Journal articles on the topic 'Gilbert, Bishop of Poitiers'
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1
Kornienko, Michael A. "CHARTRES SCHOOL IN THE 12TH CENTURY CULTURAL RENAISSANCE: SUBSTANTIVE PRIORITIES AND EVOLUTION VECTORS." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie, no. 41 (2021): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22220836/41/4.
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The author analyzes the prerequisites for the formation of a theological and philosophical school, founded in 990 by Bishop Fulbert in Chartres, which flourished during the years of the Episcopal ministry of Yves of Chartres (1090–1115), a recognized intellectual center of Western Europe. The role of the Chartres Cathedral School as a citadel of metaphysical, cosmological and natural-scientific Platonism in the era of early scholasticism is revealed. The philosophical orientation of the Chartres school (orientation to the ideas of Neoplatonism), as shown in the work, is the result of a combination of the ideas of Plato, aristotelism, stoicism, pythagoreanism, Eastern and Christian mysticism and religion. The body of ideas characteristic of the Neoplatonism tradition is analyzed, the account of which is essential in understanding the specifics of the Chartres school ideological platform: the ideas of a mystically intuitive knowledge of the higher, the stages of transition from “one and the universal” to matter, the idea of comprehension of pure spirituality. The thesis is substantiated that the time of the highest prosperity of the Chartres school, its highest fame is the XII century, which went down in the history of civilization as the era of the cultural renaissance taking place in France. The specificity of the 12th century renaissance, as shown in the study, lies in the growing interest in Greek philosophy and Roman classics (this also determines the other name of the era – the Roman Renaissance), in expanding the field of knowledge through the assimilation of Western European science and the philosophy of the ancient Greeks. The thesis in which the specifics of the entry of Greek science into the culture of Western Europe is also identified. This entry was carried out through the culture of the Muslim world, which also determined the specifics of the cultural renaissance of France of the XII century. Radical changes are revealed that affect the sphere of education and, above all, religious education; the idea of reaching the priority positions of philosophy and logic is substantiated – a situation that has survived until the end of the Middle Ages. This situation, as shown in the work, was facilitated by the rare growth rate of the translation centers of Constantinople, Palermo, Toledo. It is shown that scholasticism in its early version is oriented towards religious orthodoxy. In the teaching of philosophy, the vector turned out to be biased towards natural philosophy, which was due, as shown in the work, to the spread of the ideas of Aristotle and Plato. In its educational program, the school synthesized the teachings of Plato and Aristotle. Elements of natural philosophy are inherent in the works of Bernard of Chartres, Gilbert of Poitiers, Thierry of Chartres representing the Chartres school. Deep studies on the problem of universals ensured the invasion of logic in the field of metaphysical constructions of the Chartres school.
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Karczewska, Helena. "„Bestiariusz niewiary”. Ludzie oddaleni od Boga w nauczaniu św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4025.
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Bishop of Poitiers, referring to the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, makes the characteristics of people away from God through unbelief. Comparing them to beasts, Hilary creates an unique „bestiary of disbelief”. Bishop of Poitiers shows the catalogue of beasts and gives them a symbolic significance which reveals the nature of opponents of the Church. In the allegorical world of beasts many animals can be found: foxes mean false prophets, ravens – sinners and cattle as a symbol of heathen. In general Bishop of Poitiers indicates symbol of serpent as heretics who reject the gift of faith in Christ and contempt the doctrine of the Church. In Hilary’s works a lot of helpful directions for believers are given. Bishop focuses on gaining spiritual knowledge and proclamation of the Gospel.
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De Rijk, L. M. "Semantics and Metaphysics in Gilbert of Poitiers." Vivarium 26, no. 2 (1988): 73–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853488x00057.
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AbstractEach inhabitant of our world Gilbert calls (following Boethius) an id quod est or subsistens. Its main constituents are the subsistentiae (or the subsistent's id quo which is sometimes taken collectively to stand for ea quibus) and these are accompanied by the 'accidents', quantity and quality. The subsistent owes its status (or transitory condition) to a collection of inferior members of the Aristotelian class of accidents, which to Gilbert's mind are rather 'accessories' or 'attachments from without' (extrinsecus affixa). The term 'substantia' is used both to stand for substance and substantial form (subsistentia), i.e., that by which something is subsistent (or 'is a substance'). The collection of subsistentiae (substantial forms) or the forma totius is called natura. However, 'natura' is also used to stand for either just one subsistentia or all the forms found in a subsistens even including its 'accidental' forms (quantity and quality). The inclusion of all kinds of accidents (including those inferior ones that make up a thing's status) is seldom found in the intension of the word 'natura'. One of the key notions featuring in Gilbert's ontology is esse aliquid. 'To be a-something' has a threefold import. First, it means 'to be only some thing', and to miss perfection. Second, it has the positive sense of 'being a something', i.e. 'being determinate and well-delineated', not indefinite, not formless that is. Third, 'to be a something' implies concreteness, corporealness and singularity.
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De Rijk, L. M. "Semantics and Metaphysics in Gilbert of Poitiers." Vivarium 27, no. 1 (1989): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853489x00010.
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Barnaby, James. "The monks of Rochester and the hospital of St. Mary of Strood: a twelfth-century dispute reassessed." Historical Research 94, no. 265 (May 25, 2021): 441–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab017.
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Abstract This article assesses the twelfth-century Rochester dispute concerning St. Mary’s hospital at Strood. Bishop Gilbert Glanville’s plan to endow the hospital with monastic estates was vigorously resisted by the cathedral monks, with Gilbert traditionally being seen as an anti-monastic bishop. This article reassesses the events of the conflict and places it in the context of other twelfth-century disputes. It argues that Gilbert was not trying to supplant his cathedral chapter, but was instead trying to establish a hospital to care for the needs of the sick and poor pilgrims.
