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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Germany – Military relations – United States

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Academic literature on the topic 'Germany – Military relations – United States'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.

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The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.

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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.

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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.

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Gärditz, Klaus Ferdinand. "Shepherd v. Germany." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 3 (July 2015): 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.3.0623.

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In Shepherd v. Germany, the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) issued a preliminary ruling requested by a German administrative court in an asylum case brought by a United States Army service member. Applying the relevant asylum law of the European Union (EU), the ECJ held that, under certain circumstances, a conscientious objector who has deserted from his military unit may claim international refugee protection. It also clarified the conditions under which the basically legitimate prosecution of military deserters must be qualified as illegitimate persecution under international refugee law.

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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.

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Trunov, Philipp. "The key directions of German-Dutch and German-French cooperation in defence strengthening." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.09.

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Since the former Cold War, the Federal Republic of Germany has had the closest, the most full-scale and different in the spectrum of tracks relations in the sphere of common strengthening of the defence capabilities with the continental Western European countries. First, these ones are France and the Netherlands. The article tries to explore German relations with these two countries in the military sphere during the modern period. The key research methods are event-analysis and comparative analysis. The paper covers the experience of the creation of the first bilateral and multilateral military groups of NATO member states` armed forces which consist of staffs and military forces of the mixed troop system. The article notes that first military groups of this kind were created on the territory of the united Germany and examines the reasons of this tendency. Special attention is paid to the development of German-Dutch Corpspotential. This one, the 1 st tank division and the division of rapid reaction forces (each of those divisions has one Dutch brigade) of the Bundeswehr are explored as military mechanisms of deep integration between the two countries. The article also identifies the features of military-technical German-Dutch cooperation, including their common efforts in the frames of Permanent Structured Cooperation platform. The article compares the scales and quality of German-Dutch and German-French cooperation. In this regard the paper rises the question about real military importance of German-French brigade and cooperation between two countries in military-technical field, including the creation of robotized technics. The paper shows the limits of German-French cooperation potential until the early 2020's.

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Betts, Richard K. "Striking First: A History of Thankfully Lost Opportunities." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00414.x.

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It is unlikely that George W. Bush feels constrained by international law when deciding whether to use military force abroad. Nevertheless, many of the United States' allies are reluctant to cooperate with and participate in military actions that cannot reasonably be justified under international law. And supportive allies, while perhaps not strictly necessary to the United States in its recent and foreseeable military campaigns, do make the military option easier to pursue. A war against Iraq would be difficult without access to bases and airspace in countries as diverse as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Canada. For this reason, at least, it would seem to be worth the president's while to adhere to international law where possible and, where this is not possible, to seek to change the rules.

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Byers, Michael. "Letting the Exception Prove the Rule." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00413.x.

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It is unlikely that George W. Bush feels constrained by international law when deciding whether to use military force abroad. Nevertheless, many of the United States' allies are reluctant to cooperate with and participate in military actions that cannot reasonably be justified under international law. And supportive allies, while perhaps not strictly necessary to the United States in its recent and foreseeable military campaigns, do make the military option easier to pursue. A war against Iraq would be difficult without access to bases and airspace in countries as diverse as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Canada. For this reason, at least, it would seem to be worth the president's while to adhere to international law where possible and, where this is not possible, to seek to change the rules.International lawyers in the Department of State, together with lawyers in other parts of the U.S. government, have excelled in shaping the law to accommodate the interests of the United States. One example, though by no means the only one, concerns the response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

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Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.

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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.

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Gerzhoy, Gene. "Alliance Coercion and Nuclear Restraint: How the United States Thwarted West Germany's Nuclear Ambitions." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00198.

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When does a nuclear-armed state's provision of security guarantees to a militarily threatened ally inhibit the ally's nuclear weapons ambitions? Although the established security model of nuclear proliferation posits that clients will prefer to depend on a patron's extended nuclear deterrent, this proposition overlooks how military threats and doubts about the patron's intentions encourage clients to seek nuclear weapons of their own. To resolve this indeterminacy in the security model's explanation of nuclear restraint, it is necessary to account for the patron's use of alliance coercion, a strategy consisting of conditional threats of military abandonment to obtain compliance with the patron's demands. This strategy succeeds when the client is militarily dependent on the patron and when the patron provides assurances that threats of abandonment are conditional on the client's nuclear choices. Historical evidence from West Germany's nuclear decisionmaking provides a test of this logic. Contrary to the common belief among nonproliferation scholars, German leaders persistently doubted the credibility and durability of U.S. security guarantees and sought to acquire an independent nuclear deterrent. Rather than preferring to renounce nuclear armament, Germany was compelled to do so by U.S. threats of military abandonment, contradicting the established logic of the security model and affirming the logic of alliance coercion.

