Journal articles on the topic 'Germany – Economic policy – 20th century'
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1
Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Antolović, Mihael. "“World domination or ruin”. Friedrich von Bernhardi and German militarism before World War I." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 4 (February 26, 2016): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i4.16.
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The paper analyzes the role of militarism in the political life of Germany before WWI. By pointing out the roe of militarism in the political life of Germany at the start of the 20th century, the paper puts an emphasis on the writing of Friedrich von Bernhardi titled Germany and the next war, published in 1912. Bernhardi sought to prove the inevitability of “preemptive war” and territorial annexations in order to provide for the economic and political interests of Germany as a global force. Bernhardi legitimized his opinion by calling on social-Darwinist arguments as well as the tradition of German idealist philosophy, and claiming that war is the only means by which it is possible to sustain German culture as the highest form of “German spirit” and its most valuable contribution to humanity. Considering the high rank which Bernhardi held as a general in the German military, as well as how his attitudes fell in with German foreign policy of the period, Bernhardi’s writing represents, in a condensed fashion, an expression of militaristic ideas present in German society before WWI.
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Babintseva, Ekaterina Alekseevna, and Lyudmila Vasilievna Ponomarenko. "Cooperation between Russia and Germany in the field of energy policy in the XX-XXI centuries." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-2-238-250.
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The author devoted the paper to the peculiarities of bilateral cooperation between Russia and Germany in the field of maintaining a favourable environmental balance. The author notes that nature protection for a long time was not considered as a subject of interstate cooperation and did not fall into the focus of the agenda of important international summits. In connection with a number of historical reasons, at the beginning of the last century there was minimal state interest in organizing the protection of protected areas, conducting stabilization and supporting environmental measures, as well as ensuring the conservation and renewability of natural resources. The extensive path of economic development, the devastating military operations and the assessment of the natural environment as a resource basis for achieving primary state tasks contributed to the development of the global environmental crisis by the middle of the 20th century. The paper emphasizes that the starting point of international environmental cooperation and the adoption of a number of universal environmental acts were reports within the framework of the Club of Rome and further multilateral summits on climate and environmental issues dating back to the second half of the 20th century. The author assigns a special role within the framework of Russian-German environmental cooperation to the Nord Stream and Nord Stream-2 gas pipelines. The author emphasizes that cooperation within the framework of the projects took place in the context of the Western sanctions on Russia. Using energy projects as an example, the author showed in action the environmental relationship in the process of fuel and energy dialogue between partner countries. Based on an analysis of the results achieved, the author concludes that the future environmental cooperation between Russia and Germany is promising.
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Novikova, Irina. "J. K. Paasikivi and the Formation of Finland’s Independence." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016483-0.
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J. K. Paasikivi belongs to the most famous Finnish political figures, the prime minister and the seventh president of Finland, the architect of its foreign policy in the post-war period. His influence on the political, economic and foreign policy spheres of Finland has been extremely noticeable for more than half a century. This article examines the least studied period of his political activity — the formation of Paasikivi as a politician, diplomat and statesman from the beginning of the 20th century until the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 between the RSFSR and the Republic of Finland. In the first twenty years of the 20th century, Paasikivi traveled a difficult, dramatic path from a staunch supporter of cooperation with the Russian Empire to an adherent of the idea of independence, then cooperation with imperial Germany, and again, recognizing the important fact that the best way to ensure Finland's national interests is to compromise with Russia in matters of its strategic needs. However, the sharp turns in Paasikivi's political fate were by no means a tribute to the fashion or the conjuncture. He was and remained a realist and pragmatist who always took into account a complex of factors: geographical, historical, strategic, foreign policy, economic in the decision-making process. Paasikivi's political heritage in modern Finland are realism in foreign policy, maintaining good relations with neighboring countries, first of all, with Russia, foreign policy aimed at the future, its predictability and long-term, in domestic policy, the desire to awaken interest in foreign policy issues.
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Papenko, Nataliia. "Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182.
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The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
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Hemphill, Thomas A. "From Industrial Policy to National Industrial Strategy: An Emerging Global Phenomenon." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 38, no. 3-4 (October 2018): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0270467620925710.
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In February 2019, the German federal government announced its new “National Industry Strategy 2030.” Many economies—including the United Kingdom (2017), European Union (2017), and Saudi Arabia (2018)—have announced national industrial strategies addressing the competitive threat of the People’s Republic of China’s 2015 “Made in China 2025” 5-year economic plan to become a global leader in 10 advanced technology manufacturing sectors. The use of the 20th-century term “industrial policy” heralds back to public policy antecedents of what is now evolving globally in the 21st century as national “industrial strategy,” a concept explored in this article. Unlike traditional 20th-century efforts at industrial policy (which focused on public policy efforts to maintain domestic primacy of declining, older industries), national industrial strategy recognizes (and generally accepts) the international global economy as a foundation of competition. Most importantly, national industrial strategy focuses on technologically emerging industries as well as the national government working collaborative in a partnership with these emerging industries to meet future growth challenges and opportunities.