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Kołosowski, Tadeusz. "Nauka o wcieleniu Słowa u św. Hilarego z Poitiers." Vox Patrum 38 (December 31, 2000): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7235.
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The author of the article presents the teaching of Saint Hilary about Incarnation of Christ and how bishop of Poitiers understands: the form of God and form of servant, the eternal birth of Word by Father, the real Deity and human nature of Christ, the question of soul human and body of Christ, the unity of Word Incarnate and the meaning of Incarnation's mystery.
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Loades, Ann. "13 January: Hilary, Bishop of Poitiers, Teacher of the Faith, 367." Theology 100, no. 793 (January 1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9710000101.
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Valente, Luisa. "Praedicaturi supponimus. Is Gilbert of Poitiers’ approach to the problem of linguistic reference a pragmatic one?" Vivarium 49, no. 1-3 (2011): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853411x590435.
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AbstractThe article investigates how the problem of (linguistic) reference is treated in Gilbert of Poitiers’ Commentaries on Boethius’ Opuscula sacra. In this text the terms supponere, suppositus,-a,-um, and suppositio mainly concern the act of a speaker (or of the author of a written text) that consists of referring—by choosing a name as subject term in a proposition—to one or more subsistent things as what the speech act (or the written text) is about. Supposition is for Gilbert an action performed by a speaker, not a property of terms, and his ‘contextual approach’ has a pragmatic touch: “we do not predicate in order to supposit as much as we supposit in order to predicate”. Language is considered by Gilbert as a system for communication between human beings, key notions are the ‘sense in the author’s mind’ (sensus mentis eius qui loquitur) and the ‘interpreter’s understanding’ (intelligentia lectoris). The phenomenon of ‘disciplinal’ discourse (“man is a species of individuals”) is treated by means of these hermeneutic notions and not by means of a special kind of supposition.
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Catalani, Luigi. "L’usage des catégories de l’être par Gilbert de Poitiers et les Porrétains." Chôra 7 (2009): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2009/20107/88.
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Wathey, Andrew. "PHILIPPE DE VITRY, BISHOP OF MEAUX." Early Music History 38 (September 11, 2019): 215–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127919000019.
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AbstractPhilippe de Vitry’s tenure of the bishopric of Meaux in the last decade of his life, 1351–61, the crowning event of his court and church career, has often been regarded as a period of retirement from creative activity. A reassessment of this judgement is timely, following new musical discoveries and literary work exposing links between Vitry and his contemporaries. Using new archival material, this article explores the geopolitical context of Vitry’s work in the diocese of Meaux; his engagement with political society, king and court; and his role in events under a national government fractured by the capture of Jean II at Poitiers in 1356. It examines the interplay of Vitry’s career, relationships and output, identifying the composer’s house in Paris, and exploring his family relationships, and his engagement with Pierre Bersuire, among others, in the creative circles of mid-fourteenth-century Paris. It also illuminates a context and opportunities for the continuation of his creative work into the late 1350s, some remnants of which survive in the literary miscellany Paris, BN Lat. 3343.
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Valente, Luisa. "Supposition Theory and Porretan Theology: Summa Zwettlensis and Dialogus Ratii et Everardi." Vivarium 51, no. 1-4 (2013): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341244.
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Abstract The article investigates how the problem of (linguistic) reference is treated in the theology of two pupils of Gilbert of Poitiers by means of suppo* terms (supponere; suppositus,-a,-um; suppositio). Supposition is for Gilbert an action performed by a speaker, not a property of terms, and he considers language as a system for communication between human beings: key notions are the ‘sense in the author’s mind’ and the ‘interpreter’s understanding’. In contrast, the two Porretans tend to objectify language as a formal system of terms. Suppositio becomes in the Summa Zwettlensis the name itself as subject term in a proposition, and is divided into many kinds; formal rules are described which govern the influence of the predicate on the subject term’s denotation. In Everard of Ypres’ Dialogus Ratii et Everardi, supponere is a function (officium) of the name, and ‘human is a species of individuals’ is, as in some logical treatises and differently from Gilbert, a case of rhetorical transfer.
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Wright, Gillian. "Aphra Behn and Bishop Burnet." Library 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 235–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/21.2.235.
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Abstract Aphra Behn's Pindaric Poem to Dr Gilbert Burnet is among her last and most politically outspoken works; published in 1689, shortly after the Revolution, it apparently declines an invitation from Burnet to write propaganda for the new Williamite regime. A copy of this poem, now held by Cambridge University Library, includes detailed handwritten corrections to both spelling and punctuation. As the poem is well printed, there is no obvious reason why these corrections should have been undertaken by either the printer or publisher, or an early reader. It is possible that the annotator was Behn herself, in anticipation of a second edition that she did not live to see into print.
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Valente, Luisa. "Théologie, ontologie et sémantique au xiie siècle : Gilbert de Poitiers et l’École Porrétaine." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 124 (September 1, 2017): 283–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.1634.
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Monagle, Clare. "The Trial of Ideas: Two Tellings of the Trial of Gilbert of Poitiers." Viator 35 (January 2004): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.300194.
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Linck, Joseph C. "This Restless Prelate: Bishop Peter Baines by Pamela J. Gilbert." Newman Studies Journal 5, no. 2 (2008): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nsj.2008.0017.
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Brennan, Brian. "Piety and Politics in Nineteenth Century Poitiers: The Cult of St Radegund." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 1 (January 1996): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018649.
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St Radegund, a sixth-century royal ascetic who relinquished her position as the wife of a Frankish king and established a convent in Poitiers, is today a rather obscure French local saint. Yet in the nineteenth century, as a result of the tireless promotion of her cult by Édouard Pie, bishop of Poitiers from 1849 to 1880, St Radegund was widely invoked in France as ‘la sainte reine de la France’ and ‘la mère de la patrie’. Her wonder-working tomb, a popular devotional site in the Middle Ages, offered cures and Pie saw to it that the pilgrim trains to Lourdes made an obligatory prayer-stop at Poitiers. This article analyses devotion to St Radegund during the Second Empire and the Third Republic and explores some of the religious and political connotations of the cult of this royal saint. The development of the cult is particularly significant for it allows us to see, reflected on the local level, something of the larger struggle for national self-definition that was taking place in nineteenth-century French society as royalists contended with Bonapartists and republicans, clericals waged war against secularists and the ultramontanes sought to rouse their fellow countrymen in support of Pius IX.
