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1
Stolarczyk, Mieczysław. "Dilemmas of Poland’s foreign and security policies in the post-Cold War period in the context of its geopolitical location between Russia and Germany." Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis 26 (September 30, 2019): 45–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spus.2019.26.03.
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The research objective of this paper is the presentation of the influence (significance) of the geopolitical factor in Poland’s relations with the Russian Federation (Russia) and the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany) in the post-Cold War period, first and foremost the influence on the shares of convergent and divergent (contradictory) interests of Poland and the two countries, as well as relevant dilemmas concerning Poland’s foreign and security policies. The main research thesis is that the geopolitical factor remains one of the chief determinants of Poland’s relations with Russia and Germany despite the changes taking place in the international system (e.g. the acceleration of globalisation processes) in the last few decades. In the post-Cold War period, however, it affected Poland’s relations with Russia in a much more negative way than it did the Polish-German relations. The German problem in its traditional sense of a hazard source diminished considerably in the Polish foreign policy in the abovementioned period, while the significance of the Russian problem increased. The decision makers of the Polish foreign policy viewed Germany first and foremost as a partner and an ally (within NATO), while Russia was seen as the main hazard to Polish security, including a military hazard in the form of a direct invasion. Wishing to present more detailed matters, the paper brings to the fore i.a. the issues concerning the essence of the geopolitical factor in the foreign policies of countries, certain conditions of Poland’s geopolitical location in the post-Cold War period, the main stages of Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in that period together with their characteristics, the main areas of divergent interests in Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century, the similarities and differences in Poland’s policy toward Germany and Russia in the post-Cold War period as well as the main dilemmas of the Polish foreign policy toward the end of the second decade of the 21st century stemming from Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany. One main conclusion formulated on the basis on those deliberations is that Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany does not doom Polish relations with the two countries to a confrontational nature for historical reasons. The geopolitical factor is not an independent prime mover; it does not entail geopolitical determinism which automatically eliminates the possibility of influencing Poland’s geopolitical situation by subsequent Polish governments. The geopolitical location does not determine eternal enemies or eternal friends because one can derive various conceptions, programmes and objectives of the foreign policy from the same geopolitical location of Poland.
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HACKE, CHRISTIAN. "Challenges for German Foreign Policy at the Beginning of the 21st Century." European Review 13, no. 4 (October 2005): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000785.
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Why is it that the foreign policy of Germany's Red/Green government differs so remarkably from that of earlier German administrations – and what promises and dangers does this hold for the future? A careful analysis of the biographical background of today's German leaders, Chancellor Schröder and foreign minister Fischer in particular, explains the leftist and anti-American twist of current German policy. As children of the radical movement of 1968, these leaders hold a distorted view of Germany's history that ails their foreign policy decision-making. Instead of cultivating the success, the style, and the smoothness of German foreign policy until reunification, they try to distance the new ‘Berlin Republic’ from the old ‘Bonn Republic.’ Moralizing rhetoric and the divide between ambitions (permanent membership of the UN security council, for instance) and capabilities (especially regarding the chronically underfunded military) characterize Schröder's ‘German Way’ – with disastrous consequences. While containment of the Soviet Union was the overarching principle of the Cold War, German leaders today seem determined to contain American influence and to counter the American arrogance of power with the German arrogance of impotence. Thus, they fail to deliver any of the much-needed coherence and clarity about Germany's role in the world.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "German-Algerian Relations by the Early 2020s in the Context of the Germany’s Regional Policy: Political and Military Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-683-699.
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, there has been a noticeable increase in German efforts to ensure security in the Mediterranean Sea. This is part of the growing activities to ensure a strong strategic position in North and West Africa, including the settlement of existing armed conflicts here as sources of threats to instability for Germany and its EU partners. Consequently, Germany found itself increasingly interested in finding reliable strategic partners, one of which is Algeria, which makes the topic of this article relevant. The purpose of the study is to examine bilateral security and defense relations with a special focus on the second half of the 2010s and early 2020s with the help of comparative and event-analysis. Having an applied character, this topic has not yet found detailed coverage in the works of both domestic and foreign, especially German, researchers. The historic background of the German-Algerian dialogue is presented. The growth of high-level contacts in the second half of the 2010s is shown, with Germany having to focus on negotiations with the frequently changing figure of the Algerian prime minister. The article also explores the constraints for the cooperation of German and Algerian armed forces on land and sea, as well as the dynamics of military-technical cooperation. The bilateral cooperation in the resolution of the armed conflict in Mali, first of all, in its northern region (Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu) is considered. The political and diplomatic cooperation on the Libyan track in the middle and second half of the 2010s, as well as shortly after the Berlin Conference on Libya in January 2020, is revealed. In the early 2020s, there was a sharp decline in the intensity and volume of bilateral cooperation in almost all areas. In addition to COVID-19, the importance of domestic political factors and the temporary decline in the practical value of the partnership in Libya and Mali for Germany are stressed. A forecast of the dynamics of bilateral relations is finally given.
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Kudryavtseva, T. V. "Cultural Memory: to 100th Anniversary of A. M. Gorky Stay in German Saarov." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 1 (February 7, 2023): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-1-232-245.
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The article presents evidence of A. M. Gorky’s stay in the German city of Saarov in 1922-1923. Within the framework of the historical-contextual approach, an attempt was made to show how the mechanisms for preserving and updating memory function in relation to a particular writer. We are talking about the world-famous classic of Russian / Soviet literature — A. M. Gorky. It is traced how his personality and creative heritage, which once became part of world literature, are perceived in a foreign cultural space of the 21st century (namely, a century after Gorky’s stay in Germany at the beginning of the 20th century). The analysis involves both material objects of culture (museum complexes, monuments, etc.), onomastic geolocation, and elements of memorial culture related to written sources. These are the memoirs of contemporaries, research, as well as the actualization of Gorky’s work at the level of mass consciousness (the creation of a certain citation book from Gorky’s works, etc.). It is concluded that Gorky’s personality and work continue to be an integral part of the memorial culture of Germany, and his name, despite the change of generations, ideologies and geopolitical shifts, has not been erased from the cultural map of this country.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany: Back to the Future?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-69-78.
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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.
