Academic literature on the topic 'Giacomo Bettoli'

L'Informazione bibliografica del numero 2/2021 della «Rivista Geografica Italiana» presenta le recensioni dei seguenti testi. Rachele Borghi, Decolonialità e privilegio. Pratiche femministe e critica al sistema-mondo (Marcella Schmidt di Friedberg) Mauro Varotto, Montagne di mezzo. Una nuova geografia (Giacomo Pettenati)  Alberto Magnaghi, Il principio territoriale (Giuseppe Dematteis) Domenico Cersosimo, Carmine Donzelli, a cura di, Manifesto per riabitare l'Italia (Matteo Puttilli) Luca Gaeta, Alice Buoli, a cura di, Transdisciplinary Views on Boundaries. Towards a New Lexicon (Anna Casaglia) Massimiliano Grava, Camillo Berti, Nicola Gabellieri, Arturo Gallia, Historical GIS. Strumenti digitali per la geografia storica (Anna Guarducci) Stefano Piastra, Shanghai nella letteratura di viaggio italiana. Realtà e percezione di un emporio fluviale diventato megalopoli (Sara Giovansana) Simone Betti, Geografia sportiva del Nordamerica. La geografia sulle magliette (Anna Maria Pioletti) Per leggere i contributi integralmente, cliccare sul quadratino in alto denominato "PDF".

Background:Evidence on the efficacy of Mepolizumab (MEPO) in Eosinophilic Granulomatosis with Polyangiitis (EGPA) is scarce [1].Objectives:To assess the efficacy and safety of MEPO in real-life clinical practice.Methods:We retrospectively included patients diagnosed with EGPA and treated with MEPO (100 or 300 mg/month). MEPO efficacy was evaluated in the first 12 months in terms of systemic disease and asthma control. The occurrence of any adverse event (AE) was recorded.Results:142 patients were included (38% males; median age 46.4 (IQR 36.7-54.4); 110 and 32 on MEPO 100 and 300 mg/month, respectively). General, ear-nose-throat, pulmonary, and neurological symptoms significantly decreased during treatment (table 1). MEPO accounted for a significant reduction in the BVAS (figure 1) and for a steroid sparing effect (figure 2). The proportion of patients with asthma attacks decreased by 90% at 12 months compared to t0, and asthma-related emergency accesses dropped from 17.4% to 2.3%. Overall, 21.1% of patients had a non-serious AE.Table 1.Control of clinical symptomsMEPO beginning (t0)3 monthsp-value(t3 vs t0)6 monthsp-value(t6 vs t0)12 monthsp-value(t12 vs t0)N obsN=142N=135N=123N=89General symptoms40 (28.2%)17 (12.6%)<0.00119 (15.5%)<0.00113 (14.6%)0.002Cutaneous manifestations13 (9.2%)6 (4.4%)0.0085 (4.1%)0.0254 (4.5%)0.180ENT manifestations106 (74.7%)52 (38.5%)<0.00144 (35.8%)<0.00129 (32.6%)<0.001Pulmonary manifestations130 (91.6%)59 (43.7%)<0.00139 (31.7%)<0.00128 (31.5%)<0.001Cardiac manifestations6 (4.2%)2 (1.5%)0.0832 (1.6%)0.08300.157Intestinal manifestations10 (7.0%)1 (0.7%)0.0054 (3.3%)0.0593 (3.4%)0.059Renal manifestations5 (3.5%)3 (2.2%)0.41400.0461 (1.1%)0.317Neurological manifestations36 (25.4%)22 (16.3%)0.01218 (14.6%)0.00310 (11.2%)0.035Figure 1.Changes in BVASFigure 2.Steroid treatmentConclusion:MEPO effectively controlled systemic and respiratory EGPA symptoms in a large European cohort, with no major safety concerns.References:[1]Wechsler et al. MEPO or Placebo for Eosinophilic Granulomatosis with Polyangiitis. NEJM. 2017Disclosure of Interests:Alessandra Bettiol: None declared, Maria Letizia Urban: None declared, Federico Alberici: None declared, Carlo Agostini: None declared, Chiara Baldini: None declared, Enrica Bozzolo: None declared, Paolo Cameli: None declared, Nunzio Crimi: None declared, Stefano Del Giacco: None declared, Allyson Egan: None declared, Georgina Espigol-Frigole Consultant of: Roche and Janssen, Mara Felicetti: None declared, Marco Folci: None declared, Paolo Fraticelli: None declared, Marcello Govoni: None declared, Anna Kernder Grant/research support from: Grant/research support from: GlaxoSmithKline and UCB Pharma for performing the LuLa-study., Carlo Lombardi: None declared, Giuseppe Lopalco: None declared, Claudio Lunardi: None declared, Aladdin J Mohammad Speakers bureau: lecture fees from Roche and Elli Lilly Sweden, PI (GiACTA study), Frank Moosig: None declared, Simone Negrini: None declared, Thomas Neumann: None declared, Pavel Novikov Grant/research support from: This work was supported by the 5-100 Project, Sechenov University, Moscow, Giuseppe Paolazzi: None declared, paola parronchi: None declared, Luca Quartuccio Consultant of: Abbvie, Bristol, Speakers bureau: Abbvie, Pfizer, Vito Racanelli: None declared, Carlo Salvarani: None declared, Maxime Samson: None declared, Jan Schroeder: None declared, Savino Sciascia: None declared, Renato A. Sinico: None declared, Benjamin Terrier: None declared, Paola Toniati: None declared, Domenico Prisco: None declared, Augusto Vaglio: None declared, Giacomo Emmi: None declared

Background:The staging of interstitial lung disease (ILD) is important to monitor disease progression and for prognostication. A disease severity scale of Systemic Sclerosis (SSc)-related lung disease has long been proposed (i.e. Medsger’s severity scale). This scale was mostly developed by discussion and consensus and stage thresholds were not computed by a data-driven approach. Hidden Markov models (HMM) are methods to estimate population quantities for chronic diseases with a staged interpretation which are diagnosed by markers measured at irregular intervals.Objectives:To build a SSc-ILD specific disease severity scale with prognostic relevance via HMM modeling.Methods:A total of 358 SSc patients at risk for or with ILD were enrolled in a discovery (207 cases, Milan1) and in a validation (151 cases, Milan2, Pavia and Rome) cohort. Patients were included if satisfied the following criteria: 1) Diagnosis of SSc according to the EULAR/ACR 2013 criteria, 2) absence of anticentromere antibodies, 3) dcSSc subset or 4) other subsets with either 4a) ILD-related antibodies (Scl70, PmScl, Ku) or 4b) evidence of ILD on HRCT, 5) disease duration < 5 years at the time of the first pulmonary function test (PFT). Serial PFTs were retrieved and the time up to the last available visit -if the patient alive-, or to death due to pulmonary complications, was recorded. HMM were used to estimate the threshold of a 3-stage model (SL3SI, Scleroderma Lung 3-Stage Index) based on PFT functional values (normal/mild, moderate, severe involvement) in the discovery cohort. Survival estimates of the SL3SI model were compared to Medsger’s severity classes estimates and their predictive capability evaluated via the explained residual variation (R2) of prediction errors (the higher the better). One-hundred random replicates were generated to simulate the prediction effort in patients with different disease duration and lung severity.Results:Patients characteristics are summarized in the Table. Fifteen-years survival estimates for Mesdger’s classes in the discovery set were: normal=0.88, mild=0.86, moderate=0.84 and severe=0.71. The SL3SI was defined by the following thresholds: normal/mild, FVC and DLco >=75%; moderate FVC or DLco 74-55%; severe, FVC or DLco <55%. SL3SI 15-yrs survival estimates were: normal/mild=0.89, moderate=0.82 and severe=0.63. Prediction analysis showed a higher R2values at 15 yrs for the SL3SI compared to Medsger’s classes, providing evidence for a better predictive capability of the former (discovery: 0.31 vs 0.25; validation: 0.28 vs 0.19).Conclusion:The SL3SI, a simplified 3-stage functional model of SSc-ILD, yields better survival estimates and long-term prognostic information than Medsger’s classes. Its reproducibility and ease of use make it a useful tool for the functional and prognostic evaluation of SSc patients at risk for or with ILD.Table:VariablesDiscovery (n=207)Replication (n=151)DcSSc62 (30%)98 (64%)Age at first PFR48.6±1249.1±14.4Disease duration