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Journal articles on the topic 'Ghibellini'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 1 April 2023

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1

Corsaro, Antonio. "Eretici e ghibellini. Su Inferno X e altro." Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 197, no. 659 (July 2020): 408–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gsli.5.130025.

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2

Setzler, Wilfried. "Rezension von: Festschrift zur Feier des 175jährigen Bestehens der Landsmannschaft Ghibellinia im CC zu Tübingen." Schwäbische Heimat 72, no. 3 (December 8, 2021): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/sh.v72i3.1146.

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Festschrift zur Feier des 175jährigen Bestehens der Landsmannschaft Ghibellinia im CC zu Tübingen 1845–2020. Tübingen 2020. 99 Seiten mit einigen Abbildungen. Broschur. (zu beziehen über die Landsmannschaft Ghibellinia in Tübingen)

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3

Magyar, László András. "Lorenzo de Monacis: A vérszopó Ezerino borzalmas története." Kaleidoscope history 11, no. 22 (2021): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2021.22.53-72.

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Even in the early twentieth century, northern Italian children were intimidated by the Bloodsucker Ezerino. We find Ezerino or Ezzelino Da Romano (1194-1259) also in the seventh circle of Dante's Hell, but the horror tale of the cruel tyrant has been mentioned in several romantic literary works as well. The reign of the Ghibellin Ezerino could only be terminated by the alliance of the Pope, the Lombard League and the Venetian Republic through a crusade against the tyrant, but its terror and the hatred of his opponents left their mark on later narratives as well. Later analysts pointed out that most of the horrors detailed here may only have been exaggerations or fictions with which the victors tried to defeat the former deadly enemy – as we have already seen by a few examples. But also the history of the 20th century demonstrates clearly that there is no unimaginable horror committed by man over time. Our presented text is the 13th chapter of an early 15th century Venetian chronicle. The first half of the story is a slightly confusing story of petty family quarrels, wealth-seeking tricks, minor skirmishes, but later there are unfolding terrible events before our very eyes that remember the tragedy of Richard the III. We can see how an average nobleman became an almost unearthly evil, paranoid tyrant by the end of his life. The narrative is slowly rising from the middle of the text to literary niveau and deepens into an impressive tyrannical biography framed by the completely meaningless Guelf-Ghibelline wars. Its pages are populated by historical and supra-historical figures: ruthless mercenaries, cruel hangmen keeping the account of their victims, family members whistleblowing each order, self-whipping flagellants, diligent denunciators and humiliated truncated children liberated from their prison as living sceletons.

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4

Fenzi, Enrico. "Dante ghibellino. Note per una discussione." Quaderns d’Italià 18 (November 2, 2013): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/qdi.344.

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5

Cassidy, Brendan. "Ghibelline Propaganda at the Cathedral of Citta di Castello." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 58, no. 3 (1995): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482817.

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6

Tubau, Xavier. "Hispanic Conciliarism and the Imperial Politics of Reform on the Eve of the Council of Trent." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 897–934. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693880.

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AbstractThis article examines the treatise on the general council (the “Tractado”) published in 1536 by a Spanish jurist serving in the imperial administration in the Kingdom of Naples. It analyzes the content and the context in which it was conceived and argues that the treatise legitimated Charles V’s call for a general council in the political context of 1535–36, which meant supporting the political aims of the Ghibelline faction of Charles V’s court in Naples. The analysis of conciliarist doctrine in this treatise sheds new light on the relations between church and Crown in the context of the imperial policy of Charles V.

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7

Shaw, Christine. "Principles and Practice in the Civic Government of Fifteenth-Century Genoa*." Renaissance Quarterly 58, no. 01 (2005): 45–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0666.

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Abstract This paper is an examination of the civic government of Genoa from 1435 to 1464, and of the principles that underlay how it was conducted. Despite the political instability caused by contenders for the dogeship, and the division of offices between Guelfs and Ghibellines and between nobles and popolari, the civic government generally operated on a consensual basis. The principles and practices of the civic government restricted the power of the doges and prevented them from turning their position into an effective signoria.

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8

Roberg, Burkhard. "Che chosa è guelfo o ghibellino … ? Gregor X. und der mißlungene Friede in Florenz 1273." Annarium Historiae Conciliorum 27-28, no. 1 (February 16, 1995): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-02702801021.

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9

Bokody, Péter. "Florentine Women and Vendetta: The Origin of Guelf-Ghibelline Conflict in Giovanni Villani’s Nuova Cronica." Source: Notes in the History of Art 37, no. 1 (September 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/695751.

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10

Waley, Daniel. "Guelfs and Ghibellines at San Gimignano, c. 1260-c. 1320: a political experiment." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 72, no. 3 (September 1990): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.72.3.15.