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Erokhina, Olga V., and Vitaly Y. Zakharov. "“The Other/Own/Alien”: Paradoxes of Perception of Germans in the Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th centuries." Journal of Frontier Studies 8, no. 1 (February 6, 2023): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i1.494.
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The article deals with the problem of “the Other/Own/Alien” on the example of Germans and German colonists who arrived to Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th century at the invitation of the authorities. The material analyzed by the authors allowed revealing how the process of their transformation from “the Other” to “Stranger” took place. We have identified the socio-cultural, economic and political factors that influenced it. For various reasons, Germans came to the country where they had to adapt to new natural and climatic conditions, master the language, get acquainted with culture and traditions. In our opinion, long-term residence in the country and the gradual establishment of contacts with the local population contributed to the assimilation of Germans and transformation into “our kin”. This process took place much faster in an urban environment than in rural areas. However, foreign policy circumstances forced the Russian authorities to pursue an anti-German policy. This is reflected in periodicals and journalism. The desire of the Germans to preserve their language, culture and traditions, as well as the policy of the authorities, contributed to the formation of the image of the “Alien”.
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Chekalenko, L. "Historical Memory as a Means of Implementing the Internal and External Policy of the Republic of Poland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-3.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of the historical memory of the Republic of Poland, which is currently aimed at solving the internal and external tasks of the state in the following directions. The first concerns a number of geopolitical and practical issues of relations with Germany, the second revolves around relations with the Russian Federation, and the third is focused on the “Volyn problem”, which is naturally extrapolated to relations with Ukraine. Such a trichotomy was formed throughout the 20th century and continues to this day. If until 2014 German and Volyn unresolved issues prevailed in Polish politics and public life, then Russia’s invasion and war against Ukraine strengthened the Russian component of the Polish narrative of memory, aimed at debunking Moscow’s aggressive policy.
The origins and essence of the problems in Poland’s relations with Germany, as well as with Russia, are similar in many issues, and in some dimensions even coincide. The geopolitical weight of politicians of the leading states resemble each other in terms of historical origins and the nature of problems, disrespectful assessments of their opponents or competitors, imperial attitudes toward their own and conquered peoples, and economic characteristics bequeathed to them by previous state formations. Relations between the Republic of Poland and Germany are closely intertwined. Complicated by territorial claims, they became particularly acute during the Cold War. The constructive dialogue of these European states reached a consensus level only with the unification of Germany in 1990. However, a final understanding has not yet been reached, as the Polish side still raises the issue of guilt towards the Poles on the part of Germany, which, according to Polish statements, did not sufficiently compensate for the losses of the Poles period of the Second World War.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany: Back to the Future?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-69-78.
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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.
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Huh, Jung Koo. "A Consideration for Standard Level of National Defence Expenditure." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 7 (December 31, 1992): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps07010.
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For the past few years, the world situation has been changing so rapidly that it could be called a "The Revolution." For example, there are the changes in Eastern Europe, the unification of Germany, and the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the leader of the Communist nations and a major participant in the Cold War during the 20th century, from the historical stage. Moreover, North-Korea which has pursued an open-door policy and armed revolutionary unification for half n century, has begun a step by step effort For the establishment of peace. It has produced an atmosphere of detente on the Korean peninsula. All these world wide changes and North-South Korea developments toward peace cause people to fantasize about the unification of Korea. With this fantasy In their mind, people demand to spend more on economic and social welfare, and cut down on NDE.
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Siekierka, Michał. "Polityka Niemiec w stosunku do proklamacji ukraińskiej niepodległości i jej następstwa w ostatniej dekadzie XX w." Wschodnioznawstwo 16 (December 20, 2022): 376–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.22.022.16771.