at first PFR1.7±1.61.3±2.4FVC90.5±18.191.1±20.2DLco70.7±19.861.3±20.1ILD on HRCT179 (86%)125 (80%)Scl70157 (76%)153 (78%)SSA63 (30%)32 (21%)n of visits38571473Follow-up time, yrs11±5.610.6±5.7Deaths27 (13%)23 (15%)Disclosure of Interests:Alessandro Santaniello: None declared, Chiara Bellocchi: None declared, Luca Bettolini: None declared, Marcello Cassavia: None declared, Gaia Montanelli: None declared, Adriana Severino: None declared, Monica Caronni: None declared, Corrado Campochiaro Speakers bureau: Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, GSK, SOBI, Enrico De Lorenzis: None declared, Gerlando Natalello: None declared, Paolo Delvino: None declared, Claudio Tirelli: None declared, Lorenzo Cavagna: None declared, Giacomo De Luca Speakers bureau: SOBI, Novartis, Celgene, Pfizer, MSD, Silvia Laura Bosello: None declared, Lorenzo Beretta Grant/research support from: Pfizer

BackgroundRituximab (RTX) is an effective remission-induction treatment in ANCA-associated vasculitides (AAVs). Some reports have suggested that it might be effective also in Eosinophilic Granulomatosis with Polyangiitis (EGPA), to induce and maintain remission of vasculitic manifestations [1,2]. However, its effects for preventing respiratory relapses seem to be poor. Mepolizumab (Mepo) (both 100 and 300mg/month) is effective in improving respiratory manifestations and lung function, while partially controlling also systemic activity [3,4]. Isolated case reports further indicate that the sequential therapy with RTX and Mepo might be effective [5-7].ObjectivesThe study aimed to investigate the efficacy and safety of a therapeutic regimen based on sequential RTX and Mepo for the control of EGPA.MethodsA multicenter, retrospective, cohort study was conducted on adult patients diagnosed with EGPA according to the ACR classification criteria [8] or MIRRA trial criteria [3]. Only patients who received induction therapy with RTX (any dosage), and subsequent treatment with Mepo (100-300 mg/4 weeks) within 12 months from last RTX administration were included. Patients receiving other induction therapies between RTX and Mepo were excluded. The effectiveness of sequential RTX and Mepo was assessed in terms of disease activity (by the Birmingham Vasculitis Activity Score, BVAS) and daily corticosteroid dosage. Safety data were also collected.ResultsThirty-four EGPA patients treated with sequential RTX and Mepo were included (59% females, median age of 51 years (IQR 40-58); 41% ANCA positive).In most cases (26/34; 76%), RTX was started at the dosage of 1g q2w, and all except two patients had active disease at time of RTX beginning [median BVAS of 9 (IQR 6-14)]. Specifically, most patients started RTX for the control of systemic manifestations (19/34; 56%), or of both systemic and respiratory symptoms (11/34; 32%). All except one patient were receiving oral corticosteroids, at a median dosage of 25 mg/day (10-38).Mepo was started after a median of 14 months (6-23) from RTX initiation and after a median of 5 months (IQR 3-11) from the last RTX administration. Mepo was used at the dosage of 100mg/4 weeks in 32/34 (94%), mostly for the control of respiratory manifestations (25/34, 74%). At the time of starting Mepo, the median BVAS was 4 (2-8), and median prednisolone dose 10 mg/day (7-15). After a median follow-up of 28 months (IQR 23-33) from starting Mepo, the median BVAS decreased to 1.5 (IQR 0-4) and the median corticosteroid dosage to 5 mg/day (2.5-5), with 7/34 (21%) patients being off steroids. At last follow-up, most patients were off-RTX (28/34), typically due to stable disease remission (20/34; 59%).Both RTX and Mepo were well-tolerated; 5 patients had adverse events on RTX (none serious), and 5 on Mepo (including one serious infection).ConclusionSequential use of RTX and Mepo seems to be effective for remission induction and maintenance