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11

Kluge, C. L. "J. W. Goethe und Anna Amalia. Eine verbotene Liebe. Von Ettore Ghibellino. Weimar: A. J. Denkena, 2003. 193 Seiten. 19,00." Monatshefte XCVI, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/m.xcvi.1.130.

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12

Shipley, Lucy. "Guelphs, Ghibellines and Etruscans: Archaeological Discoveries and Civic Identity in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Tuscany." Bulletin of the History of Archaeology 23, no. 1 (April 9, 2013): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/bha.2314.

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13

Gassmann, Jürg. "The Bolognese Societates Armatae of the Late 13th Century." Acta Periodica Duellatorum 2, no. 1 (October 29, 2015): 195–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/apd-2014-007.

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The Bologna archives preserve the bye-laws of 24 „armed societies”, dating from between 1230 and the early 1300s, written in good notary Latin. Though known to exist in other Italian city-states, only few non-Bolognese armed society bye-laws are preserved. These armed societies had disappeared everywhere by the Late Middle Ages. This article explores the function of these armed societies and the feudal law aspects of the bye-laws - was their function predominantly military, social or political? Why did they suddenly appear, and just as suddenly disappear? How did they fit into Bologna’s constitution - how did they relate to the civic authorities, the guilds? How did these armed societies operate? Who were the members? What arms did they have? Did they participate in the warfare between the city-states, the battles of the Lombard League and the Holy Roman Empire, the struggles between the Emperor and the Pope, the feuds between the Ghibellines and the Guelphs?

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14

Zani, Orges. "Politics’s genealogy: a theoretical approach." European Journal of Language and Literature 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v2i1.p48-52.

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This article will analyse the alienation that politics has suffered since its creation. The analytical model, based on not only in the ideal type of the Greek Polis but also in the appearance of rhetoric within this public sphere, in the creation of small economical medieval groups (The Gilds in Italy) and in the creation of military and political groups (The Gulfs and Ghibellines in France) and later on in the creation of the political groups (The Whigs and the Tories in England) will reflect the limits of Politics (of Polis) as a public sphere, in which citizens should actively participate in discussing and solving common problems, through the rhetorical participation of public speakers in the Polis and the expansion of the private sphere in creating this small enterprise, political-military and political groups. It emphasises the necessity to understand and assess the city as a space where all citizens have the chance to participate in the decision making and in solving their problems.

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15

Gassmann, Jürg. "The Bolognese Societates Armatae of the Late 13th Century." Acta Periodica Duellatorum 2015, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 241–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apd-2015-0018.

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Abstract The Bologna archives preserve the bye-laws of 24 „armed societies”, dating from between 1230 and the early 1300s, written in good notary Latin. Though known to exist in other Italian city-states, only few non-Bolognese armed society bye-laws are preserved. These armed societies had disappeared everywhere by the Late Middle Ages. This article explores the function of these armed societies and the feudal law aspects of the bye-laws - was their function predominantly military, social or political? Why did they suddenly appear, and just as suddenly disappear? How did they fit into Bologna’s constitution - how did they relate to the civic authorities, the guilds? How did these armed societies operate? Who were the members? What arms did they have? Did they participate in the warfare between the city-states, the battles of the Lombard League and the Holy Roman Empire, the struggles between the Emperor and the Pope, the feuds between the Ghibellines and the Guelphs?

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16

Fredona, Robert. "William Caferro, Petrarch's War: Florence and the Black Death in Context." Business History Review 92, no. 4 (2018): 749–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680518001022.

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Late in the spring of 1349, Petrarch, famous for his lyrical cries for peace on the Italian peninsula, wrote the priors of Florence urging the city to war. Two of the poet's dearest friends had been attacked while passing through the mountainous terrain controlled by the rural Ubaldini clan, renegade Ghibellines who menaced crucial trade routes between Florence and Bologna and were taking advantage of Florence's vulnerability in the wake of the 1348 outbreak of the Black Plague. The two campaigns that Florence launched against the Ubaldini, one in 1349 and one in 1350, although little known (overshadowed by the plague on one side and, less so, by the 1351–1353 Florentine war with Milan on the other), are better documented than any contemporary war and, as such, serve as the perfect material for William Caferro's new book, Petrarch's War, whose declared subject is “contradiction” and whose method, ultimately, is the subjection of received ideas and fashionable methods to interrogation in the face of the experience of rigorous and self-conscious archival research (p. 1). “Archives are subversive,” Caferro says, and this is, in many ways, a subversive book (p. 13). Resolutely revisionist and sometimes demandingly démodé—in an age of “big data” and global history and “usable” history—Caferro embraces the problematic and the anomalous, the short term and the small scale. Together with his impressive and prizewinning 2006 book, John Hawkwood: An English Mercenary in Fourteenth-Century Italy, Petrarch's War secures Caferro's place as one of the most important economic historians working today.

