Academic literature on the topic 'GILLES CLEMENT'

The dichotomy between the figurative and the abstract has often been evoked as a key element in the understanding of the modern image, as it was the case, for example, in influential art historians such as Wilhelm Worringer and Clement Greenberg. However, if such a rigid opposition between the abstract and figurative has ever been qualified, an unlimited number of images after 1900 – whether painted, printed or screen-based – have significantly obscured any clear distinction between the two.Hence, if one wishes to understand the very nature of modern images it is indispensable to ask what it could mean to conceive of images beyond the opposition between the abstract and the figurative: How could we think of images that are neither figurative nor abstract, or perhaps are both at the same time? How could we think of images that are not either signifying and representational or non-signifying and non-representational but rather a-signifying and a-representational in the sense that they operate and find expression beyond the very question of signification and representation?The aim of this text is to explore some of the key elements in such imagery beyond representation. I will investigate the issue by revisiting a series of iconic images in early 1920s avant-garde film by the artists Man Ray and Fernand Léger. On this background, and in dialogue with film theorists and philosophers such as Malcolm Le Grice and Gilles Deleuze, I outline the basic properties and aesthetic potentials of what I term the generalized image as an imagery that operates and affects beyond the very question of representation.

Giles of Viterbo (Egidio da Viterbo, 1469-1532) has been receiving increasing attention as his place in early sixteenth-century intellectual and religious history becomes clearer: he combined a central and effective position in ecclesiastical administration with an active role in the leading scholarly and literary circles of the late Italian Renaissance. As prior general of the Augustinian friars from 1508 until 1518 he undertook from Rome a vigorous reform of the order. He was a trusted adviser of Pope Julius II, under whose powerful patronage he had been elected head of the Augustinians, and he enjoyed a very cordial relationship with the two Medici popes, Leo X and Clement VII, the former of whom created him a cardinal in 1517.

Public libraries are "accessible canons" for their communities. As part of their efforts to connect people and ideas, librarians purchase classic and bestselling books from "selective," "personal," "nonce," and other canons. They also create bibliographies, professional standards, and other tools that help shape reading habits. Thus libraries embody complex, ongoing processes of canon using and canon forming. This essay illustrates the canonical activities of American public libraries during the early years of the profession. It describes the American Library Association Catalog, local finding lists and accession records, and other primary sources that shed light on collection building during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Taking Mark Twain (Samuel Langhorne Clemens) as a case study, it presents statistics on library ownership during the author's lifetime from more than seven hundred communities across the United States. Tables focus on nine titles: The Innocents Abroad, Roughing It, The Gilded Age, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, The Prince and the Pauper, Life on the Mississippi, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court, and The Tragedy of Pudd'nhead Wilson. Statistical analysis reveals that "controversial" items such as Huckleberry Finn were widely available in Gilded-Age and Progressive-era public libraries, thus calling into question some assumptions about censorship of Twain's work. Also, library holdings of some titles varied by decade and geography, demonstrating that libraries implemented "national" and "recognized" canons unevenly. In sum, the essay shifts attention toward the operationalization of literary canons and provides empirical evidence of Mark Twain's presence in the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century literary landscape.