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Thom, Paul. "Inherence and Denomination in the Trinity." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 6, no. 2 (June 21, 2014): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v6i2.182.
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The present paper describes an ‘ontological square’ mapping possible ways of combining the domains and converse domains of the relations of inherence and denomination. In the context of expounding and extending medieval appropriations of elements drawn from Aristotle’s Categories for theological purposes, the paper uses this square to examine different ways of defining Substance-terms and Accident-terms by reference to inherence and denomination within the constraints imposed by the doctrine of the Trinity. These different approaches are related to particular texts of thinkers including Bonaventure and Gilbert of Poitiers.
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Pöhlmann, Egert. "Ambrosian Hymns." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 5, no. 1 (February 23, 2017): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341292.
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After the abortive attempts of the bishop Hilarius of Poitiers, Ambrosius, bishop of Milan, created with the metrum Ambrosianum the starting point for Latin Hymnody by using a familiar pagan meter, the iambic dimeter, as the basic line. Combining four such lines into a stanza he followed the type of the four-line stanzas of Horace. With eight such stanzas he found a model for Christian hymnody for centuries. The text of four of the innumerable Ambrosian hymns is attested for Ambrosius by Augustine. As the ancient notation fell into disuse in the 6th century ad, the melodies of the Ambrosian hymns were transmitted orally until the 10th century. They appear in the medieval manuscripts with neumatic or alphabetic notation, but without rhythmical values and adorned by rich melismata, which mirror the predilections of each monastic community. Five of them are attributed to Ambrosius, from which this inquiry has to begin.
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CLAYDON, TONY. "LATITUDINARIANISM AND APOCALYPTIC HISTORY IN THE WORLDVIEW OF GILBERT BURNET, 1643–1715*." Historical Journal 51, no. 3 (September 2008): 577–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006924.
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ABSTRACTAlthough one of the most influential figures of his time, Bishop Gilbert Burnet has become one of the most neglected. This article outlines Burnet's worldview, arguing that it can only be partly understood by labelling him a ‘latitudinarian’ as scholars have hitherto tended to. Alongside Burnet's conventionally latitudinarian descriptions of Christianity as a set of rational and simple beliefs that could command very wide assent, the bishop also had a strong sense of history as a providential and apocalyptic unfolding of a battle between ‘true’ and ‘false’ churches, which was characterized by a powerful European dimension and by an identification of Antichrist with religious persecution. The article concludes with suggestions about how such lines of thought might have cohered with the more traditionally ‘latitudinarian’ elements of Burnet's philosophy, and about how they might allow historians to re-think the latitudinarian movement more generally.
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Williams, Daniel H. "The Anti-Arian Campaigns of Hilary of Poitiers and the “Liber Contra Auxentium”." Church History 61, no. 1 (March 1992): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167999.
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Few historians of early Christianity would dissent from the view that Hilary of Poitiers was the west's most able and articulate anti-Arian apologist of the 360s. In the course of this bishop's exile in Asia Minor (356–360) and return to the west, there is evidence of a substantial literary activity, most of which was circulated soon after his death and survives to the present day. Works such as his letters to the emperor Constantius II, expecially the so-called In Constantium, his collected dossier against Valens and Ursacius, and his theological treatises De synodis and De trinitate, attained for this once obscure bishop from Gaul a position of preeminence in the minds of the next generation of anti-Arians.
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Cleaver, Laura. "Heretic or hero? Posthumous representations of Gilbert of Poitiers in texts and images before 1200." Word & Image 26, no. 3 (June 24, 2010): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666280903335429.
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Williams, D. H. "A Reassessment of the Early Career and Exile of Hilary of Poitiers." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 2 (April 1991): 202–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000051.
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Exiled from his see in the year 356, Hilary of Poitiers suddenly emerges on the historical scene out of a shroud of undocumented silence. It is well known by students of Hilary and his times how few facts are available about the saint's early life and his first years as bishop. The existence of such lacunae in the career of a person who would eventually become one of the West's major theologians and apologists created a vacuum too tempting not to fill. It comes as no surprise, therefore, to find later hagiographic accounts eager to trace Hilary's virtus and undefiled orthodoxy back to the earliest stages of his life. This is well exemplified by Hilary's sixth-century biographer Venantius Fortunatus, who locates signs of future fidelities in the very beginning. Despite the implications in the first book of De Trinitate that Hilary had been a pagan prior to becoming a Christian, Venantius confidently tells us how the saint took in Christian doctrine and true religion with his mother's milk.
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Ainsworth, Breeman. "Charles of Poitiers, Bishop and Count: Ownership of a Psalter-Hours in Late Fourteenth-Century France." Manuscripta 58, no. 1 (January 2014): 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mms.1.103954.
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Haines, Roy Martin. "The Register of Gilbert Welton, Bishop of Carlisle 1353-1362 R. L. Storey." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 2000): 942–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.463.942.
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Haines, R. M. "The Register of Gilbert Welton, Bishop of Carlisle 1353-1362 R. L. Storey." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 1, 2000): 942–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.463.942.
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Wickman, Eric. "Shaping Church-State Relations After Constantine: The Political Theology of Hilary of Poitiers." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000543.
