Relevant bibliographies by topics / Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933

Academic literature on the topic 'Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933"

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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.

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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.

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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.
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Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.

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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
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Kovalov, Denys. "Review of the Monograph by H. Nevynna «German-Finnish Relations in 1933–1939. Kyiv: «Kondor», 2019. 160 p.»." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.19.

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The book «German-Finnish relations in 1933–1939» authored by H. Nevynna is reviewed. The publication is scientific and is intended for readers with the appropriate level of academic education in the humanities. There is in detail by the author’s scientific style presenting in monograph an analysis of key aspects of relations between Hitler’s Germany (Third Reich) and (the first) Republic of Finland in the difficult interwar period, more specifically – the 1930s. Moreover, there are revealed the basic principles and nature of bilateral relations, domestic political processes in Finland, as well as their direct impact on the foreign policy of this northern European country, including cooperation with the Germans. The author highlights the problem of so-called «Northern neutrality» in the context of unequal relations between the Finns and neighboring Scandinavian countries at the state level. It was noted the German-Finnish cooperation in the field of defense, security, economic and sociocultural spheres during 1933–1939. Despite the lack of visual material, but the abundance of qualitatively presented facts, a conclusion was made about the success of the selected issues and prospects for further study of the topic, taking into account the interest of the target audience.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Relations between Paris and Berlin in the 1920s in Light of the First World War." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-35-44.

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The central question of the article - how the long-term consequences of the First World War influenced the French foreign policy in relation to Germany in the 1920s. Basing on the archival and published French diplomatic sources the author analyses the French political course after 1918 and after 1945 in the comparative way with the attention to the elements of continuity and change in the Paris' conception relating to the over-Rhine neighbor.
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Tischler, Carola. "Behind the Curtains of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in the middle of the 1930s. On the Edition Deutschland und die Sowjetunion 1933–1941. Dokumente aus russischen und deutschen Archiven (2019)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.05.

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Research on international relations today is no longer limited to diplomatic contacts but also includes economic and cultural ties. Another factor that should not be neglected is the people themselves; the personalities who shaped politics. This text focuses on those concerned with German-Soviet relations in the 1930s, both at the “centre” in Moscow and at the Soviet plenipotentiary representation in Berlin. This article deals with this range of problems against the background of Soviet-German relations in the 1930s both in the Kremlin and in the Soviet mission in Berlin. The article is based on archival ma- terials discovered and published in the framework of the edition project “Germany and the USSR 1933–1941” pursued under the aegis of the Joint Commission on the Study of Contemporary History in Russian-German Relations. The methodological guidelines are borrowed from the works of Western historiography. The documents under scrutiny shed the light on the functioning of one of the primary foreign-political instruments — the diplomatic corpus of the Soviet Union and Germany. In the documents published in Volume 2, three main areas of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Relations’ (Narko- mindel) functioning are covered: the personnel responsible for the Soviet-German relations, the inner life of the Soviet mission in Berlin, and the work of the central apparatus in Moscow. On the basis of the interdepartmental correspondence of the Narkomindel staff, their memoranda, and the impressions of the German diplomats, one can get an impression of the level of professionalism of at least some Soviet diplomats. In sum- mary, owing to the publication of such a large amount of documents from the Russian and German archives, historians from different countries can now pursue research on a wide range of problems related to the international relations of the 1930s and early 1940s, which is extraordinarily important for understanding the causes and mechanisms which led to World War Two.
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Young, John W. "The Foreign Office, the French and the post-war division of Germany 1945–46." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1986): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113944.

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When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945, with the Americans and British on the one side and the Russians on the other seeing, not Germany, but each other as the post-war ‘enemy’. In 1946 Winston Churchill was already able to speak of an ‘iron curtain’ stretching from Trieste, on the Adriatic, to Stettin, on the Baltic. By 1949 each side had established control of its own bloc—the Russians predominating in the Eastern European ‘People's Republics’, the Americans drawing the West Europeans together with the Marshall Aid Programme and the North Atlantic Treaty.
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MULLIGAN, WILLIAM. "CIVIL–MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE EARLY WEIMAR REPUBLIC." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 819–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002698.

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The historiography on civil–military relations in the early years of the Weimar Republic has concentrated on issues such as the soldiers' councils, the threat of a radical left-wing uprising and the difficulties of demobilization. This article broadens the perspective on co-operation between the officer corps and the government, arguing that the collapse of the Kaiserreich provided an opportunity to remake the state. For very different reasons, liberal and socialist politicians and officers shared a community of interests in centralizing the Reich. Officers believed that a more centralized state was more effective in military and foreign policy terms. Whereas other incidents of co-operation were due to urgent necessity, the establishment of the Reichswehr Ministry showed that the new state could potentially serve the longer term agenda of the officer corps. However the plans for a centralized Reichswehr Ministry were opposed by those who held power in the federal states, particularly in southern Germany. With support from the National Assembly and the cabinet, opposition from the states was overcome. This episode in Weimar history shows that the view of antagonistic civil–military relations must be modified to take account of the ways in which the officer corps sought to exploit the possibilities opened up by the German revolution of 1918.
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Vatlin, Alexander. "Bolshevik intellectuals on the foreign policy front: the relationship between Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin and Plenipotentiary Adolf Joffe in 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021232-3.