in EGPA.References[1]Emmi, Ann Rheum Dis, 2018[2]Teixeira, RMD Open, 2019 3. Wechsler, NEJM, 2017[4]Bettiol, Arthritis Rheumatol, 2021[5]Shiroshita, Respir Med Case Rep, 2018[6]Higashitani, Mod Rheumatol Case Rep, 2021[7]Afiari, Cureus 2020[8]Masi, Arthritis Rheum, 1990Table 1.Effectiveness of sequential RTX and Mepo in the 34 patients included in the studyRTX beginningMepo beginningLast follow-upMedian time elapsed (IQR)-14 months (6-23) from RTX beginning28 months (23-33) from Mepo beginningDosage1g q2w (26/34);100mg/4 weeks (32/34)6 patients off Mepo; 28 patients off RTX375mg/m2 for 4 weeks (8/34)300mg/4 weeks (2/34)Reason for treatment beginning (manifestations)Systemic (19/34);Respiratory (25/34);-Systemic + respiratory (11/34);Systemic (4/34);Only respiratory (3/34);Remission maintenance (5/34)Other (1/34)BVAS (median, IQR)9 (6-14)4 (2-8)1.5 (0-4)Prednisolone dosage (median, IQR), mg/day25 (10-38)10 (7-15)5 (2.5-5)Disclosure of InterestsAlessandra Bettiol: None declared, Maria Letizia Urban: None declared, Federica Bello: None declared, Davide Fiori: None declared, Irene Mattioli: None declared, Giuseppe Lopalco: None declared, Florenzo Iannone: None declared, Allyson Egan: None declared, Luca Moroni: None declared, Lorenzo Dagna Consultant of: Consultation honoraria from GSK outside the current work, Marco Caminati: None declared, Simone Negrini: None declared, Paolo Cameli: None declared, Marco Folci: None declared, Paola Toniati: None declared, Roberto Padoan: None declared, Oliver Flossmann: None declared, Roser Solans-Laqué: None declared, Laura Losappio: None declared, Jan Schroeder Consultant of: Advisory Board fees from AstraZeneca and GSK, Marc André: None declared, Laura Moi: None declared, paola parronchi Consultant of: Consultation honoraria from GSK and Novartis, Fabrizio Conti: None declared, Savino Sciascia: None declared, David Jayne Consultant of: Consultant for Astra-Zeneca, Aurinia, BMS, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Chemocentryx, Chugai, CSL, GSK, Infla-RX, Janssen, Novartis, Roche/Genentech, Takeda and Vifor, Augusto Vaglio Consultant of: Consultation honoraria from GSK outside the current work, Giacomo Emmi Consultant of: Consultation honoraria from GSK outside the current work

Nell’ottobre del 1921 a Milano nacque la Scuola Superiore di Arte Cristiana Beato Angelico. Responsabili dell’iniziativa: don Giuseppe Polvara, l’architetto Angelo Banfi, il pittore Vanni Rossi, affiancati dallo scultore Franco Lombardi, dai sacerdoti Adriano e Domenico Bernareggi, dall’ingegner Giovanni Dedè, dal professor Giovanni Mamone e dall’avvocato Carlo Antonio Vianello. Gli allievi del primo anno scolastico furono nove, due dei quali (gli architetti don Giacomo Bettoli e Fortunato De Angeli) destinati a restare per lunghi anni nella Scuola come docenti: così avvenne anche col pittore Ernesto Bergagna, iscrittosi l’anno seguente. A partire da quell’avvenimento il contesto italiano dell’arte sacra poté contare su un elemento di indiscutibile novità, destinato nel giro di pochi anni a una rapida, diffusa e pervicace affermazione nella Penisola. La fondazione della Scuola Beato Angelico mise un punto fermo nell’annoso dibattito sul generale declino dell’arte sacra che andava in scena da lungo tempo in Italia così come nei principali Paesi europei. La formula ideata da don Polvara metteva a sistema le proprie esperienze personali, artistiche e professionali con la conoscenza del contesto internazionale, di alcuni modelli esemplari e il confronto con gruppi e singole figure (artisti, critici, uomini di Chiesa) animate dal comune desiderio di contribuire alla rinascita dell’arte sacra. A cento anni dalla sua nascita – e a settanta dalla scomparsa del suo fondatore – la Scuola Beato Angelico (coi laboratori di Architettura, Cesello, Ricamo, Pittura e Restauro) prosegue tuttora nel compito di