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Celem badawczym niniejszego tekstu jest ukazanie stanowiska Niemiec w stosunku do proklamacji ukraińskiej niepodległości oraz analiza stosunków niemiecko-ukraińskich w latach 90. XX w. Historyczne powiązania między Niemcami a Ukraińcami były bardzo głębokie. Jednak natura tych relacji pozostawała asymetryczna. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że dobre relacje z Rosją były w okresie lat 90. XX w. dla Niemiec priorytetowe w porównaniu z byłymi republikami sowieckimi. Przyczyn takiego stanu rzeczy można upatrywać w wielu czynnikach: politycznych, gospodarczych i historycznych. Począwszy od 1991 r. Niemcy nie posiadały klarownego, sprecyzowanego i celowego programu politycznego w stosunku do Ukrainy, a wszelkie polityczne działania były wypadkową relacji z Rosją, która stanowiła główny punkt odniesienia dla polityki wschodniej Berlina. German policy towards the proclamation of Ukrainian independence and its aftermath in the last decade of the 20th century The purpose of the paper is to show the most important dimensions which shaped the German-Ukrainian relations in the year 1991 and and the rest of the 90s. Nature of these relationships remained asymmetric. There is no doubt that good relations with Russia were a priority for Germany in the 1990s compared to the former Soviet republics. The reasons for this can be found in many factors: political, economic and historical. The German-Ukrainian relations were strongly determined the German-Russian relations which were the main point of reference for Berlin’s eastern policy.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Oakes, Isabel. "Max Weber and Ordoliberalism: How Weber’s Kulturkritik Contributed to the Foundation of Ordoliberal Socio-Economic Thought." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 140, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 177–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.2.177.
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This study aims to uncover Max Weber as a direct and indirect influence on Alexander Rüstow and Wilhelm Röpke and the emergence of ordoliberal socio-economic thought in the 1930s and 40s. Weber contributed to the German Kulturkritik of the early 20th century that shaped the academic and socio-political climate in which the ordoliberals formed their own ideas. Weber also identified key societal issues to which the ordoliberals found concrete solutions, specifically their “Third Way” between laissez-faire capitalism and central planning as well as Vitalpolitik. This study finds that despite Weber’s relative neglect in epistemological studies of economics, his insights were incorporated into ordoliberal thought and beyond.
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Anan’ev, Denis A. "RUSSIA’S FAR EASTERN POLICY IN THE LATE 19TH — EARLY 20TH CENTURY IN THE WORKS OF THE ENGLISH AND GERMAN-LANGUAGE RESEARCHERS." Ural Historical Journal 73, no. 4 (2021): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-97-105.
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The paper analyzes the works of the English- and German-language researchers who studied the history of Russia’s Far Eastern policy at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. According to these scholars, a striking feature of that policy was the inseparability of the foreign and internal political tasks, while its main result was Russia’s involvement in the war against Japan. However, Western authors focused not only on the foreign policy and military aspects of the “Russian eastward expansion” (analyzed by C. von Zepelin, A. Malosemoff, S. Marks, R. Quested, J. Stephan) but also on the geographic, demographic, social and economic aspects (B. Sumner, A. A. Lobanov-Rostovsky, R. Quested, D. Geyer, J. Lensen et al.). The ideological component of the Far Eastern policy (associated with the ideas of Russia’s historical civilizing mission in Asia and the need to oppose the “Yellow Peril”) was considered in the works by A. Malozemoff, D. Schimmelpenninck van der Oye. The economic reasons for the development of the region were discussed by the authors who studied processes of “modernization” and S. Yu. Witte’s policy of “peaceful penetration” (B. Sumner, A. A. Lobanov-Rostovsky, R. Quested, D. Geyer, J. Lensen et al.). Sociocultural processes that led to the formation of “national identity” and “regional identity” were analyzed by J. Stephan, Ch. Y. Hsu, D. Wolff, Sh. Corrado. Despite the diversity of conceptions proposed by the Englsih- and Germanlanguage researchers it is possible to identify the two key trends in the study of the topic. The majority of works emphasized the expansionist intentions of Russia as one of the “imperialist powers” who participated in dividing spheres of influence in the Asia-Pacific region. However, many authors acknowledged Russia’s objective need to strengthen its position on the Pacific frontier, to protect its Far Eastern territories, to settle them and develop their economy.
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Bértola, Luis, and Gabriel Porcile. "Convergence, trade and industrial policy: Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay in the international economy, 1900–1980." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 24, no. 1 (2006): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261090000046x.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the economic performance of three Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay) from a comparative perspective, using as a benchmark a group of four developed countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States). The focus is on the relative performance within the region and between the Latin American countries and the developed countries in the period 1900–1980. The paper argues that Argentina and Uruguay benefited from a privileged position in international markets at the beginning of the 20th century and this allowed them to converge. However, they failed to adjust to the major long-run change in the pattern of world trade brought about by World War I and the Great Depression, which implied a persistent decline of their export markets. On the other hand, Brazil, after having been much less successful until 1930, grew at higher rates thereafter based on rapid structural change and the building up of competitive advantages in new industrial sectors. The more vigorous Brazilian policy for industrialization and export diversification may explain why Brazil succeeded in changing its pattern of specialization, while Argentina and Uruguay were locked in to the old pattern. A typology of convergence regimes is suggested based on the growth experience of these countries.