BackgroundIn the last years, the rise of personalized medicine has grown up. So, patient-oriented wearable technologies have been developed. Wearable devices (WD) are useful to collect objective data related to physical activity. In the management of rheumatic musculoskeletal disorders (RMDs) a regular physical activity is an important recognized non-pharmacological intervention [1].ObjectivesThis systematic review aims at evaluating how the use of WDs impacts physical activity in patients with non-inflammatory and inflammatory rheumatic diseases.MethodsA systematic review and meta-analysis were performed. A comprehensive search of articles was performed in the following databases: MEDLINE via PubMed, EMBASE, CINAHL, and Scopus. A random-effect meta-analysis has been carried out on the number of steps and moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA). Univariable meta-regression models have been computed to assess the possibility that the study characteristics may act as effect modifiers on the final meta-analysis estimate. The primary outcome is the level of physical activity evaluated with a wearable device as a number of daily steps and MVPA. The secondary outcome is the comparison of both a number of steps and MVPA to reference value for healthy people. The number of steps per day and the time spent in MVPA considered as a mean or median were collected. Missing information was calculated from available data when possible.The reference value for steps was 7000 steps per day, this value was derived by a literature review commissioned by the Public Health Agency of Canada on the number of steps/day suitable for adults [2]. MVPA reference value was of 150 min/week and was derived by WHO guidelines [3].ResultsAn overall of 1788 studies was considered in the title/abstract screening. In the analysis, 51 articles were included, with an overall of 7488 participants. Twenty-two studies considered MVPA outcome alone, 16 studies number of steps alone and 13 studies reported information on both outcomes.The results of this meta-analysis show that there is a high level of I2 heterogeneity, 99%, according to diagnosis.Recommended threshold for daily steps was reached for MVPA (36.35, 95% CI 29.39 - 43.31) but not for daily steps (-1092.60, 95% CI -1640.42 - -544.77), with fibromyalgia reporting a higher number (6290, 95% CI 5198.65 – 7381.62) of daily steps compared to other RMDs. Patients affected by chronic inflammatory arthropathies seem to fare better in terms of daily steps than the other categories. Patients with rheumatoid or other chronic arthritis reported a higher number of steps, respectively 6361 (95% CI 5382.51; 7340.35) and 6290.14 (95% CI 5198.65; 7381.62).Non-elderly people show a higher overall level of physical activity compared to the elderly, 6796.11 (95% CI 5974.10; 7618.13) versus 5431.85 (95% CI 4633.76; 6229.95).Non-elderly group show higher level MVPA compared to the reference value 38.96 (95% CI 18.35; 59.68) vs 11.77 (95% CI 3.32; 20.21).ConclusionRMDs suffer of low level of physical activity and WDs are useful and affordable instruments to support the increase of it. WDs can be used in daily monitoring of physical activity in RMDs.References[1]Osthoff A-KR, Niedermann K, Braun J, Adams J, Brodin N, Dagfinrud H, et al. 2018 EULAR recommendations for physical activity in people with inflammatory arthritis and osteoarthritis. Ann Rheum Dis. 2018;77(9):1251–60.[2]Tudor-Locke C, Craig CL, Brown WJ, Clemes SA, De Cocker K, Giles-Corti B, et al. How many steps/day are enough? for adults. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act. 2011;8(1):79.[3]Bull FC, Al-Ansari SS, Biddle S, Borodulin K, Buman MP, Cardon G, et al. World Health Organization 2020 guidelines on physical activity and sedentary behaviour. Br J Sports Med. 2020;54(24):1451–62.Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

Gevninge – the gateway to LejreGevninge is one of many Danish villages characterised by having extensive modern housing estates built around a medieval core. The oldest part of the village, with a late Romanesque church, lies on the west side of a small river, Lejre Å, about 2 km from its mouth at Roskilde Fjord (fig. 1).Both in the 1880s and in the 1970s, remains of human skeletons were found in Grydehøj to the west of the old village core (fig. 2). These clearly originate from burials, but the finds are undated. In 1974, remains of an inhumation grave from Viking times were found a short distance from a sunken road which, up until the 18th century, was part of the main road between Kalundborg and Roskilde. In 1979, a gilded bronze strap-end mount from the 8th century AD was found less than 200 m south of the sunken road, but it was first in the winter of 1999-2000 that settlement remains from Viking times were discovered.The archaeological investigationsThe excavation in 2000 uncovered 3600 m2 of settlement remains; these had been heavily damaged by site development in the 1960s and 1970s (fig. 3). On the basis of the evidence available, it is impossible to determine whether these represent several phases of a single farmstead or a portion of a larger settlement. The absence of any