servire la Chiesa attraverso la realizzazione di arredi e paramenti sacri contraddistinti da una particolare cura dell’aspetto artistico e liturgico, oggetto di ripetute attestazioni di merito e riconoscimenti in ambito ecclesiastico. Ciò che invece finora manca all’appello è un organico tentativo di ricostruzione delle vicende storiche che hanno segnato la genesi e gli sviluppi di questa singolare realtà artistica e religiosa. Scopo di questa tesi è quindi la restituzione di un profilo il più possibile dettagliato e ragionato della storia della Scuola Beato Angelico, tale da riportare questa vicenda al centro di una situazione storica e di un contesto culturale complesso, attraverso una prospettiva di lavoro originale condotta sul filo delle puntualizzazioni e delle riscoperte. Stante il carattere “pionieristico” di questa ricerca, la vastità dei materiali e delle fonti a disposizione e la conseguente necessità di assegnare un taglio cronologico riconoscibile al lavoro si è optato per circoscrivere l’indagine ai decenni compresi tra il 1921 e il 1950, ovvero tra la fondazione della Beato Angelico e la scomparsa di Giuseppe Polvara. Come si vedrà, il termine iniziale viene in un certo senso anticipato dall’esigenza di tratteggiare al meglio gli antefatti e il contesto da cui trae origine la Scuola (tra la fine del XIX e i primi decenni del XX secolo). L’anno assunto a conclusione della ricerca, invece, è parso una scelta quasi obbligata, coincidente col primo avvicendamento alla direzione della Beato Angelico oltre che dalla volontà di escludere dal discorso quanto andò avviandosi negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, ossia una nuova e diversa stagione nel campo dell’arte sacra (destinata, tra l’altro, a passare attraverso lo snodo rappresentato dal Concilio Vaticano II e dall’azione di S. Paolo VI), peraltro assai indagata dagli studi storico-artistici. Ciò che ha reso possibile la stesura di questa tesi è il fatto che essa si appoggi, in buona parte, su materiali archivistici inediti o, quantomeno, mai esaminati prima d’ora in modo strutturato. L’accesso ai materiali d’archivio più storicizzati e la loro consultazione (grazie alla disponibilità dimostrata dalla direzione della Scuola Beato Angelico) hanno condizionato in modo determinante la trattazione degli argomenti, la ricostruzione dei quali , in alcuni casi, è sostenuta esclusivamente dai documenti rinvenuti. La nascita della Scuola Beato Angelico non fu un accadimento isolato nel panorama della produzione artistica europea del tempo né un episodio estraneo a quanto, contemporaneamente, si andava dibattendo nel mondo ecclesiastico. La Scuola di Polvara nacque in un’epoca contrassegnata da grande fermento ecclesiale: si pensi agli Ateliers d’Art Sacré fondati da Maurice Denis e George Desvallières a Parigi nel 1919, solo due anni prima della Scuola milanese, i cui aderenti – tutti laici – professavano una religiosità intensa e devota. Ma, soprattutto, il modello determinante e più conosciuto da Polvara fu la Scuola di Beuron (Beuroner Kunstschule), nata nell’omonima abazia benedettina tedesca nell’ultimo quarto del XIX secolo a opera di padre Desiderius Lenz e sul cui esempio ben presto sorsero atelier specializzati nella produzione di arte sacra (arredi e paramenti a uso liturgico) in molte comunità benedettine dell’Europa centrale. L’affinità di Polvara con la spiritualità benedettina è un elemento-chiave della Scuola da lui fondata: dalla regola dell’ora et labora derivò infatti il concetto (analogo) di “preghiera rappresentata” (orando labora). L’organizzazione stessa della Scuola, impostata come in un’ideale bottega medievale dove maestri, apprendisti e allievi collaborano e convivono, riprende lo stile di vita monastico dei cenobi benedettini. Proprio al fine di conservare il più possibile il carattere della bottega medievale, il numero