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Reif, Theresa M., Sabine Zikeli, Ann-Marleen Rieps, Carina P. Lang, Jens Hartung, and Sabine Gruber. "Reviving a Neglected Crop: A Case Study on Lentil (Lens culinaris Medikus subsp. culinaris) Cultivation in Germany." Sustainability 13, no. 1 (December 25, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13010133.
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Cultivation of lentils had ended by mid-20th century in Germany, but a revival was initiated in the first decade of this millennium in Southwest Germany. However, knowledge of lentil cultivation was almost lost, and today’s yields are still low. To gain an overview of current farm practices and of factors that can help lentil cultivation thrive, 25 lentil farmers (21 organic, 4 conventional) from SW Germany answered questionnaires for agronomic data on lentil cultivation in the years 2015, 2016, and 2017. Eleven farmers took part in additional semi-structured interviews about their motivation and the most important factors (economic, ecological, and social) that encouraged them to grow lentils. Neither the lentil variety (Anicia, Späth’s Alblinse I and II), nor the companion crop for the usual mixed cropping (spring barley, oat, and camelina), significantly influenced lentil yield. If lentil cultivation is to further expand, data from more farmers could be evaluated and factors that contribute to crop thriving analyzed more clearly. The cultivation techniques currently practiced are diverse, and lentils integrate well into existing structures. Farmers appear motivated to grow lentils by good examples of colleagues, by availability of marketing channels, and by the desire to promote lentils’ ecological and social benefits.
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Sholia, I. St. "THE EFFECT OF EXTRALINGUAL FACTORS ON THE CHOICE OF PERSONAL NAMES IN UZHHOROD IN THE 20TH CENTURY." Rusin, no. 60 (2020): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/14.
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The article studies the extralingual factors that influenced the choice of female and male names of Uzhhorod citizens during the 20th century. The research draws on the Uzhhorod civil registry books stored in the Transcarpathian State Regional Archive. It has been found out that dynamic historical events (the region’s becoming a part of various states with their language policy), economic, political, cultural and educational changes in Transcarpathia over the centuries influenced the cultural and linguistic situation and manifested in the changes of personal names. The choice of male and female personal names was also influenced by the changes in the population ethnic composition as well as people’s national and confessional identity. The coexistence of more than 70 nationalities and nations, including Ukrainians, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Russians, Belarussians, Bulgarians, Poles, Romanians, Moldovans, Roma, Swabians, Jews, Germans, Azerbaijanis, Gagauz, Armenians, Uzbeks, etc., certainly influenced the Uzhhorod name repertoire, since it was different cultures, ethnic naming traditions, and various names. Although the religion and ethnicity affected the anthroponymic repertoire and matter for choosing names for newborns, they were not so much significant as to affect the general system of personal names of Uzhhorod residents in the 20th century.
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Білявець, Сергій. "PECULIARITIES OF POLICE PROFESSIONAL TRAINING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (END OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v24i1.627.
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The article presents the results of the analysis of regulatory and scientific sources, which reveal the features of police training for EU countries at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. It was found that the integration of European states in the second half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century contributed to the fact that the system of police training was changing in accordance with the changes in the political and socio-economic situation in individual EU countries and in the Community as a whole. The police training system itself is part of the integration processes within the framework of the integration of the EU law enforcement and police systems. Features such as the practical orientation of training, its continuous nature, and its close relationship to practice are characteristic of all police training institutions in EU countries. At the same time, EU countries are ambivalent about the innovations proposed by the 1999 Bologna Convention.
States with established educational systems (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) are more conservative and less inclined to abandon their own educational standards, unlike Eastern European states that pursue radical reform policies, including reforms in police training. In police education programs, a significant number of hours are devoted to the development of skills and abilities to work with scientific and technological means, which are extremely widely used in police work in foreign countries. It was also found that police officers are thoroughly and comprehensively prepared for close interaction of national services, both through Interpol and directly with each other. At conferences, symposiums, seminars, exchanges of experience and delegations, increased attention is certainly given to police training.
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Dmitrieva, N. V. "Sacred New Building: Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval and the Spread of Orthodoxy in the Governorate of Estonia at the End of the 19th — Beginning of the 20th Century." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 4 (2022): 906–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.406.
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The article analyzes the formation of the imperial policy to spread Orthodox Christianity using the example of the construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Revel in the Governorate of Estonia. Late 19th — early 20th century was marked by significant changes in the governance of the region, not only in the administrative and legal sphere, but also in the religious one. Estonia administration viewed strengthening the presence of the Orthodox Church through the mass construction of churches and the symbolic development of space as one of the most effective means of integrating the province and the empire. The construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval was associated with significant historical events, including the 200th anniversary since Estonia became a part of Russian Empire. It determined its central role in the representation of the empire on the outskirts. At the same time, the prevalence of the Lutheran population in the province, as well as the economic dominance of the German nobility, caused difficulties with the construction process. The search for funds and the choice of a place for the Cathedral were the main reasons why the implementation of such a large-scale project took so long. Cathedral was designed to visually emphasize that the region was a part of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the preparatory work, using unpublished office materials from various departments, made it possible to identify contradictions between central and local authorities on this issue, as well as to understand the mechanisms of their interaction within the framework of existing practices. The materials of personal and official correspondence of key political and religious actors involved show different understanding of the goals and means how to spread Orthodox Christianity in the region at the turn of the 19th — 20th century.