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Kirilova, Ekaterina A., and Evgeny F. Troitsky. "The Cultural Interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany from 2000 till 2020." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 470 (2021): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/470/18.
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In the modern world, culture is an integral part of the state policy. The authors note the importance of cultural policy as a tool for countries to improve their relations, overcome crisis situations and build further development paths, in spite of political differences. The article deals with the cultural interaction between Germany and Russia during the 21st century. The chosen period is explained by the coming to power of Vladimir Putin in the Russian Federation and the beginning of significant changes in the state's foreign and domestic policies. During the examination of this topic, the research methods of classification, systemic approach, and historical analysis were used. With the help of historical analysis, the history of cooperation between the two states, starting from the 9th century, was considered. Common and different features in the historical past of Russia and Germany were also established. The systemic approach made it possible to define cultural policy as an integral element of the country's foreign policy. The classification method involves the division of cultural policy into several areas in which the Russian Federation and the FRG interact. The work on this article was carried out using laws in the field of international cultural cooperation, a large amount of information from official news portals (RIA Novosti, TASS, RBC), official websites of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin and the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Moscow. The vectors of interaction between the two states are described in detail: scientific and technological cooperation; academic mobility; exchange programs for students, scientists, exchange of methodological literature; cross-years; forum campaign; preservation of historical memory in the territory of both states; support programmes for compatriots living in Russia and Germany; activities to promote and remain both Russian and German languages, etc. Within each direction, the forms and ways, in which countries work together, are described. This research allowed drawing conclusions about culture's significance in the formation of a positive/negative image of the state, as well as to highlight an important pattern: with the help of cultural policy, states can both improve relations and provoke conflict. Thus, the authors analyzed various forms and mechanisms of the cultural interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. There is a rich historical experience and economic basis for fruitful cooperation between the two countries and their nations. That is why two states have been able to maintain a dialogue at different levels, resolve conflict situations and restore contacts for many centuries. Therefore, both Russia and the FRG can continue to work in this direction in order to strengthen relations and bring them to a new level with the help of cultural policy.
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Glukhova, A. V. "Populism in the 21st century: Today, tomorrow, always?" Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-33-61.
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The concept of populism has been known since Antiquity. However, in recent decades it gained new prominence amongst politicians and political experts. The present paper attempts to reconstruct the image of populism of the 21st century and to assess the viability of populist parties and movements involved in the context of current social and political processes within Western societies. The first section of the paper examines various definitions of populism elaborated by both Russian and foreign political scholars. On that basis the author attempts to identify the core meaning of this phenomenon, its historic roots and psychological underpinnings, as well as a social-political profile today. The author highlights such constituent elements of the populist discourse that crystallized throughout its development, as direct appeal to the public sentiments, oversimplification of reality and the use of manipulative techniques. The second section of the paper examines the origins and characteristic features of the populist wave that spanned across both developed and developing countries in the early 21st century. For that matter, the effects of globalization are considered particularly problematic, as they have uncertain implications for international relations and exacerbate social and economic tensions even within developed societies creating both ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. They also allowed various populist movements to take advantage of the growing social instability in the wake of the global financial crisis of 2008–2009. Additionally, the author links the recent rise in the populist sentiments to the deepening crisis of traditional political party systems, the erosion of principles of parliamentarianism and the development of new information and communication technologies. The author stresses that in these circumstances different charismatic leaders gain new opportunities for mobilizing public support. The research concludes that the prospects for the ongoing populist wave are best described by a formula, proposed by a German political scientist Klaus von Beyme: ‘Populism never lasts very long — but it is somehow always around’.
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Ciesielska-Klikowska, Joanna. "Cooperation of German cities with Chinese partners and its importance for Germany’s foreign policy." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2021.74.1.06.
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The 21st century is a time of enormous development of cities as political, economic and social actors actively shaping the global scene. Among them German cities are important actors on the international political arena, as they have extensive competences to conduct foreign policy, resulting from the federal system. Over the past years, contacts of German cities with Chinese entities have experienced a particularly dynamic development. For German cities their Chinese partners have become both cooperators in terms of administrative and economic solutions, but also more and more often collaborators on educational and cultural issues.The aim of this article is, thus, to map the connections between German and Chinese cities, and then to refer to the place which international relations conducted by sub-state entities find in foreign policy implemented at the federal level. The starting point for the analysis is the presentation of the role of city diplomacy, and then results of a survey conducted among officials representing German cities inhabited by at least 50,000 people. The author will present the conditions of bilateral cooperation between cities, key areas of cooperation, determinants of success and the most common problems. In the last part, the author will analyze the role played by cities in the German political reality. In this way, the author will indicate whether the actions towards Chinese partners are coordinated with other institutions at the regional and national level.
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Leontyeva, Varvara. "On the History of Studying Modal Verbs in the German Language." Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, no. 51 (September 30, 2020): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-51-3-64-76.
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The article is an overview and a summary of the study of modal verbs in the German language in Russian and foreign linguistics, from Antiquity to the present day, in line with the holistic study of modality in world linguistics. Using the methods of generalization and systematization, the author analyzes monographs and articles by Russian and foreign experts in the field of the history of the German language, functional grammar, and morphology. While a considerable number of works by foreign and Russian linguists in the 20th century are devoted to the issues of semantics of preterite-present and modal verbs in specific historical periods of the development of the German language, there are still many open questions in this area. Throughout almost the entire 20th century, Germanists viewed modal verbs mainly as a means of expressing internal modality, i.e., the attitude of the speaker to the action being performed. However, in the late 20th and early 21st century, they began to actively study the subjective use of modal verbs. Much modern literature on the subject is devoted to the study of German modal verbs in the function of subjective (epistemic) modality. This article focuses on etymological, semantic, grammatical, and functional features of modal verbs in modern German and discusses a number of controversial issues, such as the question of whether modal verbs are a closed or open cluster of vocabulary, that is, whether it is possible, at the present stage of language history, to include other linguistic units into the category of modal units, it these other units answer certain semantic or grammatical criteria. It is also open to discussion whether there is a one-to-one corre-spondence between a modal verb and the type of modal relations that is expressed with the help of this verb in speech, and vice versa. The author highlights such significant aspects as grammaticalization of modal verbs, correlation of modal verbs with various types of modal relations, primary and secondary meanings of modal verbs, characteristics of the preterito-presentia, compatibility of modal verbs, and syntactic features of their usage. The relevance of this study lies in the fact that it gives a more comprehensive understanding of functions and pragmatics of modal verbs as a special lexical cluster in speech.