degli allievi ammessi alla Scuola non fu mai troppo elevato, così da mantenere un adeguato ed efficace rapporto numerico tra i discepoli e i maestri. Ancora, da Beuron la Beato Angelico trasse la particolare e inconfondibile forma grafica della lettera “e”, riconoscibile nelle numerose e lunghe epigrafi presenti in tante sue opere. Ultimo elemento in comune tra la Scuola milanese e quella tedesca – ma che si può imputare alla più generale fascinazione per l’epoca medievale – è l’unità di intenti che deve animare tutte le maestranze impegnate a creare un’opera collettiva e anonima ad maiorem Dei gloriam, dove il contributo del singolo autore rimane volutamente nascosto in favore del nome della Scuola. Ciò che differenzia, tuttora, la Scuola da analoghi centri di produzione di arte sacra è il fatto che essa poggi le fondamenta su una congregazione religiosa, la Famiglia Beato Angelico, un’idea a lungo coltivata da Polvara e approvata ufficialmente dall’autorità diocesana fra gli anni Trenta e Quaranta. Dalla comune vocazione alla creazione artistica sacra (“missione sacerdotale” dell’artista) discendono la pratica della vita comunitaria, la partecipazione ai sacramenti e ai diversi momenti quotidiani di preghiera da parte di maestri sacerdoti, confratelli e consorelle artisti, apprendisti, allievi e allieve. L’indirizzo spirituale tracciato dal fondatore per la sua Famiglia agisce ancora oggi a garanzia di una strenua fedeltà nella continuità di un progetto artistico e liturgico unico, messo in pratica da una comunità di uomini e donne legate fra loro dai canonici voti di povertà, castità e obbedienza ma soprattutto da un comune e più alto intento. Appunto per assicurare una prospettiva di sopravvivenza e futuro sviluppo della sua creatura, Polvara ebbe sempre chiara la necessità di mantenere unito l’aspetto della formazione (e quindi la didattica nei confronti degli allievi, adolescenti e giovani) con quello della produzione (spettante all’opera di collaborazione fra maestri, apprendisti e allievi). Dal punto di vista operativo le discipline artistiche, praticate nei vari laboratori in cui si articola la Scuola, concorrono, senza alcuna eccezione e nella citata forma anonima e collettiva, a creare un prodotto artistico organico e unitario, una “opera d’arte totale” che deve rispondere all’indirizzo dato dal maestro architetto (lo stesso Polvara), cui spettano devozione, rispetto e obbedienza. Alla progettazione architettonica viene dunque assegnata grande importanza e ciò comporta che le opere meglio rappresentative della Scuola Beato Angelico siano quegli edifici sacri interamente realizzati con l’intervento dei suoi laboratori per tutte o quasi le decorazioni, gli arredi, le suppellettili e i paramenti (come le chiese milanesi di S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, SS. MM. Nabore e Felice, o la chiesa di S. Eusebio ad Agrate Brianza e la cappella dell’Istituto religioso delle figlie di S. Eusebio a Vercelli). Quanto ai linguaggi espressivi impiegati dalla Scuola (il cosiddetto “stile”) si evidenziano la preferenza per il moderno razionalismo architettonico – un tema di stringente attualità, cui Polvara non mancò di dare il suo personale contributo teorico e pratico – e quella per il divisionismo in pittura, debitrice dell’antica ammirazione per l’opera di Gaetano Previati. Dall’interazione di queste due forme si origina un riconoscibile linguaggio, moderno e spirituale al tempo stesso, verificabile negli edifici come nelle singole opere, frutto di una profonda sensibilità che combina il ponderato recupero di alcune forme del passato (ad esempio l’iconografia paleocristiana reimpiegata nei motivi decorativi dei paramenti o nella foggia di alcuni manufatti, dal calice al tabernacolo, alla pianeta-casula) con lo slancio per uno stile moderno e funzionale adeguato ai tempi ma rispettoso della tradizione.