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Istomin, I., and A. Sokolov. "American Forces in Germany: Security Symbol, Loyalty Warrant or Excessive Luxury?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-60-72.

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The article discusses the dynamics of the US military presence in Germany through the evolution of American foreign policy. The article presents data on the quantitative presence of the American army in Germany and assesses the impact of various incentives to change the size of the American contingent and their comparison. The presence of the US armed forces in Germany is one of the most striking examples of the long-term deployment of foreign troops on the territory of a major power. In terms of the duration and size of the contingent, it is comparable only to the deployment of American troops in Japan. In both countries, foreign troops played an occupying role after the end of World War II. In the future, the American contingent remained in them already as an ally. At the same time, in the case of Germany, the presence of foreign military personnel was combined with the creation of an efficient and relatively large army. For a long time, Tokyo was limited only by compact self-defense forces. The presence of independent capabilities to ensure security is often a prerequisite for pursuing an independent policy and encourages the refusal to deploy a contingent of another state on its territory. It is all the more surprising that in the FRG the question of the withdrawal of US forces was never seriously raised. On the contrary, the German leadership has repeatedly expressed concern about the possibility of reducing the American presence. In this it was very different from the Japanese establishment, in which the expediency of maintaining allied relations with the United States was sometimes critically assessed. The authors conclude that ensuring the loyalty of the German leadership was not associated with the size of Washington’s military presence on the territory of Germany. The buildup of the American contingent in the Federal Republic of Germany was influenced by fears around external threats, the correlation of conventional and nuclear deterrence in the US strategy and the desire to reduce military costs. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 17-78-20170 “Typology of Modern Military-Political Alliances and Model of Russia’s Relations with Allies”).

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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Scharnholz, Theodor. "Heidelberg und die Besatzungsmacht : zur Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen einer deutschen Kommune und ihrer amerikanischen Garnison, 1948/49-1955 /." Heidelberg : Edition Guderjahn Verlag Regionalkultur, 2002. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e5v4-aa.

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Frank, Peter. "Comparison of the U.S. and German approaches to democratic civil-military relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFrank.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-126). Also available online.

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Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.

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Farley, Robert M. "Transnational determinants of military doctrine /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.

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Bolen, Michael Todd. "United States-People's Republic of China military-to-military relations : prospects for progress /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FBolen.pdf.

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Zduniak, Paweł Piotr. "Political change in Europe and the future of United States military presence in Germany /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FZduniak.pdf.

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Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.

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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.

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Kraft, Herman Joseph S. "Philippine - U.S. security relations in the post-bases era." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112036.

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The Philippines and United States face a new era in their security relationship. The Military Bases Agreement (MBA) signed between the two countries on March 14, 1947 terminated in December 1992. Following the rejection by the Philippine Senate on September 12, 1991 of a new treaty which would have allowed the United States to maintain its military facilities in the Philippines, the Philippine government served the United States a one-year notice of termination for the MBA on December 31, 1991. On November 24, 1992, the last U.S. combat unit left Subic Naval Base.

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Zduniak, Pawel Piotr. "Political change in Europe and the future of United States military presence in Germany." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1884.

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This thesis analyzes American basing structure in Germany, in a new political environment at the beginning of the 21st century. The end of the Cold War changed the political and strategic situation in Europe and the substance of American military presence in Europe. The War on Terrorism suggests that the current threats are dynamic and unpredictable and the idea of a permanent U.S. basing structure in the heart of Europe should be reconsidered. Specifically, this thesis describes the reasons for restructuring the large and expensive base structure in Germany and the impact of American withdrawal to the German society. Moreover, this thesis presents new challenges and opportunities for American military presence in other parts of European continent. Finally, this thesis reviews the development of U.S. policy concerning present and future base structure in Europe.

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Books on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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A history of U.S. military forces in Germany. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

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Grathwol, Robert P. Berlin and the American military: A Cold War chronicle. 2nd ed. New York: New York University Press, 1999.

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Defenders or intruders?: The dilemmas of U.S. forces in Germany. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

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Restive partners: Washington and Bonn diverge. Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.