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Writing in the half-century after the “conversion” of Constantine, Bishop Hilary of Poitiers wrote two works regarding Emperor Constantius II. The first,Ad Constantium, is a polite and formal letter, seeking an audience with the emperor. The second,In Constantium, is a harangue against the emperor. Some scholars have proposed that the difference in tone between these two documents indicates that Hilary had come to advocate for the emperor to be completely uninvolved in the affairs of the Church. Closer analysis reveals that Hilary always endorsed a position in which the emperor should be involved in ecclesiastical affairs, so long as he submitted to the higher authorities of scripture and the ancient apostolic faith. Hilary would have had no concerns with a pro-Nicene emperor enforcing proto-orthodox church councils and creeds. Prior to Hilary, most of Christianity had accepted imperial involvement in the Church. But the involvement of the Roman emperors in ecclesial matters caused many to have to consider the problems of someone outside of the Church making decisions for the Church. Hilary's efforts stand as one of the first western attempts to nuance and limit the emperor's ecclesiastical role.
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Obomsawin, Réjean. "PRÉSERVONS NOS RITES ANCESTRAUX WÔBANAKI." InSURgência: revista de direitos e movimentos sociais 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2019): 208–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/insurgencia.v4i2.28879.
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Sur le territoire ancestral de la nation des Abénakis en mémoire de nos ancêtres respectifs qui ont vécu ensemble en harmonie depuis plusieurs générations.
Je remercie M. Bruce Gilbert, Professeur de philosophie, art libéral et justice sociale de l’université Bishop d’avoir organisé et nous avoir invités, ma conjointe Jacinthe Laliberté et moi, ainsi que tous ceux et celles qui collaborent et participent à de faire de cet événement historique un franc succès en territoire Abénakis.
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Greig, Martin. "Bishop Gilbert Burnet and Latitudinarian Episcopal Opposition to the Occasional Conformity Bills, 1702-1704." Canadian Journal of History 41, no. 2 (September 2006): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.41.2.247.
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López, Almudena Alba. "The Treatment of the Resurrection of Lazarus (Jn 11:1-44) in the Works of Hilary of Poitiers. Reflections on the Nature and Glorification of the Son in the Light of Anti-Arian Polemics." Augustinianum 62, no. 1 (2022): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20226214.
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The exegesis of the resurrection of Lazarus (Jn 11:1-44) offers Hilary of Poitiers the chance to reflect on the emotional suffering of the Word made flesh and its glorification by the Father. The bishop uses these motifs to rebut the subordinationist position of his adversaries and to uphold the presence of the Father in the Son, declaring the perfect equality of both persons. Thus, he uses the miracle of the resurrection of Lazarus to show how the glorification of the Son is intended to sanctify the flesh he assumed, so that the Father to recognizes him in it, thus restoring the unity of his divine and human natures. Likewise, he draws a connection with Jn 5:24-29, reinforcing his thoughts on the mystery of the mutual inhabitation of the Father and the Son with an anti-Arian interpretation.
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Bikeeva, N. Yu. "Conflicts in the Convents of Poitiers and Tours (Second Half of the 6th Century)." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 164, no. 3 (2022): 134–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2022.3.134-146.
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The article discusses the causes of conflict situations in the convents of Poitiers and Tours. These incidents show that noble women of the Frankish Kingdom actively participated in the political events of the country during the second half of the 6th century. The motives that prompted Bishop Gregory of Tours to write about these events in his famous historical essay are revealed. The tendentiousness of the author, who created the images of the participants and described the course of the events based on his own goals and objectives, is noted. It is concluded that women of the Merovingian epoch could openly participate in various political events, including the use of violence. The involvement of nuns in uprisings and riots was not always assessed negatively by the contemporaries. When it was profitable, secular authorities supported the organizers of conflicts and even saved them from church punishment. The Church could also use the women’s rebellions to its advantage. Modern researchers must take into account the rhetoric of sources, as well as the motives and intentions of their authors. The causes of the uprisings were complex, with conflicts playing an important role in the struggle for political gain and influence between various branches of government.
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Sherk, Helen. "Visual response properties of cortical inputs to an extrastriate cortical area in the cat." Visual Neuroscience 3, no. 3 (September 1989): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952523800010002.
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AbstractThe existence of multiple areas of extrastriate visual cortex raises the question of how the response properties of each area are derived from its visual input. This question was investigated for one such area in the cat, referred to here as the Clare-Bishop area (Hubel & Wiesel, 1969); it is the region of lateral suprasylvian cortex that receives input from area 17. A novel approach was used, in which kainic acid was injected locally into the Clare-Bishop area, making it possible to record directly from afferent inputs.The response properties of the great majority of a sample of 424 presumed afferents resembled cells in areas 17 and 18. Thus, a systematic comparison was made with cells from area 17's upper layers, the source of its projection to the Clare-Bishop area (Gilbert & Kelly, 1975), to see whether these afferents had distinctive properties that might distinguish them from cells projecting to areas 18 or 19. Some differences did emerge: (1) The smallest receptive fields typical of area 17 were relatively scarce among afferents. (2) Direction-selective afferents were more abundant than were such cells in area 17. (3) End-stopped afferents were extremely rare, although end-stopped cells were common in area 17's upper layers.Despite these differences, afferents were far more similar in their properties to cells in areas 17 and 18 than to cells in the Clare-Bishop area. Compared to the latter, afferents showed major discrepancies in receptive-field size, in direction selectivity, in end-stopping, and in ocular dominance distribution. These differences seem most likely to stem from circuitry intrinsic to the Clare-Bishop area.
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Kochaniewicz, Bogusław. "„Credo in carnis resurrectionem” w "Komentarzach do Symbolu" św. Piotra Chryzologa." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 457–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3637.