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Allen, Christopher S. "Ideas, Institutions and the Exhaustion ofModell Deutschland?" German Law Journal 5, no. 9 (September 1, 2004): 1133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013122.
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[Editors’ Note: This is the fourth consecutive article published in German Law Journal since July 2004 that is dedicated to the ongoing debate over the fate and prospects of the German model of Capitalism, welfare policy and corporate governance. The 22 July 2004 acquittals of all six defendants in the criminal proceedings against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of Mannesmann's Supervisory Board have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank in May 2002 (exactly two years and two months before his acquittal before theLandgerichtDüsseldorf) and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure,German Law Journalhas published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system (seehttp://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=156). In the Journals July issue, Peter Kolla, a law student of Osgoode Hall Law School of York University in Toronto, meticulously traced the background debates to the closely observed criminal proceedings in the Mannesmann aftermath (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=460), and in our August issue, Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, surveyed the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism and reconstructed Germany's recent history in an international context of globalization and privatisation (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=485). Also in the August issue, Max Rolshoven, writing his Ph.D. in law at the University of Münster, offered a first assessment of the acquittals in the Mannesmann case (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=480). In the article, published here, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia further deepens this inquiry from an economic point of view, while placing the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors ofGerman Law Journalare very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself.The Editors.]
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Kovacevic, Maja. "International problems and the research on process of the European integration from the establishment of the communities to the single European act." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 2 (2018): 147–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1802147k.
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Based on research topics that have been discussed in the context related to the European integration in the journal International Problems in the period 1949-1990, the aim of this paper is to consider the extent to which the Yugoslav science of international relations followed this process. The main thesis is that domestic science has studied all relevant aspects of the integration process and has kept up with the times and the key theoretical frameworks. After World War II, the focus was on the economic and political situation of the Western European countries, their interests, as well as the security context in which were launched the first integration initiatives: the German issue, the Marshall Plan, the Cold war and bipolar world, the process of decolonisation, the failure of the European Defense Community and the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and EURATOM. At the beginning of the 60s of the 20th century, great attention was devoted to the study of regional integration in general and its models, as well as the expected effects. Along with the slowdown in the European integration process in the late 60s and throughout the 70s, the attention of researchers gradually shifted to individual policies and initiatives of the European Economic Community: the Common Agricultural Policy, development of regional policy, association agreements, the Mediterranean policy, initiatives in the field of monetary integration. The 80s of the last century were dominated by themes that marked this decade in the process of European integration: factors for change in the European Economic Community, the initiatives for reform of the Treaty, the Mediterranean enlargement, the Single European Act, the program for completing the internal market, changes in the social policy of the Community and measures to promote technological development and strategy for the industry. Along with it, the focus was on the relationship between the United States and the Western European countries, East-West relations and relations of Yugoslavia with the Community.
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Omarbayev, Y. K., V. T. Tarakchi, K. К. Bazarbayev, and Zh Zh Kumganbayev. "Subjects of Austria-Hungary in Western Siberia and Turkestan in the early twentieth century (1900–1917)." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/7.
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In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Russian Empire played an important role in the processes of European migration. Of particular importance was the migration policy with the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Czechs, Rusins, Poles, and Slovaks, who belonged to the Austro-Hungarian population, settled mainly in the European part of the Russian Empire and engaged mainly in agriculture, while the Austrians and Germans opened industrial enterprises in the cities of Western Siberia (Governor- Generalship of the Steppes, 1882–1918). In general, there were two reasons why the Austro-Hungarians settled in Western Siberia and Turkestan: some voluntarily resettled and contributed to the economic and social development of the regions, while others had to move here as prisoners of war. However, it should be noted that in both cases, the tsarist administration did not restrict their social and legal status. The article examines the reasons for the stay of Austro-Hungarian subjects in Western Siberia and Turkestan, as well as their impact on the socio-economic situation of these regions. Austro- Hungarian immigrants, as well as immigrants from other European countries, acted as transmitters of new entrepreneurial experience, advanced technologies, and Western entrepreneurial culture. The descendants of immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian lands became part of the multinational composition of Western Siberia and Turkestan.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Cultural Differences in Children’s Recommended Punishment of Moral Transgressions." Athens Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 4 (September 30, 2022): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-4-1.