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Reichswehr, Wehrmacht, Bundeswehr: Zur Image deutscher Streitkräfte in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika : Kontinuität und Wandel im Urteil amerikanischer Experten. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990.

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Gompert, David C. Shoulder to shoulder: The road to U.S.-European military cooperability. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2002.

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Birtle, A. J. Rearming the phoenix: U.S. military assistance to the Federal Republic of Germany, 1950-1960. New York: Garland, 1991.

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Bonn, Moritz J. Defense, weapons: Memorandum of understanding between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany, signed at Washington April 27, 1983; and amending agreements signed at Washington and Bonn March 20 and 26, 1986; and signed at Washington and Bonn March 23 and April 24, 1995; and signed at Bonn and Washington April 24 and May 14, 1996; and signed at Washington and Bonn July 10 and August 22, 1996. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, 2006.

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Bonn, Moritz J. Defense, weapons: Memorandum of understanding between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany, signed at Washington April 27, 1983; and amending agreements signed at Washington and Bonn March 20 and 26, 1986; and signed at Washington and Bonn March 23 and April 24, 1995; and signed at Bonn and Washington April 24 and May 14, 1996; and signed at Washington and Bonn July 10 and August 22, 1996. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, 2006.

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Bonn, Moritz J. Defense data systems: Memorandum of understanding between the United States of America and the Republic of Germany, signed at Alexandria and Bonn June 14 and December 20, 1991. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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Shemella, Paul. "The United States." In The Routledge Handbook of Civil-Military Relations, 296–309. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003084228-26.

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Kyle, Brett J., and Andrew G. Reiter. "From full subordination to military overreach and back again: Military justice in the United States." In Military Courts, Civil-Military Relations, and the Legal Battle for Democracy, 197–223. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429019869-7.

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Flax, Alexander H. "Interdiffusion of Military and Civil Technologies in the United States of America." In The Relations between Defence and Civil Technologies, 117–37. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-7803-5_8.

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Petrović, Miloš. "Political Relations Between Germany and the United States During the Trump Presidency." In Europe in Changes: The Old Continent at a New Crossroads, 267–88. Belgrade: Institute of International Politics ; Economics ; University of Belgrade, Faculty of Security Studies, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_euchanges.2021.ch13.

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Cha, Hyeonji, and Hyun Jin Kim. "The Beginnings of the US-South Korea Alliance – From Military Cooperation to Bilateral Alliance." In South Korea's Origins and Early Relations with the United States, 103–19. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003268765-6.

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Compel, Radomir. "United States Risk Management in the Post-war Iraq: Encountering Societal Risks." In Guns & Roses: Comparative Civil-Military Relations in the Changing Security Environment, 391–410. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2008-8_20.

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DiFilippo, Anthony. "Military Spending and Government High-Technology Policy: A Comparative Analysis of the US, West Germany, Japan and Great Britain." In Towards a Peace Economy in the United States, 3–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12105-2_1.

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Michta, Andrew A. "Options for Dealing with Russia and China: A US Perspective." In Russia-China Relations, 267–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_14.

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AbstractAfter two decades of Global War on Terror, the US is confronted by two near-peer military competitors, Russia and China, which have aligned in their opposition to the US-led international order. Russia is determined to revise the post-Cold War settlement, while China aims to replace it altogether with one built around its economic power, its military, and increasingly its values and ideological tenets. The West’s post-Cold War assumptions that economic globalization would lead to democratization have been proven false, with a new round of great power competition in full view. With the United States military refocusing on great power competition in the Indo-Pacific, Washington needs Europe to rearm and provide real capabilities to deter Russia in the event of a kinetic conflict in Asia. For the NATO alliance, “burden transferring” should be the way forward, with Europe providing core military capabilities while the US maintains its nuclear umbrella and high-end enablers. This approach will ensure deterrence in Europe holds, while the United States confronts China in the Indo-Pacific. It is even more urgent today in light of Russia’s second invasion of Ukraine in 2022 that Europe rebuild its militaries.

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Carlson, Brian G. "China-Russia Cooperation in Nuclear Deterrence." In Russia-China Relations, 141–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_8.