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An analysis of sermons 56-62bis showed that Peter Chrysologus’ doctrine of the universal resurrection of the dead is not original and exhaustive. He presented to the catechumens the two most important arguments, explaining the truth of the faith: God’s omnipotence and resurrection of Christ. Bishop of Ravenna, commenting on the phrase “credo in carnis resurrectionem” also used the analogies referring to the cyclicality of the phenomena of nature (day and night, the seasons). Despite the developed reflection on this topic in the writings of early Christian writers of the fourth and fifth centuries, Peter Chrysologus did not use the arguments defending the truth about the resurrection of the dead resulting from: the purpose of life, the human structure and justice. His sermons also lack other topics: the relationship of the universality of the resurrection to the universality of redemption (Hilary of Poitiers), reflection on the properties of the resurrected body – his spirituality (Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambrose) and comparison of its properties to the body of an angel (Hilary of Poitiers, Jerome, Augustine). There is also no biblical argument that has been used, for example in the writings of St. Irenaeus of Lyons, or in the commentary of Venantius Fortunatus to the Symbol. Despite these shortcomings, Peter Chrysologus’ comment to an article about the general resurrection of the dead, deserves to be acknowledged – it is a testimony of faith of the Church in the 5th century Ravenna and the expression of his pastoral care of the faith of the community.
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Burnett, Charles. "The contents and affiliation of the scientific manuscripts written at, or brought to, Chartres in the time of John of Salisbury." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 3 (1994): 127–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003276.
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In the debate over the state of cathedral schools and their displacement as centres of learning by the rising universities, the case of Chartres has, for nearly a century, excited the most attention. Much has been written on, first, whether the activity of several prominent intellectuals of the twelfth century such as Thierry, William of Conches and Gilbert of Poitiers was primarily at Chartres or at Paris; and, secondly, whether the thought of ‘Chartrian’ masters is old-fashioned or open to the profound changes which effected twelfth-century scientific learning. These changes resulted largely from the introduction of works translated from Greek and Arabic during that century. In this paper I try to clarify the situation at Chartres itself by summing up the evidence from the manuscripts known to have been in the cathedral library in the twelfth century of the degree to which this ‘new science’ was received there, and how it was assimilated.
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Hunter, Michael. "Alchemy, magic and moralism in the thought of Robert Boyle." British Journal for the History of Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400028065.
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At some point during the last two years of his life, Robert Boyle dictated to his friend, Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, some notes on major events and themes in his career. Some of the information he divulged in these memoranda has become quite widely known because Burnet used it in the funeral sermon for Boyle that he delivered a month after his death, at St Martin's in the Fields on 7 January 1692. In addition, these notes were cited several times by Thomas Birch in the ‘Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle’ that he prefixed to his edition of Boyle's collected works of 1744: he there describes his source as ‘Mr. Boyle's memorandums of his own life, dictated by himself to Bishop Burnet’.2 What has hitherto been virtually overlooked is that the manuscript of these notes, which is in Burnet's hand, survives among the Birch Papers in the British Library: it is this document—and particularly a substantial component of it which was publicized by neither Burnet nor Birch—that forms the starting point for this paper.
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Kiessling, Nicolas. "Anthony Wood and the Catholics." Recusant History 30, no. 1 (May 2010): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012656.
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Anthony Wood (1632–1695), the Oxford biographer and historian, was accused of being a ‘papist’ from the early 1670s until his death on 29 November 1695. These accusations were given credence because Wood had many Catholic friends and acquaintances; had a genuine affection for manuscripts and monuments of the pre-reformation past; wrote bio-bibliographies of many noteworthy Catholics who were graduates of Oxford colleges or were associated with the university; had a view of the reformation that Gilbert Burnet, later the bishop of Salisbury, saw as ‘unseemly’; and never joined any campaign against Catholics before or after James II reigned in Great Britain. This essay deals with Wood's relationships with Catholics and his attitude towards Catholicism.
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NASER, MURTADA D., PETER J. F. DAVIE, and NATHAN J. WALTHAM. "Redescription of Austrothelphusa wasselli (Bishop, 1963) (Crustacea: Brachyura: Gecarcinucidae), and designation of a new species from the Gilbert River, north Queensland, Australia." Zootaxa 4369, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4369.1.6.
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A new species of freshwater crab, Austrothelphusa gilbertensis, is described from Gilbert River Catchment, north-western Queensland. It is morphologically most similar to A. wasselli Bishop, 1963, described from the eastward flowing Stewart Drainage Basin, much further to the north-east on Cape York. It differs from A. wasselli by several morphological characters including, better defined gastro-cardiac carapace grooves, cervical groove relatively deeper, postfrontal lobes more prominent and bearing striated crests, larger and fewer spots on carapace and legs, epibranchial tooth more prominent, walking legs more slender, and G1 more strongly curved. A CO1 genetic divergence of greater than 6% confirms its novel status. Intraspecific CO1 divergence within catchments is also discussed.
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ALLAN, DAVID. "Reconciliation and Retirement in the Restoration Scottish Church: The Neo-Stoicism of Robert Leighton." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 2 (April 1999): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001712.
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Religious politics in Scotland during the middle decades of the seventeenth century have always attracted much historical attention. The conflict of the Covenant, the tensions of the Cromwellian occupation and the troubled Restoration period have understandably drawn scholars like moths to the flame. Many heroes have been discovered, ranging from Alexander Shields at one extreme to Archbishop James Sharp at the other, some of them with an apparent significance, intellectual or political, far beyond the supposedly purblind world of Restoration Scotland. But no contemporary has emerged more enhanced in the eyes of subsequent scholarship, nor more frustrated in his own time, than Robert Leighton – ‘the outstanding bishop of the period’ – bishop of Dunblane from 1661 to 1672 and for two more years the most reluctant archbishop of Glasgow ever to wear the mitre. A number of historians have trawled the evidence of a career which oscillated between failed attempts at accommodation between Episcopalians and Presbyterians and periods of disappointed withdrawal. His moderation and humanity, chief among the qualities noted by intimates such as Gilbert Burnet and opponents including Robert Wodrow, have inevitably loomed largest in most subsequent assessments of his actions. A few later scholars, particularly those strongly sympathetic to the Covenanters, have taken the opposite tack, regarding Leighton's excessive posthumous reputation as sufficient excuse for sometimes perverse contradiction. And yet the evidence offered by the celebrated library founded by the bishop in Dunblane has never been properly weighed. How far do the volumes accumulated during his lifetime and bequeathed to the Bibliotheca Leightoniana cast light upon its founder's philosophical interests? And do they help explain those peculiar responses, a remarkable commitment to both public reconciliation and private retirement, with which Leighton approached Scotland's troubled religious situation? These are the intertwined questions with which this essay is concerned.