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Diakovskyi, O. S., and K. А. Nizheiko. "INSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL MEASURES FOR ENSURING THE FUNCTIONING OF INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC ALLIANCES IN THE IT-SECTOR." Economics and Law, no. 4 (December 8, 2022): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econlaw.2022.04.092.
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The growth of economic entities and their desire for unification affects the increase in world trade and the increasing appearance of International Strategic Alliances aimed at overcoming the economic crisis created by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Analysis of latest research and publications has shown that modern research is not of a systematic nature; taking into account the rapid spread of international strategic alliances in the 21st century, the issues of their institutional and legal functioning require a more detailed analysis. The purpose of the study is to identify the institutional and legal regulation of the activities of International Strategic Alliances (ISA) in world practice, which would allow to substantiate the directions for improving the domestic environment for their creation and functioning in the IT-sector. It has been proven that national legislation regulates International Strategic Alliances with the help of regulatory and legal acts. Depending on the functioning of the laws, the creation and registration of economic entities, which in the future would be able to form an association in the form of an alliance to further define their purpose, goals and tasks, is either accelerated or slowed down. The presence of proper regulation of the functioning of strategic alliances affects the foreign involvement factor the formation of ISAs. In the context of implementing European experience in Ukraine, it is determined that international cooperation in Germany is based on a number of indirect political and institutional features that help German companies adapt to rapid technological transformations quite effectively. Having analyzed the main normative legal acts regulating the range of public relations in the field of functioning of International Strategic Alliances in global practice, it was established that, for example, the current legislation of Ukraine does not contain a special separate law on the regulation of these relations, the practice in this field indicates the need to increase legal culture in this area by means of regulatory regulation of such relations, which will be the basis for the further development of the functioning of alliances. In the context of using the EU experience, the experience of Germany, which has a certain institutional variety of tools and mechanisms, is useful. Since the early 1970s, German governments have been able to promote the development of technological capabilities at home, supporting open markets abroad, including by intensifying the development of international cooperation, demonstrating a clear orientation of the economy to the producer, not to the consumer.
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Nogalski, Bogdan, Andrzej Kozłowski, and Iwona Zofia Czaplicka-Kozłowska. "Financial Security of the Public Sector Versus the Indebtedness of Local Self-Government." Internal Security 10, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7522.
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The 19th and 20th century in the history of Poland was primarily a time of foreign domination by neighbouring countries, mainly Russia and Germany. Except for the inter-war period of 1918–1939 when there was an attempt to rebuild an independent country, Polish culture in its social and economic dimension underwent a vicious destruction for almost 2 centuries. For that reason, political changes initiated in Poland in 1989 resulted in the emergence of new hope for the revival of its sovereignty and its restoration as a sovereign and democratic country. After years of enslavement the regenerated Poland was economically weak in almost all its dimensions. Due to decisions made in the 1990s and the first years of the 21st century there was a hope for a clear acceleration of social and economic growth. The activities required the necessity of implementation of economic and rational procedures in financial management as well as the allocation of huge financial resources mainly for investment in the area of public utilities, and also for the implementation of modern technologies and methods in nearly all areas of economic and social life. The article is dedicated to the problem of the financial security of the country in relation to the burdens of debt of local authorities, particularly those at the lowest level of the governance structure of the country. Assuming that local authorities in the Polish legal system are public-legal unions equipped with a legal identity that act in their own name and at their own responsibility, it is the members of organisations who are directly responsible for an excessive indebtedness which can affect not only the financial security of the whole public-legal union which is a local self-government, but also the financial security of citizens.
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Studinski, Volodymyr, and Iryna Dovgopol. "Modern high-speed transportation trends in the context of Ukraine’s european integration policy: problem definition." University Economic Bulletin, no. 40 (March 1, 2019): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2019-40-129-133.
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The article reveals the problem issues of development of transport communication links in the system of European integration policy of Ukraine. In today's conditions of integration development, the role of transport is constantly growing not only as a means of transportation but also as a necessary condition for the development of social, in particular, economic, relations. Ukraine is in the system of transport networks connecting Western, Central Europe with the Eastern part of it, and also historically important in the conjunctions of the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea basin. Therefore, considering Ukraine in the system of European integration policy, it becomes clear that one of the important directions of development is the transport sphere itself. It is worth agreeing with the opinion of domestic experts that the sphere of transport itself plays a significant role in the economy of the country, mediating the process of exchange of goods both on the domestic and foreign markets. Modern trends in the development of vehicles, transport technologies, transport management provide an opportunity to significantly expand the geography of transportation, increase the volume of transport services and innovate approach to the development of own transport infrastructure. Innovative technologies in the field of transport contribute to radical changes not only in the views of trends in the development of advanced technologies, but also the real creation of new vehicles, or the embodiment of the ancient dreams of humanity to move on land for long distances at high speeds. One of these trends is Hyperloop - a draft of a kind of vacuum traction that was proposed by American engineers at the beginning of the 21st century. The project has already gained its commitment in many countries around the world: the USA, China, India, OAU, France, Germany, South Korea, Ukraine and other countries. On the one hand, such a project seems utopian, and on the other - its implementation will encourage new approaches in the transport system and the links between different regions and cities of the European continent in particular. It will also contribute to further deepening integration ties in Europe and the world by means of transport.
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Hoffmann, Stanley, and Patrick McCarthy. "France-Germany in the 21st Century." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 6 (2001): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050371.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany Facing Challenges of 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2012): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-34-41.
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The state of Russia-Germany relations is examined in the article. In Moscow, Russia-Germany strategic partnership is regarded as one of the key factors in European and global politics. The bilateral dialogue is tonified by intensive, eventful contacts of the two countries' leaders. Today, in the bilateral relations there are no unsolvable problems, which could block the interaction across a broad range of international life issues.
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Scalapino, Robert. "Japan's Foreign Policy in the 21st Century." American Foreign Policy Interests 25, no. 2 (April 2003): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920301100.