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Migration flows are as old as human history itself. In Greece, the first movements of people are recorded in the 13th century BCE and not stopped ever since. Inflows and outflows of people are a permanent future of Greek history. However, a distinction should be made between three types of flows. Firstly, people are forced to leave their country because of national agreements of resettlements. A world example of such resettlement was the exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in the first part of the 20th century. Secondly, people flee an area to save their lives because of war and prosecutions, including genocides. An example of such migration was the outflow of Greeks from Asia Minor because of the war between Turkey and Greece. Thirdly, people migrate for social reasons which may include economic, political and educational purposes. This was definitely the case of the post-Second World War period in Greece when many Greeks moved outside of Greece to find better jobs abroad (e.g., Germany); study abroad (e.g., U.K.); and to live in a democratic country (e.g., Canada, Sweden, etc.), because in Greece a dictatorship (1967-1974) had abolished democracy. Greece has also been on the receiving end of many migrants from all over the world for the same reasons. The latest example is the flow of Ukrainians who are coming to Greece due to the Russian-Belarus invasion of their country. These migration flows are examined in this paper. Keywords: migrants, refugees, migration policy, Greece, Ukraine
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Kļavinska, Antra. "LATGALIAN JOKES: EXPRESSIONS OF LINGUISTIC CONTACTS." Via Latgalica, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2012.4.1687.
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<p>The research interest of the author of the article in the ethnosis living in Latgale, intercultural communication is related to the compilation of the entries for „Latgalian Linguo-Territorial Dictionary” with ESF project „Linguo-Cultural and Socio-Economic Aspects of Territorial Identity in the Development of the Region of Latgale” (Nr. 2009/0227/1DP/1.1.1.2.0/09/APIA/VIAA/071). The tasks of this research: 1) to prepare a review about the frequency of linguistic contacts and themes for conversations in jokes; 2) to determine the linguistic attitude of the addressee and the sender; 3) to trace linguistic processes in the event of intercultural communication.</p><p>The theoretical background of the research is based on the speech act in theory (J. Searle), highlighting the impact of social and historical factors on the speech act (D. Hymes). In order to describe the results of linguistic contacts linguistic, social and historical factors shall be taken into consideration. Jokes (131 unit in total) have been selected according to the following components of the speech act: form of message – dialogue; sender and addressee – Latvians and non-ethnic Latvians (Russians, Poles, Jews, Gypsies, etc.) of Latgale and representatives of other regions; communication channel – oral and written communication; code – patois, dialect, language; theme – daily life, culture, religion, politics etc.; situation – Latgale of 20th century (episodically – Latvia, Russia, Germany, USA, Lithuania).</p><p>The analysis of the expressions of language contacts in the texts of jokes lets conclude how intensive the mutual contacts of various languages and their users were in Latgale in the 20th century: if in the first half of the century the linguistic contacts were extremely diverse (interaction of Latgalian Latvians, Russians, Jews, Gypsies, Polish), then in the second half of the century mostly the linguistic contacts of Latvian (Latgalian) and Russian speaking population were domineering under the impact of the russification policy.</p><p>The result of linguistic contacts are: 1) a tolerant attitude towards other languages and their users is typical for a Latgalian (character of jokes), but he/she has a negative position to an strange language (Latvian, Russian) as an expression of enforced power; 2) in the communication process one can observe intentional of code-switching and unintentional of code-mixing (basis of the comic: interlinguistic homonyms, homoforms); 3) linguistic interference: phonetic, lexical and grammatical borrowings (from Latvian, Russian, English); 4) foreign language skills (in the beginning of 20th century the modest foreigner language skills led to more frequent misunderstandings).</p><p>The achievement of the aim put forward, result is a significant component of the speech act. The analyzed material of jokes proves that in many communicative situations this aim is not reached due to the weak communicative competence of the addressee and addresser (lack of awareness, understanding and recognition of the linguistic and cultural features of the representative of another ethos). Therefore, a conversation takes place, but an intercultural dialogue is not formed. Under current complex economic, political and linguistic situation in Latvia these are significant reasons for splitting of the society.</p>
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Horowitz, Michael M. "Dams, Cows, and Vulnerable People: Anthropological Contributions to Sustainable Development (The Distinguishedl Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 34, no. 4I (December 1, 1995): 481–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v34i4ipp.481-508.