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After coming to power in 1917, the Bolsheviks began to form their own system of foreign policy decision-making, rejecting the traditions and standards of bourgeois diplomacy in the Decree on Peace, and refusing to use the personnel of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first trial of the new system, built on the principles of revolutionary Marxism, took place during the Brest negotiations and ended in defeat for Soviet Russia. The signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on 3 March 1918 paved the way for the transition from war to peace between the two countries and, consequently, for the exchange of diplomatic representatives. The Soviet legation in Germany, headed by Joffe, was in fact the only 'window to Europe' for the Bolsheviks. Because of the lack of a fine-tuned foreign policy decision-making mechanism and the highly unstable communication between Moscow and Berlin, and because Joffe was not a professional diplomat, the activities of his plenipotentiary representation were determined by his prerevolutionary political experience and personal qualities. Rejecting the hierarchy of the old regime and making no secret of his own ambitions, Joffe came into continuous conflict with his immediate superior, the People' Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Chicherin, and this conflict continued until the Soviet plenipotentiary representative was expelled from Berlin in 1918. The author reconstructs the formation of key decisions in the sphere of Soviet-German relations at the end of the Great War on the basis of official correspondence between the People's Commissar and the Plenipotentiary, shows the role of human factor in the process and the mechanism of departmental and personal conflicts resolution, the core of which was the authority of Lenin. The author concludes that the process of shaping the Soviet foreign policy in 1918 was extremely rapid, generally in line with the pace of events, and developed by trial and error. The traditions and norms laid down in the first year of the work of the People's Commissariat largely influenced the subsequent history of Soviet diplomacy.
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Dudaiti, Albert K. "Problems of the formation of Soviet-Iranian relations in the interwar period (1918 – 1939)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-28-35.

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The article examines the complex process of the formation of bilateral relations between the RSFSR / USSR and Iran in the period between the two World Wars. The desire of the parties to establish bilateral relations on an equal, mutually beneficial basis-in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Moscow Treaty of 1921 – is revealed. There are permanent difficulties on the way of rapprochement between the two countries, caused, among other things, by the undisguised interference of England in the internal affairs of Iran. The article reveals the colonial essence of the British policy in Iran, reflected in the Anglo-Iranian treaty of 1921. The Iranian people showed growing dissatisfaction with the British dominance, demanded that the authorities put an end to it, and at the same time called on them to strengthen good-neighborly relations with the RSFSR. The paper traces the main milestones in the development of Soviet-Iranian relations after the state transition in Iran in 1921, and states positive results in bilateral cooperation in political, trade, economic and other spheres. Separately, the anti-Soviet foreign policy of the Shah’s regime at the turn of the 20-30s is traced, which caused great damage to the relations of the RSFSR with Iran. When analyzing the process of Iran’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany, it is emphasized that the pro-German course of Reza Shah Pahlavi not only created problems for the safe existence of Iran, but also, in general, threatened peace and stability in the Middle East.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933"

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Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. "US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949)." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.

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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.

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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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Lambrecht, Jeroen. "Belgian soldiers' perceptions of the enemy during the First World War, 1914 - 1918." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1993.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on November 5, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, William H. Schneider, Monroe H. Little. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-126).
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Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.

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Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Depoortere, Rolande A. "La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.

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Bingel, Karen J. (Karen Jane). "Ernst von Weizsäcker's diplomacy and counterdiplomacy from "Munich" to the outbreak of the Second World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65474.

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Škorpilová, Barbora. "Postavení německé menšiny v meziválečném Československu (1918-1939)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193405.

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This thesis deals with the issue of the German minority in the interwar Czechoslovakia as a factor of foreign policy of Germany. The aim is to analyse how German foreign policy misused this minority to expand his power. It will be also demonstrated which consequences this policy brought and how it affected the Czech-German relations to the present.
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LANFRANCHI, Pierre. "L'information sur l'ennemi dans la presse allemande pendant la premiere guerre mondiale." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5874.

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Defence date: 25 October 1988
Examining board: Pr. Peter Hertner (IUE-Florence, supervisor) ; Raymond Poidevin (Strasbourg, co-supervisor) ; Jean-Jacques Becker (Paris-Nanterre) ; Pr. Kurt Koszyk (Dortmund) ; Pr. Alberto Monticone (Rome)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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WIEN, Markus. "Markt und Modernisierung : deutsch-bulgarische Wirtschaftsbeziehungen 1918-1944 in ihren konzeptionellen Grundlagen." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6016.