In October 1921, the Beato Angelico Higher School of Christian Art was born in Milan. Responsible for the initiative: Don Giuseppe Polvara, the architect Angelo Banfi, the painter Vanni Rossi, flanked by the sculptor Franco Lombardi, by the priests Adriano and Domenico Bernareggi, by the engineer Giovanni Dedè, by professor Giovanni Mamone and by the lawyer Carlo Antonio Vianello . There were nine pupils in the first school year, two of whom (the architects Don Giacomo Bettoli and Fortunato De Angeli) destined to remain in the School for many years as teachers: this also happened with the painter Ernesto Bergagna, who enrolled the following year. Starting from that event, the Italian context of sacred art was able to count on an element of indisputable novelty, destined within a few years to a rapid, widespread and stubborn affirmation in the Peninsula. The foundation of the Beato Angelico School put a stop to the age-old debate on the general decline of sacred art that had been staged for a long time in Italy as well as in major European countries. The formula conceived by Don Polvara put his personal, artistic and professional experiences into a system with the knowledge of the international context, some exemplary models and the comparison with groups and individual figures (artists, critics, men of the Church) animated by the common desire to contribute to the rebirth of sacred art. One hundred years after its birth - and seventy after the death of its founder - the Beato Angelico School (with the workshops of Architecture, Cesello, Embroidery, Painting and Restoration) still continues in the task of serving the Church through the creation of distinctive sacred furnishings and vestments. from a particular care of the artistic and liturgical aspect, object of repeated attestations of merit and acknowledgments in the ecclesiastical sphere. What is missing from the appeal so far is an organic attempt to reconstruct the historical events that marked the genesis and developments of this singular artistic and religious reality. The purpose of this thesis is therefore the return of a profile as detailed and reasoned as possible of the history of the Beato Angelico School, such as to bring this story back to the center of a historical situation and a complex cultural context, through an original work perspective conducted on thread of clarifications and rediscoveries. Given the "pioneering" nature of this research, the vastness of the materials and sources available and the consequent need to assign a recognizable chronological cut to the work, it was decided to limit the survey to the decades between 1921 and 1950, or between the foundation of Beato Angelico and the death of Giuseppe Polvara. As will be seen, the initial term is in a certain sense anticipated by the need to better outline the background and context from which the School originates (between the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century). The year assumed at the end of the research, on the other hand, seemed an almost obligatory choice, coinciding with the first change in the direction of Beato Angelico as well as the desire to exclude from the discussion what started in the 1950s and 1960s, that is a new and different season in the field of sacred art (destined, among other things, to pass through the junction represented by the Second Vatican Council and by the action of St. Paul VI), which is however much investigated by historical-artistic studies. What made the drafting of this thesis possible is the fact that it relies, in large part, on unpublished archival materials or, at least, never examined before in a structured way. Access to the most historicized archive materials and their consultation (thanks to the availability shown by the direction of the Beato Angelico School) have decisively conditioned the discussion of the topics, the reconstruction of which, in some cases, is supported exclusively by documents found. The birth of the Beato Angelico School was not an isolated event in the panorama of European artistic production of the time nor an episode unrelated to what was being debated in the ecclesiastical world at the same time. The Polvara School was born in an era marked by great ecclesial ferment: think of the Ateliers d'Art Sacré founded by Maurice Denis and George Desvallières in Paris in 1919, only two years before the Milanese School, whose adherents - all lay people - they professed an intense and devoted religiosity. But, above all, the decisive and best known model by Polvara was the Beuron School (Beuroner Kunstschule), born in the homonymous German Benedictine abbey in the last quarter of the nineteenth century by father Desiderius Lenz and on whose example workshops specialized in the production of sacred art (furnishings and vestments for liturgical use) in many Benedictine communities in central Europe. Polvara's affinity with Benedictine spirituality is a key element of the School he founded: in fact, the (analogous) concept of "represented prayer" (orando labora) derived from the rule of the ora et labora. The very organization of the School, set up as in an ideal medieval workshop where teachers, apprentices and pupils collaborate and coexist, takes up the monastic lifestyle of the Benedictine monasteries. Precisely in order to preserve the character of the medieval workshop as much as possible, the number of students admitted to the School was never too high, so as to maintain an adequate and effective numerical ratio between disciples and masters. Again, from Beuron Fra Angelico