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17

Lowe, K. J. P. "Female Strategies for Success in a Male-ordered World: the Benedictine Convent of Le Murate in Florence in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012092.

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This paper will centre on the relationships of women to men and women to women which form the backbone of the history of the Benedictine convent of Le Murate in Florence in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Le Murate started in a quiet way with one pious woman deciding to live virtuously by herself, but under no rule, in a house on the Ponte Rubaconte in 1390, and expanded to become perhaps the largest female convent in Florence in 1515, situated on Via Ghibellina, with 200 enclosed women and their servants living under the Rule of St Benedict. I want to examine the relations between these nuns and the outside world and look at how the male government of the outside world, secular and ecclesiastical, both at an individual level and in a more collective, formal way, tried to restrain and weaken this group of females, even to the point of forbidding them to earn their own livelihood. I would like to posit that religious life on a large scale and in a large city offered opportunities for the exercise of power by women not available to those of the female sex who stayed within the structure of the family and who were, therefore, in direct competition with men at every stage. Daughters, sisters, wives, and widows were legally and socially subject to their male relatives, in varying degrees. Nuns were not, and were permitted a measure of self-government. Just how irksome, worrying, and unacceptable to men it was for women to take their own decisions will become clear later. Barred by their sex from an active life in the hierarchy of the Church, and barred by their Order from an active life in the community, nevertheless in the Renaissance these enclosed Benedictine nuns devised strategies for obtaining access to power and money unparalleled by their secular counterparts. Le Murate exerted a strong attraction on women, both the powerful and famous and the more ordinary. Due to the increasing politicization of Florentine society, it secured, in addition, the patronage of the two most important Florentine political families during the period, the Medici and the Soderini. It was this seeming capacity to mobilize support from every sector of the population, regardless of sex, social group, income, political hue, or place of origin, which enabled the convent to prosper.

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18

Lausen, Sabrina. "Katharina Fuchs, Zum Verhältnis des NS-Studentenbundes zu den studentischen Korporationen an der TH Stuttgart zwischen Republik und Diktatur (1928–1935). Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Stuttgarter Burschenschaft Ghibellinia. (Stuttgarter Beiträge zur Wissenschafts- und Technikgeschichte, Bd. 16.) Berlin, Logos 2021." Historische Zeitschrift 314, no. 3 (June 1, 2022): 828–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2022-1248.

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19

Conetti, Mario. "PETRARCA GHIBELLINO? ROMA E L’IMPERO NEI RERUM FAMILIARIUM LIBRI." Istituto Lombardo - Accademia di Scienze e Lettere - Rendiconti di Lettere, December 12, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/let.2019.517.

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A few, but very meaningful pieces from Petrarch’s Familiari deal with the Holy Roman Empire and its institutions, especially because of the role they played in italian politics. Although Petrarch is not a systematic political thinker, the imperial idea of Rome plays a pivotal role. It seems possible to demonstrare that Petrarch has been influenced by official documents by Henry VII, eventually Manfred of Suabia, and mostly by civil lawyers and the sources of Roman law. These last item belongs to Petrarch’s commitment towards a recovery for his present days of Roman classical heritage. All this said, political issues still play only an instrumental role, connected with the immediate needs of those powers, the Visconti household first and most but also emperor Charles IV himself, Petrarch was intimately connected to. Though Petrarch sincerely advocates Roman classical tradition, he is a ghibellino only for a matter of opportunity, or rather of the opportunity of those powers he decided to serve, and their immediate political needs.

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20

Conetti, Mario. "PETRARCA GHIBELLINO? ROMA E Lâ€™IMPERO NEI RERUM FAMILIARIUM LIBRI." Istituto Lombardo - Accademia di Scienze e Lettere • Rendiconti di Lettere, December 12, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/let.2017.517.

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A few, but very meaningful pieces from Petrarchâ€™s Familiari deal with the Holy Roman Empire and its institutions, especially because of the role they played in italian politics. Although Petrarch is not a systematic political thinker, the imperial idea of Rome plays a pivotal role. It seems possible to demonstrare that Petrarch has been influenced by official documents by Henry VII, eventually Manfred of Suabia, and mostly by civil lawyers and the sources of Roman law. These last item belongs to Petrarchâ€™s commitment towards a recovery for his present days of Roman classical heritage. All this said, political issues still play only an instrumental role, connected with the immediate needs of those powers, the Visconti household first and most but also emperor Charles IV himself, Petrarch was intimately connected to. Though Petrarch sincerely advocates Roman classical tradition, he is a ghibellino only for a matter of opportunity, or rather of the opportunity of those powers he decided to serve, and their immediate political needs.

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