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D. G, Sri Hanumanthappa. "INDO-RUSSIAN RELATION IN 21st CENTURY." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 1, no. 5 (February 28, 2014): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v1i5.3052.
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This Paper Focuses on a major problem likely to occur in Indo-Russian foreign policy leveraged by internal policy contradictions the Russia is facted with the foreign policy experts are facing baffling situation as to share what shape the indo-Russian foreign policy would take in view of festimently changing international political enlivenment with regard to co-operation and co-ordination in the arena of myriad strategic developments and on the other hand the native factors in case of Russia like concentration of power in the president himself in the presidential form government in the newly adorned democratic system and the self-development concerns are some of the political Issues sattering Russian foreign policy establishment. It is against this background, it appears to be a frabbing situations for Indian policy makers and therefore are being challenged by the prevailing Constrictive Factors both India and Russia and it is in this juncture it is to be seen where Indo-Russian policy stands and what would be its nature in the perspective time and equally seriously worry some is the case if pondered over in the retrospective mode. Indo-Russia have been traditional friends and India looking for world for reveal and rejoinders and also maintaing those stable traditional relations but the corporative tendencies and power-centric polity would allow them to be up to Indian’s expectation is still something to be deciphered what appens to be fetid it is that the age-old relation’s based on mutuality and personal initivies would be drawing factors into discussion as to whether those pristine indomitable value added foreign policy existed over a long period of time would sustion itself or not will be given prime importance in the discussion and also in an endeavor it could be seen whether rapidly changing Russian political miliev would consider those values and allow to grow indo-Russian relations in the traditional mood.
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Balabeikina, O., A. Dmitriev, and E. Solodyankina. "Religious Institution as Part of Social and Economic Sphere." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 9 (2022): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-119-129.
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The subject of the article is the peculiarities of functioning of the structural components of the major religious institution, the identification and substantiation of the degree of its significance in the social and economic development of a country on the example of the Roman Catholic Church of Austria (RCCA). The aim of the work is a comprehensive characterization of manifestations of economic, social, culture-forming role of the leading religious organization at the national level, using the methods of processing statistical and empirical data adopted in economic and regional-confessional studies. It is shown that in Austria, since the beginning of the 21st century, there has been a sharp decline in the number of persons who remain members of the national Christian Church. The RCCA has an annual quantitative loss in the number of parishioners: 1–1.5% of their total number. Over a 10-year period (2009–2019), the proportion of Catholic adherents in Austria has fallen from 62.2 to 56%, according to calculations based on official reports. In this study, the territorial concentration coefficient for the parishes of the RCC was calculated and gave a relatively low value, indicating the accessibility of Catholic parishes to the population in various regions of Austria in terms of social and other activities organized on their premises. This indicator remains stable over time. The RCCA is currently represented in the country by a dense network of parishes (3014 as of 2019). The basis of the church-administrative territorial division at the regional level consists of two archdioceses and seven dioceses, the boundaries of which fully coincide with the federal states of Austria. This fact allows us to raise the question of the degree of influence of RCCA structures on the development of individual regions of the country, including through the implementation of socially significant activities, partially duplicating state functions that receive budgetary funding. The RCCA also has a traditional focus on social responsibility for Christian national churches in Europe, which is related to facilitating the adaptation of migrants. Activities contributing to this goal include German as a foreign language courses in individual parishes, temporary housing, employment assistance, etc. The model of development of the confessional space in Austria, where the leading role is played by the national RCC, has a number of distinctive characteristics that condition and confirm the high importance of the religious institution in the social and economic development of the state. The presented experience of Austria can be useful for the leadership of religious organizations in Russia, European and other countries, where the leading civilizational basis is the Christian religion.
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Poudel, Purushottam. "Book Title: Nepal India China, Relations in the 21st Century." Asian Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44766.
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Baumann, Renato. "Brazilian external sector so far in the 21st century." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 53, spe (December 2010): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292010000300003.
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Although Brazil has traditionally been characterized by a culture of inward-looking policy making, the presence of foreign firms in the Brazilian productive sector has always been significant. The share of foreign-owned firms is one of the highest that can be found among developing countries. This article discusses the main features of the external sector of the Brazilian economy, regarding trade flows, foreign investment, the internationalization of Brazilian entrepreneurial groups and the short-term financial requirements in foreign currencies
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Copeland, Daryl. "Foreign policy, Foreign Service and the 21st. Century: The challenge of globalization." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 4, no. 3 (January 1997): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1997.9673107.
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Latkov, A. "Strategic Interests of Germany in the Balkans at the Turn of 20-21 Centuries." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-101-108.
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After the reunification of Germany and the transition of some countries of central and Eastern Europe under the control of the West, radical changes in the European political system have occurred. Germany turned into a powerful state and began to provide the strategy for independent foreign policy, in which the regional policy in the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East took the significant place. Germany tried to expand its influence to the countries of Balkan Peninsula, in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia, as well as in the beginning of 21st century. However, in the end of 20th century, after several failures in the foreign policy, Germany turned to Russia. Despite its expansionist policy, Germany had to coordinate every step with international organizations or even transfer them issues of conflict resolution in the region. Constantly competing with its allies (mainly the U.S. and UK), Germany was trying to build its foreign policy strategy in the way of increasing its influence in the strategically important region.
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Simons, Greg. "Russian Foreign Policy and Public Diplomacy: Meeting 21st Century Challenges." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 491–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-491-503.
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Foreign policy is about setting the policy aims and goals of a given country in the competitive environment of international affairs. When analyzing it, one should pay attention to many factors, namely, economic and energy potential, military-technical means, the presence of trade and economic partners, political weight and state image in the international arena, state membership in various international organizations. You can also highlight a number of tools that also play a large role in the foreign policy of states. As a specific instrument of foreign policy, public diplomacy concerns the regulation and management of international relations with various global publics in order to realise those foreign policy aims and goals. Specifically, public diplomacy intends to create a positive reputation and brand of the country, simultaneously increasing the countrys soft power potential, which is based on external and internal sources. This article intends to track and analyse the challenges and the role played by Russian public diplomacy in terms of meeting the challenges of the countrys foreign policy agenda in the 21st century. These challenges have been in a state of transformation as the nature of the environment of international relations changed. As a result, Russian public diplomacy has needed to evolve along with the changes at the global level and consequently the shifting demands enshrined in the foreign policy concepts. There are several identified distinct political policy periods noted: attempts to integrate into the Western-led global order; cooling relations with the United States dominated global order; and preparing for multi-polar and a post-Western global order.
