Gladstone's identity as an accomplished musician, salonnière , hostess, and ministerial secretary has been well-documented in recent scholarship. So has her close alliance with her father W. E. Gladstone, including their shared commitment to Victorian liberalism, Anglicanism, and the sanctity of the domestic sphere. But her close friendships with heterodox thinkers, her writings, and her work in support of female suffrage and social purity feminism suggest important distinctions between her views and those of her father. They also demonstrate that she occupied another subject position in late-century Britain: that of a proto-New Woman. Viewing her within this discursive field, and analyzing her associations with thinkers like Henry Scott Holland, Josephine Butler, John Jay Chapman, and Olive Schreiner, illuminate important, overlooked aspects of her life and ideological sympathies. Examining her diary entries, publications, and correspondence—especially her exchanges with Chapman and Schreiner—sheds new light on Gladstone's involvement in the socio-political, religious, and gender debates of the fin de siècle and of the distinctly progressive forms of her social and political liberalism.

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26

Biagini, Eugenio F., and H. C. G. Matthew. "Gladstone, 1875-1898." American Historical Review 101, no. 5 (December 1996): 1543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170219.

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27

Morley, John. "Gladstone and Ireland." Chesterton Review 29, no. 1 (2003): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2003291/231.

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Morgan, K. O. "Gladstone Centenary Essays." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.136.

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29

Farnsworth, Susan. "Gladstone 1875–1898." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 4 (June 1996): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952507.

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Short, Edward. "Gladstone and Newman." Newman Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (2006): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/nsj2006316.

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Short, Edward. "Gladstone and Newman." Newman Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (2006): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nsj.2006.0005.

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32

Ngugi, Thiong'o K. "Gladstone and Lovelace." Wasafiri 29, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690055.2014.918397.

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Pincock, Stephen. "Wallace Gladstone Grigor." Lancet 380, no. 9840 (August 2012): 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(12)61281-1.

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34

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Roy Jenkins. "Gladstone: A Biography." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 4 (1997): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048154.

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Smith, J. "Robert Gladstone Smith." BMJ 350, feb17 6 (February 17, 2015): h737. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.h737.

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36

Durtschi, Cindy, and Robert J. Rufus. "Arson or Accident: A Forensic Accounting Case Requiring Critical Thinking and Expert Communication." Issues in Accounting Education 32, no. 1 (November 1, 2015): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/iace-51350.

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ABSTRACT When a fire destroyed the home of Jeffrey R. Jones, he immediately filed a claim with his insurance company, Gladstone Insurance. Gladstone denied Mr. Jones' claim alleging, among other things, that he had a financial motive to commit arson. To resolve the dispute, Mr. Jones filed a lawsuit against Gladstone for damages, denying the allegation that he had a financial motive to burn down his home. You will act as a team of forensic accountants, hired by either Mr. Jones or Gladstone, to present evidence on Mr. Jones' financial condition at the time of the fire. In addition to writing an expert report, you will have the opportunity to participate in a mock trial during which you will present your opinion and face cross-examination from an opposing team.

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37

Kannangara, Thathsarani, Maurice Guerrieri, Sam Fragomeni, and Paul Joseph. "Effects of Initial Surface Evaporation on the Performance of Fly Ash-Based Geopolymer Paste at Elevated Temperatures." Applied Sciences 12, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 364. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app12010364.

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Geopolymer concrete is a valuable and alternative type of concrete that is free of traditional cement. Generally, geopolymer concretes require a source material, which is rich in silicon and aluminum. Furthermore, fly ash-based geopolymer concretes have been proven to have superior fire resistance, primarily due to their ceramic properties, and are inherently environmentally-friendly given their zero-cement content. This paper presents the effects on initial evaporation on the performance of fly ash-based geopolymer pastes after exposure to elevated temperatures of 400 °C and 800 °C. The fly ash (FA) samples used in the present study included: Gladstone and Gladstone/Callide. The results for sealed samples placed in the oven during curing were much more consistent than the samples that were not kept covered. In addition, Gladstone fly ash-based geopolymer samples that were sealed recorded an initial maximum compressive strength reading of ca. 75 MPa, while sealed Gladstone/Callide fly ash-based geopolymer samples, of the same mix design, only recorded an initial maximum compressive strength reading of ca. 50 MPa (both subjected to oven curing at 60 °C for 24 h). However, Gladstone/Callide fly ash-based geopolymer samples exhibited a significant strength gain, ca. 90 MPa, even after being subjected to 400 °C.