traces of structures in the northern evaluation trenches indicates that the settlement did not extend to the north of the sunken road where the graves were found. The terrain falls relatively steeply away from the excavation to the east towards Gevninge Bygade and, although it is possible, it seems rather unlikely that the Viking Age settlement extended in this direction. Relative to the topography, an extension to the south and west seems most obvious.There is no doubt that the site should be assigned to the Viking period. House I is unlikely to be earlier than 10th century (fig. 4), whereas the rectangular pit-house belongs to the end of the same century or the subsequent one. House II (fig. 5) and the other pit-houses are – typologically – less useful for a precise dating of the site. The metal artefacts, including the strap-end mount and a handful of coins from the time of the Civil War, span the period from the 8th to the 14th century, but the majority belong in the 9th-10th centuries (figs. 9-13). Pottery is the most common artefact type and occurs as un-ornamented flat-bottomed settlement wares and Baltic ware (fig. 8). The former have typically inwardly curved rim sections, the sides of the vessels are un-ornamented and they are generally bucket-shaped (fig. 14). The Baltic ware pottery is characterised by more angular rims, which have often been finished off using a wooden shaping tool. Decoration is mostly in the form of encircling grooves, waved furrows and a series of slanting or circular impressions. Compared with the other finds from the structures, the Baltic ware from the excavation belongs in the latter part of the 10th century and up into the 11th century.Traces of crafts were not conspicuous. In one pit-house there were several un-fired clay loom weights, while two deep postholes in the bottom of another pit-house are interpreted as the base for a loom. The distaff whorls and – possibly – the few bone and antler needles also belong to textile production (fig. 7). Iron slag, which definitely was not one of the most conspicuous aspects, originates from “fire-based” crafts. Textile production and iron working are the crafts typically seen at agrarian sites, with the former occurring most frequently.On the basis of the buildings, the traces of crafts and the majority of the finds, the site must be categorised as an average farmstead from Viking times. The site did, however, include four unusual finds: a gold armring (figs. 12 and 13), part of a gilded bronze helmet (fig. 10), a bronze bucket and a winged spearhead. These finds give food for thought, nourished by Gevninge’s location in the landscape, combined with its proximity to the legendary Lejre.A main transport junctionThe area south of Gevninge is characterised by a series of branching streams which meet at Gammel Lejre and continue towards Roskilde Fjord in the form of Lejre Å. To the west and southwest there is an area of about 50 km2 with a more-or-less pronounced moraine landscape. Large parts of this have lain through historical times as rough ground, common and forest. This landscape type forms a very clear contrast to the area east of Lejre Å - a flat and fertile plain extending out to the Øresund and Køge Bugt. In landscape terms, this is a border area, running north-south, where crossing points had to be chosen with care. Gammel Lejre, which from the 5th to the 10th century was an important chieftain’s or royal farmstead with magnificent halls, huge long-houses and a cult site, is well-suited to the passage of east-westbound traffic (fig. 15). In the flat terrain to the east of Lejre Å, maps from the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century show no road network prior to the construction of two highways in the second half of the 18th century. These run in a straight line from Roskilde to Ringsted and Kalundborg, respectively. Between them, Ledreborg Allé can be seen; it was constructed at the same time and probably replaced a road running eastwards from Gammel Lejre. To the west of Lejre Å, the undulating landscape, with its numerous small, steep hills, small lakes, watercourses and wetlands, presented greater challenges. There was an alternative crossing point about 4 km to the northwest, close to the fjord. Today, this place is called Borrevejle, which means “the ford at the edge” (fig. 16). From Borrevejle, the road led to Gevninge and – via the sunken road to the north of the Viking Age settlement – down to Lejre Å. Here lay the ford Langvad, from where the road ran eastwards, south of Lyngbjerg Mose, towards Kattinge. The fact that the roads around 1800 led towards Kattinge is linked with the opportunity here to cross the system of watercourses and lakes which extended from Gammel Lejre and past Kor­nerup to a lake, Store Kattinge Sø, by Roskilde Fjord. At both ends of the lake there were lock bridges to allow passage. Store Kattinge Sø was originally a bay which was dammed in the High Middle Ages so that the water level today lies at +2.5 m. In Viking times the lock bridges at Store Kattinge Sø did not exist, the amount of water on the Kornerup Å drainage system was therefore less, and the possibilities for