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Stradomska, Marlena. "E-learning as a university challenge of the 21st century." Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja 19, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kse.2021.19.10.
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The article is one of several articles summarizing research carried out with a group of foreign students who come to Poland to participate in the Erasmus+ program. Method and research group: Research has been taking place since 2016 and is conducted using an interactive Google survey. The study group consists of 128 people aged 18 to 25 years. The respondents chose Poland, specifically the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, in order to complete a semester or an academic year. This article will also present structured interviews that were conducted with foreign students. Aim of the study: To learn about the attitude of foreign students towards modern teaching methods (e-learning). An additional goal was to verify the knowledge regarding this method of education and to compare Poland with the respondents’ home countries. Results: The respondents come from European countries such as Spain, Portugal, Germany, France, as well as, Braziland India. Most of them appreciate the possibilities of e-learning (87%). Over half of the respondents (62%) say that in Poland distance learning was rather not implemented until 2020. What changed this situation was the coronavirus outbreak. In social sciences, they also appreciate the possibility of classes in the traditional form due to the possibility of participating in workshops and specialist training, or giving presentations.
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Gill, Timothy M. "Sociological theory and US foreign policy in the 21st century." Current Sociology 66, no. 1 (November 17, 2016): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392116678441.
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In recent decades, several sociologists have moved beyond grand theories of international relations, and empirically examined the motivations of US foreign policy leading into the 21st century. This article discusses the work of three political sociologists who have examined US foreign policy from three prominent perspectives: Michael Mann, William Robinson, and Julian Go. Working from a neo-Weberian perspective, Mann highlights the rise of neoconservatism within the US government that has encouraged foreign expansion. From a neo-Marxist perspective, Robinson emphasizes the importance of transnational capitalist class interests, including the promotion of neoliberal policies, on US foreign policy. And working from a world-systems perspective, Go underscores how the US is a hegemon in decline attempting to regain its imperial footing through military aggression. While these researchers cover much ground and raise important questions, their perspectives also contain several blindspots that future work on issues of US foreign policy could address. Most importantly, these three theoretical perspectives have neglected the importance of ideology in making sense of contemporary US foreign policy, and this article argues that future work should more intensively examine how ideology influences foreign policymaking in the US.
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MAFTEI, Jana, and Anișoara POPA. "Cultural Diplomacy in the 21st Century in the European Context." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 19 (June 8, 2021): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2020.10.
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The fundamental role of culture in the development of international relations is undeniable, cultural diplomacy being an important component of public diplomacy. In this article we aim to analyse the influence of cultural diplomacy on the foreign policy of states in the general context of a constantly changing world. We will highlight the importance that the European Union attaches to the valorisation of the cultural diversity, the intercultural dialogue, the remarkable potential of culture for its foreign relations and we will explore the main trends in the development of cultural diplomacy. For the development of the paper, we used as research methods the analysis of the problems generated by the mentioned subject, with reference to the doctrinal points of view expressed in treatises and specialized works, documentary research, interpretation of legal norms in the field.
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Johnson, Karin. "21st Century International Higher Education Hotspots." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): v—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1851.
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The Institute of International Education (IIE) 2018 Open Doors report highlighted that the United States is the leading international education destination, having hosted about 1.1 million international students in 2017 (IIE, 2018a). Despite year over year increases, U.S. Department of State (USDOS, 2018) data show that for a third year in a row, international student visa issuance is down. This is not the first decline. Student visa issuance for long-term academic students on F visas also significantly dropped following the 9/11 attacks (Johnson, 2018). The fall in issuances recovered within 5 years of 2001 and continued to steadily increase until the drop in 2016.
Taken together, the drops in international student numbers indicate a softening of the U.S. international education market. In 2001, the United States hosted one out of every three globally mobile students, but by 2018 it hosted just one of five (IIE, 2018b). This suggests that over the past 20 years, the United States has lost a share of mobile students in the international education market because they’re enrolled elsewhere.
The Rise of Nontraditional Education Destination Countries
Unlike the United States, the percentage of inbound students to other traditional destinations such as Canada, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, has remained stable since the turn of the 21st century. Meanwhile, nontraditional countries like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Russia are garnering more students and rising as educational hotspots (Knight, 2013). The UAE and Russia annually welcome thousands of foreign students, respectively hosting over 53,000 and 194,000 inbound international university students in 2017 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2019). This is not happenstance. In the past 5 years, these two countries, among others, have adopted higher education internationalization policies, immigration reforms, and academic excellence initiatives to attract foreign students from around the world.
The UAE is one of six self-identified international education hubs in the world (Knight, 2013) and with 42 international universities located across the emirates, it has the most international branch campuses (IBCs) worldwide (Cross-Border Education Research Team, 2017). Being a country composed of nearly 90% immigrants, IBCs allow the UAE to offer quality higher education to its non-Emirati population and to attract students from across the Arab region and broader Muslim world. National policy and open regulations not only encourage foreign universities to establish IBCs, they alsoattract international student mobility (Ilieva, 2017). For example, on November 24, 2018, the national government updated immigration policy to allow foreign students to apply for 5-year visas (Government.ae, 2018). The Centennial 2071 strategic development plan aims for the UAE to become a regional and world leader in innovation, research, and education (Government.ae, 2019), with the long-term goal of creating the conditions necessary to attract foreign talent.
Russia’s strategic agenda also intends to gain a greater competitive advantage in the world economy by improving its higher education and research capacity. Russia currently has two higher education internationalization policies: “5-100-2020” and “Export Education.” The academic excellence project, known as “5-100-2020,” funds leading institutions with the goal to advance five Russian universities into the top 100 globally by 2020 (Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, 2018). The “Export Education” initiative mandates that all universities double or triple the number of enrolled foreign students to over half a million by 2025 (Government.ru, 2017). These policies are explicitly motivated by boosting the Russian higher education system and making it more open to foreigners. Another growing area is international cooperation. Unlike the UAE, Russia has few IBCs, but at present, Russian universities partner with European and Asian administrators and government delegates to create dual degree and short-term programs. Historically, Russia has been a leading destination for work and education migrants from soviet republics in the region, but new internationalization policies are meant to propel the country into the international education market and to attract international students beyond Asia and Europe.