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38

Kale, Madhavi. "Making a Labour Shortage in Post-Abolition British Guyana." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022701.

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On 4 January 1836, less than two and a half years after Parliament abolished slavery in British colonies, John Gladstone, Liverpool merchant and father of William Ewart Gladstone, dictated a letter to his nephew at the Calcutta shipping agency Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co. Gladstone explained that he had heard that the firm had recently sent ‘a considerable number of a certain class of Bengalees, to be employed as labourers, to the Mauritius’, and that he was interested in exploring the possibility of making similar arrangements for certain colonies in the West Indies, where he himself owned sugar plantations.

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39

Skinner, S. A. "Gladstone: God and Politics." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 515 (July 26, 2010): 1019–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq199.

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40

Crosby, Travis L. "Gladstone, and: Disraeli (review)." Victorian Studies 44, no. 2 (2002): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2002.0008.

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41

Kinzer, Bruce L. "Gladstone Centenary Essays (review)." Victorian Studies 45, no. 1 (2002): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2003.0051.

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42

O'Day, Alan. "Gladstone: Ireland and beyond." Irish Studies Review 19, no. 4 (November 2011): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2011.623436.

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43

Glasgow, Eric. "Gladstone and Public Libraries." Library History 16, no. 1 (May 2000): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lib.2000.16.1.57.

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PARRY, J. P. "THE UNMUZZLING OF GLADSTONE." Parliamentary History 3, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1984.tb00535.x.

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SHANNON, RICHARD. "Peel, Gladstone and Party." Parliamentary History 18, no. 3 (March 17, 2008): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1999.tb00365.x.

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46

Heinrich, Anselm. "WILLIAM GLADSTONE AND THE THEATRE." Theatre Survey 52, no. 1 (May 2011): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055741100007x.

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William Ewart Gladstone, four times prime minister (1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–94), the “greatest colossus of the Victorian Age,” the most influential prime minister of the nineteenth century, and the Grand Old Man (G.O.M.) of British politics and statesmanship, seems an unlikely advocate for the theatre. Deeply religious, conservative, and serious, Gladstone is not easily imagined as an avid theatregoer. It is difficult to imagine him supporting the ephemeral, often subversive, and suggestive character of the theatre. And indeed, in his early years Gladstone despised the theatre and called it an “encouragement of sin.” As prime minister, he was almost obsessed by a religious zeal; Richard Foulkes has noted that “Few, if any, prime ministers have carried out their role in making senior Church appointments as assiduously as Gladstone did.” For members of Victorian Britain's Christian majority, the theatre was anathema and regarded as morally suspect. They were intensely suspicious and saw playgoing as a distraction from religion and as a promoter of frivolity, vanity, and female forwardness. They linked theatres to “prostitution, juvenile delinquency, idleness, drunkenness and frivolity.” In fact, theatres were the “antithesis of the Victorian world view which prized respectability, gentility, decency, education and uplift.” Until at least the later decades of the nineteenth century, theatre “was widely regarded as the lowliest of the arts, if one at all.”

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Grijak, Zoran. "Korespondencija Josip Juraj Strossmayer – Lujo Vojnović kao povijesni izvor. I. dio (1885. – 1892.)." Povijesni prilozi 41, no. 63 (December 11, 2022): 245–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/pp.v41i63.23193.