passage were decidedly different.The road eastwards from the ford in Gevninge could well have gone via Kattinge and crossed the watercourse between Lille Kattinge Sø and the bay. Around 1800, the road continued through Kongemarken, where a Viking Age inhumation grave, a Christian burial ground from the Late Viking and Early Medieval times, as well as remains of a settlement from the same time, have all been found. From here, the road swings northwards, across Gedevad and onwards to the east to the bishop’s thorp, Bistrup, and the village of Bjerget (St. Jørgensbjerg) with St. Clemens’ church on Roskilde Fjord. Neither of these two settlements can, with certainty, be traced back to before AD 1000. It is therefore an obvious possibility that eastward traffic from Kongemarken took a more southerly route, which – perhaps – is indicated by settlement remains and stray finds between Roskilde and Svogerslev Sø (see fig. 16). In this respect, it is worth mentioning that the two stray finds from Viking times from the Borrevejle area lie in association with the old road routes. Similarly, the small hoard of silver rings from Lyngbjerg Mose was found where the road from Gevninge to Kattinge ran from about 1800.From the above, it is apparent that there were two significant possibilities for the passage of east-west land traffic in the Gevninge-Lejre area. Both have topographic advantages and disadvantages, and identification of one as being more important than the other can be based on no more than a guess. However, inclusion of the waterways does contribute a new angle when addressing this question.The sea route to LejreThe Isefjord complex comprises a western and an eastern branch which both extend more than 35 km inland into Zealand. The western arm, Isefjord, is deep and wide and only has narrow passages around Orø (fig. 17). Despite the fact that Isefjord is the most accessible route from a seaward perspective, it is unlikely to have been the route taken by people travelling to Gammel Lejre. The distance over land to the Isefjord is almost three times as great as the shortest route between Gammel Lejre and Roskilde Fjord, and more than half of this distance comprises gently undulating rough ground with numerous ponds and wetlands.Roskilde Fjord is characterised by narrow navigation channels and variable water depth, but these naturally-determined sailing conditions would not have been a problem for people who knew the fjord. The bay, Lejre Vig, is the place closest to Gammel Lejre. The sea route leading to the bay is protected by a natural feature – a transverse bar, which extends from Bognæs in the south to Selsø in the north. The mouth of Lejre Å is, in topographical terms, a well-suited site for a landing place, but there is a lack of archaeological evidence for the existence of such a feature. Given the lack of a demonstrable landing place by the fjord, attention can be focussed on Lejre Å as being Gammel Lejre’s link with the sea.Streams and rivers as travel routesToday, very few watercourses in Denmark appear as being navigable. A very great proportion of them no longer have a natural appearance or water flow. This is primarily due to intensive efforts during the last 200 years to drain wet meadows and fields. Any evaluation of the navigability of a watercourse in Viking times is associated with a number of variable and, in part, unknown factors. Accordingly, any conclusions are vitiated by a degree of uncertainty, not least in the case of smaller watercourses. The width and depth of the stream or river is decisive in determining the size of vessel which can be navigated. The fall and natural course of a watercourse, which in places is sharply meandering with a variable water depth, will be limiting factors relative to the size of the vessel which is able to pass (fig. 18).The appearance of Lejre Å on maps from the 19th century can give some indication of the conditions prior to the time when drainage and water extraction were initiated. It seems that the course of the stream was relatively straight from its mouth up to Gevninge. However, at Gevninge Church there was a very sharp turn and this is still in existence. To the south of the village, the stream is considerably narrower and substantially more winding. Particularly from Kornerup and southwards towards Gammel Lejre, the course is, in places, strongly meandering. Overall, the stream has a fall from Gammel Lejre to its mouth of 7 m, which corresponds to a gradient of 1‰. The fall is not, however, evenly distributed. From Gammel Lejre, and about 1.5 km down its course, the stream falls 2.79‰, whereas the fall over the next 750 m is 1.31‰. From here to the ford in Gevninge, the fall is 0.5‰, with the last section to the mouth of the river having a fall of 0.34‰. Ole Crumlin-Pedersen has suggested that a watercourse is navigable – all things being equal – as long as the fall is less than 2‰. Alone on this basis, it is unlikely in the past that vessels sailed all the way to Gammel Lejre. It is therefore an obvious possibility that Gevninge was the place where the change was made from waterway to roadway.The distance from Gevninge to Gammel Lejre is 3.7 km by