Future Trends in 21st Century International Education
Emerging destination hotspots like the UAE and Russia are vying to become more competitive in the global international higher education market by offering quality education at lower tuition rates in safe, welcoming locations closer to home. As suggested by the softening of the U.S. higher education market, international students may find these points attractive when considering where to study. Sociopolitical shifts that result from events such as 9/11 or the election of Donald Trump in combination with student mobility recruitment initiatives in emerging destinations may disrupt the status quo for traditional countries by rerouting international student enrollment to burgeoning educational hotspots over the coming decades.
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Shcherbakova, Anna D. "BRAZIL’S REGIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2022): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-49-59.
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The article deals with policy aimed to strengthen the country’s role in South America of the Brazilian governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro in the first two decades of the 21st century. The Brazil’s desire to become a part of the global community based on leadership in South America was articulated at the beginning of the 20th century by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Baron de Rio-Branco. Since then it has become a key issue of Brazilian foreign policy. It was shown in the article that Lula’s strategy for playing a more prominent role in regional affairs was especially successful in the areas of subregional integration and creation of new formats of multilateral cooperation. In context of significant changes of the regional context because of electoral results and impact of external factors such as the Covid-19 pandemic the current Brazilian government had to review of its approach to the state positioning within the region. This change has already affected Brazil’s relations with other South American countries and effectiveness of its regional leadership.
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Bellamy, Christopher. "Britain in the 21st century: rethinking defence and foreign policy." International Affairs 73, no. 3 (July 1997): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624286.
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Davydova, Yulia A., Olga P. Kokoulina, and Natalia N. Denisenkova. "US FOREIGN POLICY AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY: RELATIONS WITH CHINA." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 2 (2019): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2019-2-95-102.
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Kosau, Alexandr. "Post-Soviet Space in Russian-American Relations (First Quarter of the 21st Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019622-3.
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This publication examines the policy of Russia and the United States in the post-Soviet space in the first two decades of the 21st century. The materials were information sources on the foreign policy of the two countries, as well as research by Russian and Western authors using general scientific and special historical methods. The purpose of the article is to examine the role and place of the post-Soviet space in Russian-American relations in the 21st century. In the 21st century, the post-Soviet space has become an arena of geopolitical rivalry between Russia and the United States. This happened due to the cardinal divergence of the national interests of Moscow and Washington in the region. The United States decided to reformat the post-Soviet space, finally ousting the Russian Federation with the prospect of changing the political regime in Russia itself. The realization of this fact by the Kremlin has led to the strengthening, to the best of its ability, of Russian opposition to American penetration into the region. Consequently, in the 21st century, the post-Soviet space has become one of the irritants of Russian-American relations.
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Awan, Abdul Ghafoor. "China’s Economic Growth - 21st Century Puzzle." Global Disclosure of Economics and Business 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2013): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/gdeb.v2i2.177.
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China’s fast economic growth since 1960s was the result of gradual shift in its economic system, open door policy and its accession to the world trade organization. The institutional reforms and access to foreign markets has been followed by investment strategies expanded 45% of Chinese GDP during last 40 years. The consistent vertical economic growth has no precedent in the economic history of the world. China has increased its share in world trade from 0.5% in 1960 to 10% in 2010 and accumulated foreign exchange reserves of US$3.19 trillion by March 2013. It is not less than a miracle.
The objective of this study is to investigate into the Chinese labour productivity and output in the short and long-run perspective to detect the real source of Chinese economic growth.
Our study is spread over a period starting from 1962 to 2010 because of political and economic stability with minor crisis. The data was taken from China Bureau of National Statistics, IMF, World Bank and relevant research Journals and books. The variables included in this study are: labour productivity, investment, exports, R&D expenses, capital stock, open door policy, real exchange rate and US GDP. The VAR model proposed by Johansen (1988), Johansen and Juselius (1990,1994) and Hendry and Mizon (1993) was used to measure the nature of relations among the above variables. Different tests including unit root test were applied to test the stability of the model.
The Econometric results show that international trade and investment in capital stock and R&D expenses by Chinese Government are the major determinants, which are responsible for enhancing labour productivity and output in the long-run, Similarly, real exchange rate appears as an important determinant to explain change in output in the long-run. US GDP has played no role in explaining Chinese output growth.
JEL Classification Code: F43; O47
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Huyen, Bui Thi, and Luu Van Quyet. "Russia’s Pivot to Asia and Russia-Vietnam Economic Relations in the Early 21st Century." Emerging Science Journal 6, no. 6 (December 1, 2022): 1492–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/esj-2022-06-06-017.
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Russia began to refocus its attention on the Asia-Pacific region in 1994, but the policy of pivoting toward Asia was implemented dramatically in the second decade of the 21st century. Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy and practical activities carried out by Russia in the region have impacted Russia-Vietnam relations generally and their economic ties in particular. Based on a qualitative approach and analysis of secondary data collected from previously conducted research works, this paper focuses on the following issues: (1) Adjustments made by Russia to its foreign policy towards Asia-Pacific over the first two decades of the 21st century; (2) Position of Vietnam in Russia’s foreign policy towards Asia–Pacific; and (3) Impacts of Russia’s new foreign policy on the economic ties between Russia and Vietnam over the first two decades of the 21st century. Based on the results of the analysis and evaluation, Russia's Asia-Pacific policy has been adjusted, particularly in the second decade of the 21stcentury, when the country turned its attention to Southeast Asia. Due to the importance of this region, Russia is implementing a comprehensive Asia policy and promoting Russia's interests in this region. The Russian Federation considers Vietnam an important partner in its "Look to the East" policy and plays a leading role because Vietnam is a country with an important geostrategic position to connect both land and sea between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia. This is reflected in the Russian Federation's upgrading of its strategic partnership with Vietnam from 2001 to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2012. The adjustment of the Asia-Pacific policy of the Russian Federation has positively affected the relationship between Vietnam and Russia in the economic fields (trade and investment). Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2022-06-06-017 Full Text: PDF
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Plewes, Betty. "Preparing for the 21st century: Why Canada needs a foreign policy review." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 2 (January 1993): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1993.9673004.