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It is with considerable trepidation that I agreed to address so distinguished a gathering of development economists, theoreticians, and practitioners. I was enormously honoured when Professor Naqvi invited me to make this presentation, and at the same time impressed with my own temerity at having accepted. I am not an economist; at best, I contribute to the emerging discipline of economic anthropology, that subfield of anthropology that some have baptised as the “dismal science of the 20th century.” I locate my research within a subfield of that subfield, in a specifically development anthropology, making the claim that is still received in some quarters with only partial tolerance, that anthropologists–those curious people identified in the popular mind with the recovery and study of isolated people, bones, and potsherds–have also something useful to add to both the theory and praxis of development. As a self-conscious field of inquiry, development anthropology dates only from the last 20-25 years, though its roots can be found in the late 19th century, when scientists working for the United States Bureau of American Ethnology tried to understand the Ghost Dance, a great messianic movement that spread rapidly among subjugated Native Americans who were forced on to reservations by the government and in very large part deprived of the means of social and economic reproduction [Mooney (1965)]. Especially in Britain, a policy-relevant anthropology emerged in conjunction with its colonial service [Asad (1973)], and during the 1940s, some of the most prominent American anthropologists–including Margaret Mead, Geoffrey Gorer, Ruth Benedict, Robert Lowie, Alexander Leighton, and Conrad Arensberg–tried to apply an anthropology that had traditionally focused on tribal and peasant populations to the understanding of our Russian allies and our German and Japanese adversaries during the Second World War.
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Sinko, Galina, Tatyana Sidnenko, and Ol’ga Erokhina. "Changes in the life of Germans in St. Petersburg in the late 19th – early 20th century." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6459.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this paper is an overview of changes in the material and spiritual life of Germans living in St. Petersburg in the late 19th – early 20th century. The overview of various facets of life of German population of St. Petersburg makes it possible to comprehensively address the problem of transformation of the State nationalities policy toward the largest ethnic diaspora in the Imperial Capital. The research work of Russian and foreign scholars became the theoretical framework for the article that enabled to ensure continuity of historical analysis. This study used a problematic and chronological approach to review the dynamics of state legislative initiatives related to in relation to the German community of St. Petersburg. The legislative acts issued in the Russian Empire during the period under study to toughen up the legal regulations governing the life of Russian Germans served as the factual basis of the overview. The conclusions drawn in the paper give a better idea of general trends in the nationalities policy of the Russian state in the midst of the most important domestic and international events of the late 19th and early 20th century.
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Dartmann, C. "The State and Economic Crisis in 20th Century Germany." German History 13, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/13.1.80.
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Тихоненко, Ірина. "THE ARCTIC IN GERMANY’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 20TH CENTURY." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 4 (2022): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-04/065-076.
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The article attempts to analyze the role of the Arctic region in the foreign policy of Germany in the 20th century. It was revealed the influence of the internal political situation in the state on the manifestation of cyclicality in the use of certain mechanisms and tools for the implementation of foreign policy initiatives in the Arctic. At the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, Germany actively used scientific researchers in the Arctic, which were introduced in the initiation of the International Polar Year (synchronous meteorological research in the Arctic) and participation in a number of international expeditions to the region. After the First World War, the Weimar Republic continued to participate in international polar research, but in the form of technological modernization of expeditions during the Second International Polar Year, which allowed the state to emerge from international isolation. Internal political changes in Germany with A. Hitler coming to power, contributed to the formation of the Arctic as a strategic direction of the Third Reich’s foreign policy during the Second World War – the occupation of the Arctic states (Norway, Denmark) and the use of their territory and the Arctic in the “weather war”. Cyclicality in Germany’s foreign policy regarding the Arctic was manifested with the return of a part of divided Germany, namely, West Germany, to participation in international scientific cooperation in the region during the Cold War era. The author came to the conclusion that the basis of Germany’s foreign policy initiatives in the 20th century, its active participation in international cooperation in the Arctic in the scientific and technological spheres contributed to the involvement of Germany, already united within modern borders, to the existing multilateral institutions of cooperation in the region.
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Oliver, Michael J., and Hugh Pemberton. "Learning and Change in 20th-Century British Economic Policy." Governance 17, no. 3 (July 2004): 415–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0952-1895.2004.00252.x.
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Azizbek Guzalovich, Kholliev. "The “Mongolian question” to Russian foreign policy." International Journal on Integrated Education 2, no. 6 (December 10, 2019): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i6.202.
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The article analyzes the "Mongolian issue", which is one of the main directions of Russian foreign policy of the early 20th century. At the beginning of the 20th century, the international situation in the Far East region, the collision of imperialist forces, and the economic benefits through diplomatic efforts will be considered.
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ГОЦЛОВСКІ, Яцек. "ВИСВІТЛЕННЯ КРИЗИ ФЕОДАЛЬНО-КРІПОСНИЦЬКОГО ЛАДУ НА СТОРІНКАХ ЖУРНАЛУ «УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ СЕЛЯНИН»." Уманська старовина, no. 9 (December 23, 2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.9.2022.269841.