road, as shown on maps from around 1800. The road departs from an area where Viking Age settlement has been excavated and it follows the contours of the landscape in such a way that steep passages are avoided. The route taken by this road, rather than the river, constitutes the probable link between the two places.ConclusionGammel Lejre was not established at some random place in the landscape. With regard to resources, it was a border area between the hamlets of the Eastern Zealand plain and the Central Zealand forest settlements. In addition, it provided a satisfactory, potential crossing point east-west over the steam systems from the south. There is archaeological, legendary and historical evidence showing that Gammel Lejre was a very special place in the Late Iron Age and Viking times. This special position arose from its role as a cultic and power-political centre.The same situation was probably the case at the Tissø complex in Western Zealand, which was established at the beginning of the Late Germanic Iron Age. Tissø lies slightly more than 6 km from the coast, and both its name and finds from the lake demonstrate the cultic significance of the site. Almuth Schülke has pointed out that the Tissø complex lies virtually on an island, with the lake to one side and wetlands and watercourses to the other. Access to Tissø was made difficult by natural barriers in the landscape which conferred exclusiveness and – not least – the possibility of controlling traffic to the settlement.The topographically determined limitations on potential access to Gammel Lejre are not as clear as in the case of the Tissø complex. Watercourses and wetlands to the south and east form a natural border, and the rough ground of the common landscape to the west contains its own obstacles. None of these barriers was insurmountable but they could well have functioned as a border zone around Gammel Lejre. In the area of common from Borrevejle in the north to Ledreborg Castle in the south, a couple of settlements have been demonstrated along with three graves and a few stray finds from the Roman Iron Age. Similarly, in the Middle Ages there were at least five thorps here, which were later abandoned. For the central period relative to Gammel Lejre, the 5th-10th centuries AD, there are no finds from this area. It was not necessarily a conscious choice that the area lay abandoned. The same tendency to abandon poorer soils at the beginning of the Late Iron Age can be seen elsewhere, such as, for example, in Nordskoven at Jægerspris and on Halsnæs at the northernmost part of Roskilde Fjord. Neither is it unusual that areas such as these were then re-occupied for thorp settlement in the Early Middle Ages. This does not, however, change the fact that the area to the west of Gammel Lejre appears to have lain as a wilderness in Viking times. Apart from one artefact with no details of its exact find spot, there are no recorded finds from the Late Iron Age bet­ween the central site and Elverdamsåen, a watercourse lying about 10 km to the west.Access to Gammel Lejre was obviously regulated so that approved people could enter and intruders were held at a distance. Gevninge was a link in this invisible fence. Gevninge is located where roads running east-west meet to avoid Central Zealand’s areas of hilly rough ground, and where watercourses could be crossed relatively unproblematically. Furthermore, Gevninge was a landing place and offloading point for vessels that were able to enter the lower part of Lejre Å. Larger vessels could perhaps have lain at the mouth of the stream or innermost in Lejre Vig, but from here people would anyway have been directed to follow the road from Gevninge to Gammel Lejre.Seen in the light of this situation, Gevninge could have been the home of the Lejre King’s entrusted servant. He not only controlled the traffic through the area and access to Gammel Lejre, he also represented the Lejre king and, on his behalf, received distinguished personages and – who knows – perhaps escorted them to important meetings in the exclusivity of the magnificent hall. With this position in society, Lejre’s gatekeeper probably received gifts of golden rings, magnificent weapons and vessels from Lejre’s pugnacious king.Jens UlriksenRoskilde Museum

This chapter follows the story of calendar reform from the end of the twelfth to the end of the thirteenth century, showing how during this period the problem was popularized via two different categories of computus text: the pedagogically oriented ‘vulgar’ or ecclesiastical computus and the astronomically refined ‘philosophical’ computus. Authors whose contributions to the debate are looked at in greater detail include Alexander Neckam, John of Sacrobosco, Robert Grosseteste, Robert Holcot, Campanus of Novara, Giles of Lessines, and Roger Bacon, who is well known for having directed a reform appeal to Pope Clement IV (1265–8). Attention is also paid to an obscure group of Franciscan scholars active in the 1270s to 1290s, who are noteworthy for their knowledge of the Jewish calendar, and to an anonymous treatise of 1276, which contains the first fully developed proposal to restore the Roman calendar.