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AbstractNuclear issues have historically played an important role in the development of relations between Moscow and Beijing, acting as a source of both potential discord and emergent cooperation. From 1964, when China conducted its first nuclear test, until Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s tenure in the 1980s, nuclear relations between the Soviet Union and China were explicitly adversarial. The normalization of Sino-Soviet relations introduced an era of implicitly adversarial relations that lasted until the Ukraine crisis. During this phase, Russia’s concerns about China’s growing military power and its resulting determination to maintain nuclear deterrence of China remained apparent. Since the onset of the Ukraine crisis, Russia and China have built an increasingly close relationship, leading to a new phase of implicitly cooperative nuclear relations featuring coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States. The two countries jointly oppose US efforts to build missile defense systems and high-precision conventional weapons. They coordinate their positions on such issues as multilateral arms control and the post-INF strategic landscape. Russia is helping China to build a missile attack early warning system. Growing levels of defense cooperation raise the possibility of coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States in a crisis.

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Gabel, Jasmin. "The Challenge of Strategic Communication in Multinational Military Operations: Approaches by the United States and Germany in the ISAF." In Communication, Interpreting and Language in Wartime, 109–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27037-7_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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Ragulskaya, M., and E. Tekutskaya. "Solar-terrestrial relations: solar activity and the COVID-19 pandemic." In ASTRONOMY AT THE EPOCH OF MULTIMESSENGER STUDIES. Proceedings of the VAK-2021 conference, Aug 23–28, 2021. Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51194/vak2021.2022.1.1.130.

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COVID-19 pandemic took the start at the lows of the 11-year and quasi-century solar cycle. The genogeographic character-istics of the population have become one of the signiﬁcant factors determining the development of the local epidemics. Thelargest number of victims per 1 million inhabitants is recorded in the territories with a dominant haplogroup R1b: Italy,Spain, France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States. The R1a haplogroup is characterized by the rapid develop-ment of the COVID-19 pandemic with low mortality and a large number of asymptomatic patients (Russia, Germany, andIran). The level of herd immunity achieved through vaccination also depends on the genetic makeup of the population andsolar activity. Its value is highest for countries with a dominant haplogroup R1b (about 80% for haplogroup R1b versus40% for haplogroup N). The resulting eﬀect can be associated with the generation of reactive oxygen species and aﬀectedhuman adaptive capabilities.

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Chen, Zhenyi. "Study On The Situation Between France And The South China Sea From The Perspective Of Balance Of Power Theory." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.011.

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ABSTRACT With the rise of China and the escalation of tension between China and the United States, European countries led by Britain, France and Germany pay increasing attention to the regional situation in the Asia-Pacific (now known as "Indo-Pacific"). Among them, the South China Sea (SCS) is one of the main areas disputed by China, the United States, Southeast Asian countries and some European countries. Western countries are worried that the rise of China's military power will break the stability of the situation in SCS and alter the balance of power among major powers. Therefore, they tried to balance China's rise through alliance. In France's Indo-Pacific strategy, France aims to build a regional order with the alliance of France, India and Australia as the core, and regularly carry out military exercises targeting SCS with the United States, Japan and Southeast Asian countries. This paper aims to study the activities and motivation of France in the South China Sea, and put the situation in SCS under the perspective of Balance of Power Theory, focusing on China, America and France. It will be argued that great powers are carefully maintaining the balance of military power in SCS, and it is highly possible that this trend would still last in the middle and long term, particularly via military deployment and strategic alliances. KEYWORDS: South China Sea, France, China, Balance of Power theory, Indo-Pacific.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.

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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."

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Reports on the topic "Germany – Military relations – United States"

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Grosso, Julio E. Politico-Military Relations, a Basis for Military Interaction between Argentina and the United States. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada227316.

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Holden, Thomas W. ROK (Republic of Korea)-US (United States) Military Relations: Transition of Defense Responsibility. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada208142.

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Jackson, Darla W. The European Convention on Human Rights: A Threat to United States-European Security Relations and the United States Military Justice System? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada420659.

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Gorman, B. J. The Importance of Civil-Military Relations and the Future of the United States as a World Superpower. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada511265.

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Wezeman, Pieter, and Alexandra Kuimova. Military Spending and Arms Imports by Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/zapt6109.

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Tense relations between Iran, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are a major cause for concern regarding stability, security and peace in the Gulf region and in the Middle East more generally. These states seek to play a major role in the Middle East and use arms as a key tool in the pursuit of this aim. To illustrate the importance given to military capability in these four states, this fact sheet provides a concise overview of trends and patterns of military expenditure and of arms imports—the main source of modern major arms for these states—in the period 1994–2018.

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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.

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