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U radu se analiziraju pisma iz korespondencije Josip Juraj Strossmayer – Lujo Vojnović iz razdoblja 1885. – 1892. Kao prilog je uvršteno pet pisama iz naznačenoga razdoblja sa znanstvenim aparatom. Preostali dio korespondencije, iz razdoblja 1893. – 1901., koji obuhvaća ukupno devet pisama, analizirat će se, također uz njihovu cjelovitu transkripciju, u drugom dijelu rada. Posebna pozornost posvetit će se onim pismima koja se sadržajem referiraju na pojedine važnije međunarodne aspekte hrvatske politike. To se u užem smislu, kad je riječ o dijelu korespondencije od 1885. do 1892., uz Vojnovićevo pismo Strossmayeru od 5. lipnja 1885., koje je u znanstvenom smislu već elaborirano, odnosi na još samo dva pisma: Vojnovićevo od 23. srpnja 1892., u kojemu biskupa Strossmayera moli da kod glasovitoga britanskog državnika Williama Ewarta Gladstonea podrži njegov memorandum na francuskom jeziku u kojemu Gladstoneu preporučuje Hrvatsko-ugarsku nagodbu (1868.) kao predložak za nacrt zakona o irskoj samoupravi (Home Rule Bill), koji je Gladstone predložio na donošenje britanskom parlamentu 1886. i 1893., te na Strossmayerov odgovor na to pismo od 25. srpnja 1892., u kojemu on, umjesto potpore Vojnovićevoj inicijativi, iznosi niz kritičkih objekcija o Mađarima i njihovoj hegemonističkoj politici prema Hrvatima u sklopu Ugarsko-Hrvatskoga Kraljevstva te općenito prema nemađarskim narodima u okvirima Translajtanije, ugarske polovice Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1867.). Pritom Strossmayer u svojem odgovoru Vojnoviću iznosi i rasističke i pseudoantropološke objekcije o Mađarima, kojima im je nastojao osporiti mogućnost nadilaženja okvira feudalnoga društvenog uređenja i oblikovanja modernih građanskih institucija. Tom je odgovoru priložio i pismo s istim nadnevkom, zamolivši Vojnovića da ga zapečati i zajedno sa svojim pismom pošalje Gladstoneu. Ono također sadržava niz kritičkih objekcija o Mađarima i njihovoj hegemonističkoj politici. Glede ocjene dosega Strossmayerova utjecaja na oblikovanje Gladstoneovih kritičkih stajališta o Mađarima i njihovoj politici prema nevladajućim narodima Translajtanije, a napose prema Hrvatima u sklopu Ugarsko-Hrvatskoga Kraljevstva, bitno je istaknuti da Gladstone, koji je 1892. osvojio svoj četvrti, ujedno posljednji izborni mandat, ne samo da nije Strossmayera podržao u njegovoj kritici Mađara, nego mu uopće nije odgovorio na njegovo pismo od 25. srpnja 1892. Kao objašnjenje za takav Gladstoneov postupak u radu se iznosi teza da je on, s obzirom na svoje inače vrlo srdačne i prijateljske odnose sa Strossmayerom, to učinio napose iz pragmatičnih političkih razloga, koji su proizlazili iz činjenice da je Velika Britanija u tom razdoblju pružala snažnu potporu Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji, držeći ju važnim čimbenikom europskoga sustava ravnoteže, preprekom ruskom ekspanzionizmu prema Zapadu i njemačkom prodoru prema Istoku. Stoga bi, da se sve svelo samo na Gladstonea, doseg Strossmayerovih nastojanja u razotkrivanju mađarske represivne politike nad nemađarskim narodima Translajtanije u Velikoj Britaniji bio neznatan. No, ona su naišla na iznimno snažan odjek kod jednoga drugog Britanca, također vrlo utjecajnog, Roberta Williama Seton-Watsona, koji je fragment zapečaćenoga Strossmayerova pisma Gladstoneu objavio u prilogu svojega djela The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (1911.), a u djelu Racial Problems in Hungary (1908.), polazeći ne samo od Strossmayerovih uvida s tim u vezi nego i od rezultata vlastitih istraživanja i spoznaja, europskoj javnosti razotkrio činjenice u vezi s hegemonističkom politikom ugarskih političkih elita prema nemađarskim narodima Kraljevine Ugarske, posebice pritom upozorivši na snažnim kulturološkim predrasudama uvjetovan diskriminatorni odnos Mađara prema Slovacima. Uzevši u obzir da je problematika odnosa Mađara prema nemađarskim narodima Translajtanije potaknula velik interes i u krugovima britanske historiografije i publicistike, korespondencija J. J. Strossmayer – L. Vojnović iz srpnja 1892. analizira se i u širem kontekstu hrvatsko-britanskih i ugarsko-britanskih rasprava i sučeljavanja s tim u vezi. S obzirom na u njoj snažno prisutne Strossmayerove rasističke objekcije o Mađarima, posebna pozornost u radu posvetila se analizi nacionalnih stereotipa i rasističkoga narativa u tadašnjem političkom i znanstvenom diskursu. Analizom više znanstvenih djela i promidžbenih publikacija, nastalih od sredine 19. pa sve do kraja prvoga desetljeća 20. stoljeća, u radu se argumentira teza da su nacionalni stereotipi, uključujući i rasistički narativ, kao element potkrepljivanja vlastitih kritičkih teza o pripadnicima drugih naroda, bili gotovo općeprisutni podjednako kod hrvatskih i mađarskih, kao i kod britanskih autora koji su se bavili tom problematikom, naravno, u različitom omjeru, pa se na tragove takva diskursa može naići čak i kod Seton-Watsona, koji ga je inače nastojao na svaki način izbjeći i načelno ga je osuđivao. Time se ujedno argumentira teza da Strossmayerove rasističke i ksenofobne formulacije o Mađarima ni u kojem slučaju nisu bile iznimka, nego tek segment tada vrlo zastupljenog rasističkog narativa, koji se iz javne i političke prenosio u znanstvenu sferu. U tom smislu ovaj rad može se shvatiti i kao kritička analiza jednoga s etičkog i znanstvenog motrišta neprimjerenoga komunikacijskog diskursa u političkim i znanstvenim raspravama u 19. i početkom 20 stoljeća, utemeljenog na kvazihistoriografskim, pseudoantropološkim i rasističkim stereotipima, koji je s današnjega gledišta, napose s obzirom na obvezu poštovanja propisanih etičkih normi u znanstvenom radu i javnom djelovanju, sasvim neprihvatljiv.