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Glass, G. Wayne, and Seyom Brown. "The Illusion of Control: Force and Foreign Policy in the 21st Century." International Journal 59, no. 3 (2004): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203969.
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Лукьянов, В. Ю. "Harmonization of the System of International Relations in the 21st Century: An Ideological Aspect." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v084.
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This article dwells on the role of ideology in the formation of the system of modern international relations. It is demonstrated that ideology’s influence on international relations grew in the 20th century, primarily during the Cold War. Having compared the ideologies of communism and Western democracy, the author comes to the conclusion that they formed the basis for the foreign policies of the USA and the USSR and justified the two powers’ actions on the international scene. The current geopolitical situation in the world demonstrates that in the 21st century ideology has not only retained its influence on foreign policy of individual states and international relations in general, but also increased it. Further, the author identifies three most important ideological doctrines of the 21st century: Western democracy, radical Islam and the concept of the Russian world. The formation of the ideological basis of foreign policy in modern Russia is considered separately. The ideological evolution of the foreign policy of the USSR (Russia) is analysed, from the concept of universal values of the perestroika period and the idea of Russia’s integration into the Western structures of the 1990s (implying partnership between Russia and the West) to the concept of the Russian world, which worsened Russia’s relations with the West and led to ideological confrontation. In the final part of the article, the author proposes ways to stabilize the international situation, mitigate the severity of ideological confrontation and achieve if not a consensus, then at least a compromise between the three main ideologies of our time: Western democracy, radical Islam and the ideology of the Russian world.
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Bisley, Nick, Robyn Eckersley, Shahar Hameiri, Jessica Kirk, George Lawson, and Benjamin Zala. "For a progressive realism: Australian foreign policy in the 21st century." Australian Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 2 (March 4, 2022): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2022.2051428.
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Cazzamatta, Regina. "Trends in the international news coverage on Latin America in Germany in the 21st century." Galáxia (São Paulo), no. 44 (August 2020): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-25532020245236.
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Abstract This study aims at analysing the main developments in foreign reporting of Latin America by the German press. The paper provides a content analysis of 3.831 articles published in quality German publications (SZNenhum, FAZ, Der Spiegel, and tazNenhum) between 2000 and 2014. The most common news factors related to the continent are found to be “magnitude,” “power status,” “economic proximity”, and “personification.” Additionally, we identified a decrease in hard news over the years (6 pp within Politics and 8 pp amidst Economy). Despite depoliticisation, a tendency towards tabloidisation was not confirmed since factors such as personification and crisis remained constant.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Aubuchon, Andrew Ryan. "US foreign policy and global standing in the 21st century: Realities and perceptions." Comparative Strategy 37, no. 3 (May 27, 2018): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2018.1486103.
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LEE, JOSEPH S. "SAGE DOCTRINE, SOCIAL CAPITAL, AND LABOR — MANAGEMENT RELATIONS IN 21ST CENTURY TAIWAN." Singapore Economic Review 59, no. 04 (September 2014): 1450034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590814500349.
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Within just four decades Taiwan was able to transform itself from a poor and backward economy into a high income, newly-industrialized economy. Taiwan's outstanding economic performance during this period prompted the World Bank and other international organizations to refer to this transformation as the "Taiwan miracle," and other developing countries have been encouraged to learn from Taiwan's experience. Harmonious and stable labor–management relations was — one of the major factors contributed to this successful development because they facilitated the inflow of a large amount of direct foreign investment (DFI) and therefore provided the island with the capital and appropriate advanced technologies that were urgently needed, and generated a large number of employment opportunities. In this paper, we use the concept of social capital to explain the causes of the harmonious labor–management relations in the past, and discuss the possible future of Taiwan's labor–management relations.
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Dr. Imran Khan and Dr. Karim Haider Syed. "The strategic relations of Pakistan and Russia in 21st Century." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 2, no. 1 (March 7, 2021): 259–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol2-iss1-2021(259-265).
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A systematic investigation of the steps that Russia has taken after 9/11 to improve strategic relations with Pakistan gives an idea of why it is moving so carefully towards Pakistan. Now it has become important to see what kind of steps Russia has taken to further enhance strategic relations with Pakistan. In June, 2014 the Russian leadership began negotiations to provide Pakistan with state-of-the-art war helicopters to combat drug traffickers (Ullah, 2014, p.1). This development has taken as a surprise in the international community and certainly is not one that can be easily overlooked. The United States and Europe are looking disturbed and some experts have made suppositions that Russia is maneuvering the withdrawal of NATO forces by increasing instability in Afghanistan to increase its role in the aftermath of the withdrawal of NATO forces. In the new situation, Pakistan will have to be strengthened at the front of foreign policy so that it can better cope with the state of affairs that can emerge after the withdrawal of NATO forces. Some experts believe that Russia no longer wanted to make things one-sided and want to increase the role of other stakeholders of the region in the solution of Afghanistan. In the past Russia has paid extraordinary attention to India and ignored Pakistan. These experts believe that Russia now wanted to create a balance of power in the region through cooperation with Pakistan and is trying not to give too much to any one country in the world. Talks between Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and Russian President Putin during the SCO summit in June 2019 were highlighted in the national media of Pakistan and Russia as well as in the international media (Pakistan eyes new horizons with Russia, 2019). The history and nature of Pakistan-Russia relations have been very unique and interesting. Pakistan and Russia relations teach the lesson that elements like sentimentality, friendship, and enmity have no place in international relations. In the modern state system, these are the national interests, based on which the two states can come closer to each other and work together to achieve their goals by putting their difference of past behind the scene.
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Rozanova, N. "Foreign Experience of Competition Policy in Digital Economy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 2 (2022): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-2-15-22.