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Defence date: 29 April 2005
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Peter Bartl, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München ; Prof. Dr. Peter Becker, European University Institute ; Prof. Dr. Georgi Markov, Bălgarska Akademia na Naukite, Sofia ; Prof. Alan S. Milward, Cabinet Office London (Supervisor)
First made available online 7 December 2016
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Books on the topic "Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933"

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Citino, Robert M. The Evolution of Blitzkrieg Tactics: Germany Defends Itself against Poland, 1918-1933. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987.

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Lang, S. Nazi foreign policy, 1933-39. Edited by Kinloch N. London: Philip Allan, 2008.

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1942-, Grunewald Michel, Bock Hans Manfred, and Université de Metz. Centre d'étude des périodiques de langue allemande, eds. Le Discours européen dans les revues allemandes (1918-1933) =: Der Europadiskurs in den deutschen Zeitschriften (1918-1933). Bern: P. Lang, 1997.

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Die Beziehungen Deutschlands zu Venezuela 1933 bis 1958. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1991.

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Schäfer, Claus W. André Francois-Poncet als Botschafter in Berlin (1931-1938). München: R. Oldenbourg, 2004.

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Die Haltung der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands zur Aussenpolitik während der Weimarer Republik (1918-1933). Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1998.

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Feuchtwanger, E. J. Imperial Germany 1850-1918. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

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Feuchtwanger, E. J. Imperial Germany 1850-1918. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2004.

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Feuchtwanger, E. J. Imperial Germany, 1850-1918. London: Routledge, 2001.

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Hungarian-Italian relations in the shadow of Hitler's Germany, 1933-1940. Boulder, Colo: Social Science Monographs, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Germany – Foreign relations – 1918-1933"

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Tönsmeyer, Tatjana. "The German Advisers in Slovakia, 1939–1945: Conflict or Co-operation?" In Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe, 1918–1948. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263914.003.0010.

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Just days after the Slovak state was created, it signed with Nazi Germany a ‘treaty of protection’ and a protocol on co-operation in financial and economic matters. As a result of these measures, Slovakia would be labelled a German vassal state and the government a puppet regime. This chapter examines the nature of the wartime Slovak state and reconsiders the concept of a puppet regime and a native version of fascism (so-called ‘clerical fascism’). It examines the ways in which Germany tried to influence the Slovak government, who the German protagonists were, and how and according to what guidelines Slovak politicians reacted to these manoeuvres. It first outlines how Slovak nationalists demanded autonomy during the later years of the First Czechoslovak Republic, and then assesses the Slovak-German relations from March 1939 to the summer of 1940. By this time, the German minister of foreign affairs, Joachim von Ribbentrop, had labelled the Slovak case an example of ‘revolutionary foreign politics’.
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Potter, Simon J. "Fraternizing in the Ether, 1931–1933." In Wireless Internationalism and Distant Listening, 50–83. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800231.003.0003.

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During the early 1930s faith in a utopian form of wireless internationalism was shaken by the world economic crisis, the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, and the Nazi revolution in Germany. Radio still seemed a potential means to encourage international understanding and peace, but increasingly it also appeared to be a powerful tool of propaganda that might serve aggressive nationalist ends. As Europe’s broadcasting infrastructure became more formidable, broadcasters continued to work through the International Broadcasting Union to regulate the airwaves and combat interference and hostile propaganda. These measures were only partially effective and were ignored by a powerful new station broadcasting commercial programmes across Europe in several languages, Radio Luxembourg. The League of Nations also began to study the disruptive impact of radio on international affairs, and established its own broadcasting station, Radio Nations. Relay work continued, linking up the broadcasters of Europe and forging new connections across the Atlantic. The number of short-wave broadcasters increased significantly during this period, and the BBC established its own short-wave Empire Service, designed to reach out to white expatriate listeners in Britain’s colonies, and to English speakers in the ‘dominions’. Many in the US could also tune in, and British civil servants, notably at the Foreign Office, worried about the impact on Anglo-American relations.
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Strote, Noah Benezra. "The Education of Western Europeans." In Lions and Lambs. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300219050.003.0009.

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This chapter focuses on the Social Democrats and the compromises on values they felt forced to make—particularly the abandonment of their previous platforms of pacifism and internationalism—in order to resonate with West German voters in the climate of the Cold War. In the years after 1953, as the Western Allies turned over sovereign decision-making power over foreign relations to the Federal Republic's government, Germans showed signs of coming to agreement on precisely the issue of values and “ideals” for the German youth that had caused such crisis during Hitler's rise to power in 1933. The common ideal that bound them together was twofold: the value of “Europe” and the foreign policy of “binding to the West.” In the years leading up to 1953, Germans from across the Federal Republic's political spectrum participated in the creation of educational institutions designed to shape a generation of young people capable of overcoming centuries of conflict in a common “European” identity.
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