Academic literature on the topic 'Gingrich, Newt'

If we were living in the best of all possible worlds, every child would be born into a loving family, with two parents who were able to care for the material as well as the emotional needs of the child. But such is not the case, and currently half a million children and youth are in out-of-home placement funded by the government (Newsweek. December 12, 1994:28). We as a collective society must determine what is best for those children who have not been given the best by the circumstances of their birth. Who then is most able to determine what is best for any given child, and how does society's needs (especially economic ones) enter into the decision making?1

Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif
The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty

碩士
淡江大學
美國研究所
85
House speakership is one of the most powerful positions in American politics. In this article, we will discuss the roles and functions of US House Speaker.US House Speaker must play multiple roles and perform multiple functions. He is the chief officer of the House, the leader of majority party, and the representative of his home district. It depends on the skills and talents of the Speaker to accommodate these roles. Newt Gingrich is the present House Speaker. To acquire a comprehensive understanding about House Sperker, we will scrutinize everything around New Gingich. There are seven chapters in this article. In chapter one, we discuss the research motive, topics, and approach. We also review related writings and articles in this chapter. In chapter two, to understand the developing process of the power of House Speaker, we discuss the history of House Speaker. Inchapter three and chapter four, we discuss Newt Gingrich''s life before 1995. Newt Gingrich was born in 1943, first elected as Representative in 1979, and elected as Republican whip in 1989. In 1994, Newt Gingrich lead the Republican party win the first majority in forty years, and became the House Speaker of the 104th Congress. In chapter five and chapter six, we discuss the leadership style and legislative contribution of Newt Gingrich in the 104th Congress. Inchapter seven, we make a conclusion. In spite of the controversial behaviour, Newt Gingrich is one of the powerful House Speaker in American History.

Chapter one of this thesis is an overview and evaluation of a number of English language Bible dictionaries. It is followed by a similar evaluation of Greek and Hebrew dictionaries commonly used by Bible scholars. Chapter two is a somewhat thoroughinvestigation and evaluation ofBauer-ArndtGingrich- Danker Greek lexicon, an extremely influential traditional Greek language dictionary. It is followed by an in-depth discussion and evaluation in chapters three and four ofthe new Louw-Nida Greek lexicon based on semantic domains. Both of these two types of dictionaries are examined and evaluated in terms of discovering, describing, and evaluating their distinctive philosophies, methods, and structural formats. Generally, preference is given to the principles ofLouw; yet affirming some elements of Bauer which have been discarded in the new approach by Louw-Nida. Chapter five is a new suggested synthesis for New Testament lexicons: Bauer's traditional structure mixed with the innovative underlying philosophies and methods ofLouw-Nida's lexicon. This proposed new format is also illustrated in various addenda.
Biblical and Ancient Studies
M. Th. (Biblical Studies)