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Economic reality has dramatically changed in the 21st century. Competition and monopoly behaviour are under radical transformation due to digital effects in contemporary business world. Digitalization has engendered many new types of monopolistic conduct and deeply altered traditional forms of firms’ misconduct. In a digital era, the antitrust policy should rethink its concepts of regulation, market power, and anticompetitive behaviour. The analysis of contemporary competition policy in different countries shows that traditional antitrust rules could not effectively deal with digital activity. Having entered even in an ordinary space of anticompetitive firm behaviour, digital world has challenged traditional concepts of antitrust policy. The antitrust rules that dominated in the 20th century are mostly outdated when applied to digital era trends. What should and could competition policy do to meet the requirements of the 21st century? The article touches upon contemporary foreign investigations in the sphere of competition and competition policy. Our analysis demonstrates the challenges that are under way in antitrust regulation. Special attention is paid on new patterns that characterize traditional forms of monopolistic behaviour (cartels, dominant misconduct, predatory pricing, exclusive dealing, etc.) in a digital world. There was drawn the conclusion concerning the vital necessity of a cardinal transformation for the antitrust policy from a hard state controller into a flexible business consultant, with the aim not to punish but to prevent market misconduct.
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Mann, Michael. "The first failed empire of the 21st century." Review of International Studies 30, no. 4 (September 29, 2004): 631–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006266.
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American foreign policy has been recently dominated by the venture into Iraq. This has not gone well. Most criticism has focused on ‘mistakes’ – there were not enough US troops, or they were of the wrong type, the Iraqi army was mistakenly disbanded after it surrendered, looting was not anticipated, oil expectations were unreal, the US depended too much on Iraqi exile claims, and so forth. Indeed, these were mistakes. 250,000 troops trained also in police roles would have made a difference. So might Iraqi army units converted into security police. So might better planning all round. But the mistakes were only the surface phenomena of a more profound American failure. The Iraq venture was doomed from the outset by the attempt to create what some neo-conservatives styled a ‘New American Empire’. This exaggerated American powers, made facile historical comparisons with previous Empires, mis-identified the enemy, and mis-identified the century we live in. This early twenty-first century attempt at Empire is failing. There will not be others.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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A. M., BAICHOROV, and DENIZ ALI HAZER. "THE EVOLUTION OF TURKISH-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE 21st CENTURY: THE POTENTIAL FOR PRAGMATISM." Journal of the Belarusian State University. International relations, no. 1 (June 17, 2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6848-2022-1-31-36.
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The article presents an overview of the Turkish foreign policy strategy and its implications for the development of Turkish-Russian relations. The bilateral relationship is viewed in the context of the Turkish-Russian summit of 2021 which became an important landmark gave an impetus to the future growth of the Turkish-Russian relationship. The influence of the international context on the Turkish-Russian rapprochement is also addressed.
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Silva, André Luiz Reis da, and Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa. "Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century: strategic interests in comparative perspective1." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 4 (February 18, 2021): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n4p132-150.
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This research aims to compare the strategic interests and the positioning at the foreign policy level of Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century, considering the rise to power of, respectively, Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and Justice and Development’s Party (AKP, in Turkish). Methodologically, it was used bibliographical research and analysis of speeches in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 2010 and 2015. It was verified convergence between Brazil and Turkey in themes as the acknowledgment of the multipolarity of the World Order, the necessity of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform, the importance of the fortification of the global economic governance by G-20 and the compromise with the International Law, with the terrorism combat and with the Humans Right protections. As divergence point, it was verified the debates about the sort of reform to be implemented at the UNSC and some questions involving the Arab Spring, such as the military intervention at Libya in 2011. At last, some themes are more recurrent at one country’s foreign policy than another’s; as topics regarding Central Asia and Middle East, at Turkey’s case, and subjects regarding BRICS and south-american regional integration, at Brazil’s case.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Kryvorotko-Taifur, K. S. "Features of foreign languages teachers’ training in the Universities of Germany (the beginning of the 21st century)." Pedagogical sciences reality and perspectives 1, no. 72 (2019): 254–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series5.2020.72-1.56.
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Narjoko, Dionisius, Titik Anas, and Robertus Herdiyanto. "The Elusive Pursuit of Import Substitution in 21st Century Indonesia." Asian Economic Papers 17, no. 1 (February 2018): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00588.
Full textAbstract:
This study evaluates the possible impact of an import substitution strategy recently implemented by the Government of Indonesia on the development of the intermediate inputs industry. Based on descriptive analysis, the study suggests that the implementation of the strategy was a misguided decision. Experiences from several countries confirm the negative impact of an import substitution strategy. The econometric analysis shows that trade protection impedes firms’ performance. Thus, it would be preferable for the government to have an open trade regime and to intensify foreign presence in the industry.
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Kuklinskaya, M. Ya. "Opera and “Director’s” Theatre of the 21st Century." Observatory of Culture 15, no. 3 (August 19, 2018): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2018-15-3-272-281.
Full textAbstract:
The article raises the issues of interaction between modern direction and the musical text of opera. Researches of foreign and domestic scientists in the fi eld of theatre studies and musicology allow analyzing a musical performance as an independent text, in which there is an interchange between different types of art. The author focuses on the opera as a dialogue between music and theater. The author proposes three main forms of the dialogue for consideration: the director and the composer, the director and the viewer, the director and the actor. The article expresses the opinion that, in the process of interaction between the director and the opera text, some myths appeared and started to impede the development of this process and to cause confl ict situations while analyzing the fi nal results. Among those kinds of myths, the author reckons the idea of director-conceptualist as the destroyer of the composer’s idea, the unconditional defi nition of this idea, and the so-called “reverse logic” of feeling and action in musical theater. Observing the functioning of each of these myths on concrete examples, the author comes to conclusion on the necessity to “debunk” them for further successful development of musical theater. From this position, the article analyzes fragments from operas by Russian and foreign composers and their stage impersonations. In the dialogue “director—viewer”, two main ways of the participants’ interaction are defi ned: the theater as a form of escapism and the theater as a “catalyst” of intelligence. The author emphasizes the need to have both the ways, so that the viewer should be able to choose. The author considers the relations between the director and the actor to be the most positive for the modern theatre, which led to the emergence of a new type of performer on the modern opera stage: singerartist, who fully owns the acting technique of “internal action”. The article concludes that there is an ambiguous, but rather perspective and positive situation in the modern musical theater, which determines further ways of the genre’s development.