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Baldwin, Olive, and Thelma Wilson. "The Harmonious Unfortunate: new light on Catherine Tofts." Cambridge Opera Journal 22, no. 2 (July 2010): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586711000140.
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AbstractCatherine Tofts, ‘the first English prima donna’, was the female lead in the all-sung operas in the Italian style performed on the London stage from1705, but little has previously been known about her early life or musical training. This article draws on various sources, including her father's will, a petition she wrote in 1704 and Delarivier Manley's Memoirs of Europe to show that her family background was Scottish and that she grew up in the household of Bishop Gilbert Burnet. It names possible singing teachers and lovers, and shows that she did not leave the stage in 1709 because of mental instability, as has been assumed, but because of debt and the consequent need to escape from her creditors. The end of her career shows the difficulties faced by a leading English singer when Italians, particularly the castrati, came to dominate the operatic scene in London.
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Stutz, D. Dudley. "Papal Legates against the Albigensians: The Debts of the Church of Valence (1215–1250)." Traditio 68 (2013): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001677.
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In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 poundstournoisto various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in theGallia christianavolume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.
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Weedman, Mark. "Hilary and the Homoiousians: Using New Categories to Map the Trinitarian Controversy." Church History 76, no. 3 (September 2007): 491–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500559.
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Hilary of Poitiers and Basil of Ancyra were unlikely companions. The former was a Latin bishop from a backwater part of Gaul who had only recently become immersed in the Trinitarian controversy. The latter was a leading figure in the East, schooled in classical Greek theology and a veteran in the ongoing struggle over the nature of God. It is also true that their political fortunes diverged significantly. Though both Hilary and Basil's parties “lost” at the Synod of Constantinople in 360, Basil thereafter slipped into obscurity while Hilary's pro-Nicenes would eventually secure political and theological victory in 381. This pairing is so unlikely, in fact, that scholars have long been reluctant to acknowledge the depth of Hilary's relationship with Basil. Among other issues, such a relationship creates a number of historiographical problems by challenging the traditional mapping of the various theological and political alignments of the mid-fourth century. In the traditional version, Hilary is commonly portrayed as the “Athanasius of the West,” who, in the late 350s, emerged as the leading supporter of the pro-Nicenes in the West. Basil, on the other hand, is regarded as a “semi-Arian,” who rejected the Nicene doctrine that the Son was homoousios to the Father, preferring instead to call the Son “like according to substance” (homoios kat’ ousian).
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Webb, Casey, Michael Jensen, Bart Kowallis, Eric Christiansen, Douglas Sprinkel, and Sam Hudson. "Stratigraphic relationships of the Eocene Duchesne River Formation and Oligocene Bishop Conglomerate, northeastern Utah—pulsed sedimentary response to rollback of the subducted Farallon slab." Geology of the Intermountain West 9 (September 14, 2022): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31711/giw.v9.pp153-179.
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The Uinta Mountains are an east-west-trending, reverse fault-bounded, basement-cored Laramide uplift. The Eocene Duchesne River Formation and Oligocene Bishop Conglomerate represent late stage, intermontane basin fill of the Uinta Basin in northeastern Utah. Detailed mapping (1:24,000 scale), clast counts in conglomerate beds, description of lithology and stratigraphic contacts, and radiometric dating of pyroclastic fall beds of the Duchesne River Formation and Bishop Conglomerate in the Vernal NW quadrangle in northeastern Utah reveal stratal geometries of middle Cenozoic depositional units, the uplift and unroofing history of the eastern Uinta Mountains, and give evidence for the pulsed termination of Laramide uplift related to rollback of the Farallon slab and lithospheric delamination. These relationships show the continuation of Laramide uplift in this region until after 37.9 Ma and before 34 Ma, an age younger than the previously reported 45 to 40 Ma. The Duchesne River Formation consists of four members: the Brennan Basin, Dry Gulch Creek, Lapoint, and the Starr Flat. A normal unroofing signal is found within the formation with a downward increase in Paleozoic clasts and an upward increase in Proterozoic clasts. The oldest member, the Brennan Basin Member contains 80% to 90% Paleozoic clasts and less than 20% Proterozoic clasts. Conglomerate beds in the progressively younger Dry Gulch Creek, Lapoint, and Starr Flat Members of the Duchesne River Formation show significant increases in Proterozoic clasts (34% to 73%) and a decrease in Paleozoic clasts (27% to 66%). The Bishop Conglomerate overlies the Duchesne River Formation, but shows no clear change in clast composition. In the Duchesne River Formation, the proportion of beds containing fine gravel to boulder-sized clasts decreases significantly with distance from the Uinta uplift, from almost 100% near the source (<0.5 km) to 50% to 20% to the south (10 km). The lower part of the Duchesne River Formation exhibits a fining upward sequence that may represent a lull in tectonic uplift. The fine-grained lithofacies of the Dry Gulch Creek and Lapoint Members of the Duchesne River Formation pinch out within about 1 to 2 km from the Uinta uplift. In this proximal region conglomerates equivalent in age to the Lapoint Member cannot be separated from the younger conglomerates of the Starr Flat Member and are mapped together as one unit. Where the fine-grained lithologies appear farther from the uplift, the Starr Flat Member conglomerates deposited above Lapoint Member siltstones represent a southward progradation of alluvial fans away from the uplifting mountain front. The Starr Flat Member is overlain by the Bishop Conglomerate. These units are similar in sedimentary structure and clast composition and are distinguished by an angular unconformity that developed after 37.9 Ma. Stratigraphic and structural relationships between the Duchesne River Formation and Bishop Conglomerate reveal evidence of at least three episodes of Laramide-age uplift of the Uinta Mountains during the deposition of these formations: (1) deposition of fining upward sequences beginning with a basal coarse-grained unit within the Brennan Basin, Dry Gulch Creek, and Lapoint Members; (2) progradation of alluvial fans to the south form the younger Starr Flat Member resulted from an increase in sediment supply likely associated with renewed uplift; and (3) tilting and truncation of Duchesne River Formation to form the Gilbert Peak erosional surface, and prograding alluvial fans of the Bishop Conglomerate. These episodes of pulsed uplift are possibly the result of dripping lithosphere that occurred during Farallon slab rollback. New 40Ar/39Ar ages of 39.4 Ma from ash beds in the Dry Gulch Creek and Lapoint Members emplaced from Farallon rollback volcanism help to constrain the timing of deposition and uplift. These new ages and other existing radiometric and faunal ages suggest a significant unconformity of as much as 4 m.y. between the Duchesne River Formation and the overlying Bishop Conglomerate, which rangesfrom 34 to 30 Ma in age and show that Laramide uplift continued after 40 Ma in this region.