La presente comunicación traza un recorrido a través de diferentes autores que han realizado series fotográficas basadas en el retrato compuesto fotográfico, por medio de aparatos y dispositivos de imagen o software informático, usados principalmente por los cuerpos de seguridad para recrear el rostro de un individuo a partir del testimonio de otra persona. Desde sus inicios, el retrato compuesto fotográfico ha estado muy relacionado con el interés por descubrir el rostro genérico del criminal, y es una de las principales preocupaciones que muy tempranamente manifestó Francis Galton (1822-1911), pionero en la práctica de la fotografía compuesta. Este tipo de modalidad fotográfica aparece en el ámbito científico que vio nacer a la eugenesia moderna, adquiriendo gran popularidad en la época. Pero es en el último cuarto del siglo XX y sobre todo a principios del presente siglo, coincidiendo con la expansión de la fotografía digital y las herramientas inherentes a la misma, que este tipo de práctica se diversifica en sus formas y su uso, pasando de tener un carácter pragmático, antropológico y fisiognómico, a su producción desde una perspectiva estética y artística. Los distintos aparatos fotográficos que han servido para la construcción de retratos compuestos en el ámbito policial suponen una evolución de los dispositivos surgidos a partir del último cuarto del siglo XIX, como el sintetizador Minolta Montage Unit (Unidad de montaje Minolta), un sistema fotográfico utilizado por la policía en los años setenta que a través de un mecanismo formado por espejos era capaz de mezclar hasta cuatro imágenes y que puede entenderse como una actualización del aparato óptico cercano al estereoscopio desarrollado por el propio Galton, que hacía visible la combinación visual de dos rostros creando así su promedio. O el photoFIT (Técnica de identificación facial fotográfica) impulsado por Jacques Penry, que se basaba en un sistema de fichas fotográficas de cartón intercambiables que se corresponden con distintas partes de numerosos rostros para así poder crear por medio de su combinación el retrato deseado. Un sistema que se ha actualizado con la aparición de distintos softwares informáticos como FACES o FACETTE, en los que se ve una clara referencia a los cuadros sinópticos de características fisonómicas creados por el francés Alphonse Bertillon, unos paneles que conformaban todo un atlas fotográfico de rasgos faciales. Es a partir de estos dispositivos que algunos artistas han producido distintos proyectos fotográficos tomando como punto de partida estas herramientas. Entre ellos cabe destacar las series Andere Porträts (1994/1995) de Thomas Ruff y Opfer (1987) de Clemens Mitscher, que usaron el sistema de la Minolta Montage Unit para generar los retratos promediados; la serie Autoportraits robots (2005) de Leandro Berra y The composites (2012 -) de Brian Joseph Davis que usan como medio principal fotográfico el programa FACES; o la serie Photofit: Self-Portraits (2007) de Giles Reveill y Matt Willey, cuyo proyecto se articula principalmente alrededor del Photofit kit de Jacques Penry.