drew the particular and unmistakable graphic form of the letter "e", recognizable in the numerous and long epigraphs present in many of his works. The last element in common between the Milanese and the German schools - but which can be attributed to the more general fascination for the medieval era - is the unity of purpose that must animate all the workers involved in creating a collective and anonymous work ad maiorem. Dei gloriam, where the contribution of the single author remains deliberately hidden in favor of the name of the School. What still differentiates the School from similar centers of production of sacred art is the fact that it rests its foundations on a religious congregation, the Beato Angelico Family, an idea long cultivated by Polvara and officially approved by the diocesan authority between the thirties and forties. From the common vocation to sacred artistic creation (the artist's "priestly mission") descend the practice of community life, the participation in the sacraments and the various daily moments of prayer by master priests, brothers and sisters artists, apprentices, pupils and pupils . The spiritual direction traced by the founder for his family still acts today as a guarantee of a strenuous fidelity in the continuity of a unique artistic and liturgical project, put into practice by a community of men and women linked together by the canonical vows of poverty, chastity. and obedience but above all from a common and higher intent. Precisely to ensure a prospect of survival and future development of his creature, Polvara always had a clear need to keep the training aspect (and therefore the teaching for students, adolescents and young people) united with that of production (due to the work of collaboration between teachers, apprentices and students). From an operational point of view, the artistic disciplines, practiced in the various laboratories in which the School is divided, contribute, without any exception and in the aforementioned anonymous and collective form, to create an organic and unitary artistic product, a "total work of art" which must respond to the address given by the master architect (Polvara himself), to whom devotion, respect and obedience are due. The architectural design is therefore assigned great importance and this means that the best representative works of the Beato Angelico School are those sacred buildings entirely made with the intervention of its laboratories for all or almost all the decorations, furnishings, furnishings and Milanese churches of S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, S. MM. Nabore and Felice, or the church of S. Eusebio in Agrate Brianza and the chapel of the religious institute of the daughters of S. Eusebio in Vercelli). As for the expressive languages used by the School (the so-called "style"), the preference for modern architectural rationalism is highlighted - a topic of stringent topicality, to which Polvara did not fail to give his personal theoretical and practical contribution - and that for Divisionism in painting, indebted to the ancient admiration for the work of Gaetano Previati. The interaction of these two forms gives rise to a recognizable language, modern and spiritual at the same time, verifiable in the buildings as in the individual works, the result of a profound sensitivity that combines the thoughtful recovery of some forms of the past (for example early Christian iconography reused in the decorative motifs of the vestments or in the shape of some artifacts, from the chalice to the tabernacle, to the chasuble-chasuble) with the impetus for a modern and functional style appropriate to the times but respectful of tradition.

This thesis submission includes two very different roles for consideration as my thesis role. They include the role of Betto from Giacomo Puccini's "Gianni Schicchi" an opera based on a portion of Dante's Inferno and Aeneas from Henry Purcell's "Dido and Aeneas" derived from Virgil's The Aeneid. The performances for these one-act operas took place live at The Chan Centre for the Performing Arts between the dates of March 7- 10, 2002. The role of Betto may be considered as the comic role portion of my thesis. In the setting of the opera, he is the poorest of the relations to Buoso Donati who from the top of the show has just died. Betto has arrived to his house for the reading of the will in the hopes of having been left something of value only to find out that he has been left nothing at all. In an attempt to recreate the will in front of a notary, Betto teams up with the other relatives and Gianni Schicchi in their plot for revenge. During the entire performance, Betto leaves nothing to chance and quickly begins to take for himself anything that will fit in his pockets. In the end, when Gianni Schicchi outwits all the relatives, Betto and his relations make off with whatever they can carry as they are thrown out of Buoso's house, which has now become the property of Gianni Schicchi. In contrast, the role of Aeneas is that of the god-like hero who in his devotion to the Empire and the trickery of the evil Sorceress abandons his lover who kills herself in the name of love. Dido, the Queen of Carthage and Aeneas , a warrior are in love and have only just been reunited after Aeneas' return from battle when the evil Sorceress , played by Jeanine Fynn, devises a plan to destroy their relationship, the empire and the Queen's heart. This tragic one-act opera serves as the perfect juxtaposition to Betto and makes up the second component to my combined thesis submission.