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Postawa św. Atanazego i św. Hilarego wobec decyzji synodu w Ancyrze (358)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3711.
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The Synod of Ancyra was organized at 358 by Basil, bishop of this city. The bishops who took part in this Synod published a Synodical Letter, called in English Manifesto. They presented in this letter the essence of the Homoiousian theology (it also written Homoeousians). They did not accept the Nicaean concept of equality of the Son to the Father, expressed by the term homoousios (consubstantial). They proposed other idioms, especially homoios kat ousian (similar to the Father according the essence); sometimes they used the term homoiousios (similar to the Father in all things). According to the teaching of the Homoiousians, the Son possessed the Divinity not in himself, but by the participation in Father’s Divinity. Athanasius of Alexandria expressed quite positive opinion about the theology of the Synod of Ancyra. Maybe he did know it very well; maybe he tried to see positive elements in it, because the Homoiousians were in opposition to the extreme Arianism. Hilary of Poitiers expressed also a positive opinion about the Manifesto of Ancyra. He appreciated its moderate position in Christology in comparison to the extreme Arians. He supposed that the above mentioned terms used by the bishops of Ancyra had the same meaning as the Nicaean term homoousios. Both Athanasius and Hilary did not pay much attention on terms but especially on the relation of the Son to the Father; he distinguished the identity of each Person; he was conscious of the difference of their mission, and he underlined the equality of their Divine nature and dignity.
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Coates, Simon. "The Construction of Episcopal Sanctity in Early Anglo‐Saxon England: the Impact of Venantius Fortunatus*." Historical Research 71, no. 174 (February 1, 1998): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00050.
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Abstract This article examines the manner in which early Anglo‐Saxon episcopal sanctity was shaped by the writings of Venantius Fortunatus, the prolific, and yet sometimes neglected, Italian hagiographer and poet who was to end his days as bishop of Poitiers. Firstly, the manner in which Fortunatus's works shaped the literary form of Anglo‐Saxon episcopal hagiography is examined. Secondly, the debt which the various Vitae of Cuthbert owed to Fortunatus is explored. Here it is emphasized that Bede's two Vitae differed from the earlier anonymous Life by their heavier use of Fortunatus's writings promoting the cult of St. Martin of Tours. It is also shown how Fortunatus's re‐shaping of the Martinian cult in the light of his own classical background as a hagiographer bears marked similarities to the manner in which Bede reshaped the Cuthbert cult in line with his own concerns. The article then turns to the much more developed use of Fortunatus's writings as a guide to the construction of episcopal sanctity which was made by Alcuin. It shows how Alcuin's strong emphasis on the urban background of the bishops of York was derived from the Gallic tradition. The article concludes by stressing that although knowledge of Fortunatus's works in early Anglo‐Saxon England is difficult to trace, they could have been known from Ireland where Fortunatus in particular had helped to shape the hymnody of the early Irish Church. However, given Alcuin's more extensive knowledge of the works, it is more likely that his own time on the continent ensured his richer knowledge of Fortunatus's works.
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Nocoń, Arkadiusz. "Poeta poranka i wieczoru. Hymny św. Ambrożego w Liturgii godzin." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 437–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4144.
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Following the example of the Lord, who frequently sang hymns with his disciples, and encouraged to sing by St Paul, the early Christians praised God in music and song. The first Latin hymns were composed by Hilary of Poitiers. Their metrical complexity and content discouraged their liturgical use by the Church. Thus, St. Ambrose of Milan is considered the first „official” Latin hymnodist. He composed several hymns, still used in the Liturgy of the Hours, which were musicated by himself. These hymns come from the particular circumstances of the Arian controversy and derive, in the main, from the necessity of encouraging „orthodox” Christians in their defence of the Basilica Porziana in Milan. They were designed to guide their prayer at different times of the day. The Author’s text-critical analysis of two of these hymns – Aeterne rerum conditor, sung at dawn (in gallicinium) and Deus, creator omnium, sung at dusk as the lamps were lit (ad horam incensi) – well testifies to the literary and pastoral genius of the Bishop of Milan as he transforms the complex theological reflection of his time into poetry and music, while not only retaining the integrity of the depth of that reflection but also enhancing its aesthetic profile by drawing on a repertoire of images based on the parallelism of cosmic reality and human reality. St Ambrose’s corpus of hymns, together with his prose works, was admired both by his contemporaries and by successive generations. They promoted the flowering of a merciful Christocentricity which, according to the experts, is the most original and attractive feature of his poetry. As is clearly seen in the hymns received into the Divine Office, Ambrose’s singular ability effectively to stimulate the soul to prayer through a powerful and insuperable lyrical inspiration, is capable literally of transforming the daily hours into songs of praise, and explains Petrarch’s habit of rising during the night to sing hymns to the Lord.