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48

McLean, Iain. "Rational Choice and the Victorian Voter." Political Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1992): 496–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb00705.x.

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Recent work on the relationship between politicians and voters in Victorian Britain is surveyed, with particular attention to the administrations of Peel and Gladstone. It is shown that rational-choice interpretations of behaviour may be more powerful than traditional Namierite or structuralist approaches. But mainstream rational choice alone is too thin to explain why Peel repealed the Corn Laws or why Gladstone tried to give Home Rule to Ireland.

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Wright, Owain. "Full circle: the Manning–Gladstone correspondence." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 154 (November 2014): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400019155.

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In his famous portrayal of the eminent Victorian Henry Manning, Lytton Strachey commented thus: ‘It was as if the Fates had laid a wager that they would daunt him; and in the end they lost their bet.’ As one of the high-profile British converts to Roman Catholicism (1851), archbishop of Westminster (1865), cardinal (1875) and candidate for the papacy (1878), Manning was one of the most formidable and influential churchmen of his day. Throughout his adult life, he shared an intellectual, respectful and fractious friendship with William Gladstone who, as Liberal party leader and four-time British prime minister (1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, 1892–4), was the most successful and prolific politician of his generation. The relationship between Manning and Gladstone is significant because in his political career the latter paid great attention to the former. Throughout, Gladstone was fascinated by religious polemics, while his views on constitutional government were shaped very much by his own religious convictions.

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50

Forsyth, Elliott. "James Gladstone Cornell 1904-1991." Australian Journal of French Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1992): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.29.1.3.

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