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HORWOOD, TOM. "This restless prelate. Bishop Peter Baines, 1786–1843. By Pamela J. Gilbert. Pp. xii+276+16 ills. Leominster: Gracewing, 2006. £12.99 (paper). 0 85244 592 X; 978 0 85244 592 1." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 2 (March 28, 2007): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906000194.
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Summerson, Henry. "The register of Gilbert Welton, bishop of Carlisle. 1353–1362. Edited by R. L. Storey. (Canterbury and York Society, 88.) Pp. xxv+195. Woodbridge: Boydell Press (for the Canterbury and York Society), 1999. £25. 0 907239 59 5; 0262 995X." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 4 (October 2001): 702–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901451451.
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Shelley, Braxton. "“To Speak As an Oracle of Christ”: Bishop G. E. Patterson and the Afterlives of Ecstasy." Journal of the Society for American Music, May 2, 2022, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196322000098.
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Abstract This article attends to the musical afterlife of the late Bishop Gilbert Earl Patterson, a Pentecostal minister who, at the time of his death, served as presiding bishop of the largest African American Pentecostal denomination, the Church of God in Christ. In it, I theorize the nexus of faith, media, and sound that lifted Bishop Patterson to the heights of ecclesial power during his lifetime, while laying the groundwork for a pervasive posthumous presence: broadcast religion. Placing Patterson's life-long preoccupation with various modes of technical mediation in conversation with his extremely musical approach to preaching, I will show that Bishop Patterson's technophilic Pentecostalism takes an enchanted view of devices like microphones, radios, televisions, and cameras, understanding each as a channel through which spiritual power can flow. As Patterson's voice and broadcasting infrastructure produce intimacy with countless scriptural scenes, they commingle mediation and immediacy, cultivating an enduring affect that I refer to as afterliveness. Transcending any single homiletic event, afterliveness depends on sermonic sound reproduction, effected by Patterson through both the practice of recording and through ecstatic acts of musical repetition, a set of recurring musical procedures that endow the bishop's ministry with an eternal pitch.
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Stanula, Emil. "St. Hilary Of Poitiers On The Christocentrism Of The Spiritual Interpretation Of The Holy Scriptures." Studia Theologica Varsaviensia, December 31, 2020, 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/stv.7768.
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Two general remarks arise from the synthetic interpretation of the biblical christocentrismpresented by Saint Hilary. e first concerns the subject of theologicalstudy and biblical studies. e above-mentioned presentation of the argumentsof Hilary implies that the mystery of Christ manifesting itself in history, of whichhe is the creator and interpreter at the same time, constitutes the essence of theologyand exegesis. e biblical senses, considered as the result of biblical andtheological research and study, in this approach are nothing but different aspectsof incomprehensible mystery of Christ. Because the mystery of Christ is revealedin history and is history itself, therefore the theological and exegetical studyis of a historical nature at least in the sense that this mystery can be recognizedby applying the aspect-oriented method by comparing what is contained in theScriptures with what people are currently experiencing in a particular episodeof history, because the creator of the latter is Christ. One could say that it seemsto follow from the last statement, that for Saint Hilary, there are no rigid formsof dogmas established once and for all but one: the incomprehensible mysteryof Christ. Although always and everywhere studied, it will never be understoodand expressed in words. In the act of studying it, a person constantly extractsnew aspects from it. It is the task of the exegete and theologian to update it,to make the faithful acquainted with the complexity of its message. If ordinarybelievers do this even at liturgical meetings, then, according to Hilary, eventhough they have not completed specialist theological and biblical studies, theycan read and interpret the holy text fruitfully.e second remark indicates the conditions sine qua non of the existenceand operation of the theologian, exegete, no matter if he is a specialistor an ordinary faithful. ese conditions are faith in Christ and perservancein participation in the Christological reality of the Church and the communityof the faithful. e above claim does not undermine the value of biblical andtheological studies – as understood by us in terms of erudite knowledge. Scholarlybiblical commentaries and the theological and historical writings of Saint Hilary can be regarded as the denial of such a conclusion. e Bishop of Poitiers,by encouraging his readers – by his own example – to intellectual and moralpreparation for the study of the Scriptures, also emphasizes the pointlessnessof practicing exegesis and theology if it is not accompanied by faith in Christ,in isolation from tradition, the continuity of history, finally in isolation fromthe community of the members of Church.
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Guynn, Michael, and Colton Carter. "La Optogenérica Y El Control De La Mente Humana." Curiosity: Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Innovation 3 (October 26, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.36898/001c.39675.
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Desde los albores de la historia a los tiempos modernos los humanos han usado el conocimiento de la estructura neuronal para cambiar el comportamiento (Faria, 2013). En tiempos modernos experimentos de estimulación neuronal se han llevado a cabo en animales e incluso en humanos para controlar la mente (Marzullo, 2017;Bishop et al., 1963). El psicólogo conductual B.F. Skinner propuso que la conducta puede ser controlada usando recompensas y castigos (Schultz & Schultz, 2019). Una nueva tecnología en neuroingeniería conocida como optogenética usa CRISPR Cas-9 para modificar genéticamente a las neuronas humanas con la finalidad de manifestar opsinas fotosensitivas y así activarse cuando sean estimuladas por ciertas longitudes de ondas de luz (Boyden, 2011). La optogenética ofrece mejor control temporal y espacial de las actividades cerebrales que las tecnologías actuales tales como la estimulación magnética transcraneal o las drogas psicofarmacológicas (Williams and Entcheva, 2015). Se debe considerar la ética de efectos secundarios, invasividad y abusos potenciales antes de que empiecen las pruebas en humanos en un futuro cercano (Mathews, 2011; Gilbert, Harris & Kidd, 2021).