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Ключові слова: українське селянство, дореформений період, феодально-кріпосницький лад, кріпоснеправо, українська історіографія.
Анотація
Автор аналізує статті, присвячені дослідженню кризи феодально-кріпосницького ладу, які булиопубліковані на сторінках наукового часопису «Український селянин» у 2001–2021 рр. З’ясовано, що упублікаціях знайшов відображення процес занепаду заснованого на примусовій праці селян-кріпаків сільськогогосподарства і показано наростання зумовлених цим кризових явищ. Наукові напрацювання авторівобгрунтовують висновок про назрілі у той час докорінні зміни у виробничих відносинах в українському селі іприведення їх у відповідність з капіталістичними продуктивними силами.
Посилання
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Hotsuliak, 2006 – Hotsuliak V. V. Ahrarna istoriia v imenakh na storinkakh «Ukrainskoho selianyna» [Agrarian historyin names on the pages of «Ukrainian Peasant»] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. Vyp. 10. 2006. S. 87–90 [in Ukrainian].Hrushevskyi, 1918 – Hrushevskyi M. Na porozi Novoi Ukrainy: Hadky i mrii [On the threshold of New Ukraine:Disgusts and dreams]. K. : Drukarnia Akts. T-va «Petro Barskyi u Kyivi», 1918. 120 c. [in Ukrainian].Hurzhii, 1954 – Hurzhii I. O. Rozklad feodalno-kriposnytskoi systemy v silskomu hospodarstvi Ukrainy pershoipolovyny XIX st. [Schedule of the feudal-serf system in the agriculture of Ukraine in the first half of the 19th century].Kyiv: Derpolitvydav URSR, 1954. 451 c. [in Ukrainian].Dovzhuk, 2005 – Dovzhuk I. V. Rehionalno-haluzevyi rozvytok silskoho hospodarstva Naddniprianskoi Ukrainy vpershii polovyni KhIKh st. [Regional and sectoral development of agriculture in Dnipro Ukraine in the first half of the19th century] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2005. Vyp. 9. S. 100–104 [in Ukrainian].Zhytkov, 2010 – Zhytkov O. A. Vysvitlennia problematyky ahrarnoi istorii 1917–1918 rr. na storinkakh naukovohovydannia «Ukrainskyi selianyn» [Coverage of the issues of agrarian history in 1917–1918 on the pages of the scientificpublication «Ukrainian Peasant»] // Naukovi zapysky Kirovohradskoho derzhavnoho pedahohichnoho universytetuimeni Volodymyra Vynnychenka. Vyp. 13. Seriia: Istorychni nauky. 2010. S. 230–241 [in Ukrainian].Kirieieva, 2018 – Kirieieva V. O. Vysvitlennia revoliutsiinykh potriasin 1917–1921 rr. na storinkakh «Ukrainskohoselianyna» [Coverage of the revolutionary upheavals of 1917–1921 on the pages of «Ukrainian Peasant»] // VisnykCherkaskoho natsionalnoho universytetu imeni Bohdana Khmelnytskoho. Seriia Istorychni nauky. 2018. Vyp. 2. S. 46–56 [in Ukrainian].Kirieieva, Morozov, 2018 – Kirieieva V. O., Morozov A. H. Ahrarna polityka Hetmanatu P. Skoropadskoho taDyrektorii UNR na storinkakh «Ukrainskoho selianyna» [Agrarian policy of the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi and theDirectorate of the Ukrainian People's Republic on the pages of «Ukrainian Peasant»] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2018. Vyp.19. S. 90–95 [in Ukrainian].Masnenko, 2004 – Masnenko V. V. Selianstvo v istorychnii kontseptsii Mykhaila Hrushevskoho [The peasantry in thehistorical concept of Mykhailo Hrushevskyi] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2004. Vyp. 8. S. 47–50 [in Ukrainian].Melnychenko, 2001 – Melnychenko V. M. Ahrarni vidnosyny na Pravoberezhnii Ukraini naperedodni vidminykriposnoho prava u pratsiakh I. O. Hurzhiia [Agrarian relations in Right-Bank Ukraine on the eve of the abolition ofserfdom in the works of I.O. Georgia] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2001. Vyp. 2. S. 87–89 [in Ukrainian].Melnychenko, 2001 – Melnychenko V. M. Osnovni sotsialni hrupy silskoho naselennia Pravoberezhnoi Ukrainy vseredyni KhIKh st. (porivnialnyi analiz) [The main social groups of the rural population of Right Bank Ukraine in themiddle of the 19th century (comparative analysis)] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2001. Vyp. 1. S. 51–53. [in Ukrainian].Pipan, 2010 – Pipan Kh. M. Zarodzhennia selektsii kultury pshenytsi ozymoi (do seredyny XIX st.) [The origin of theselection of winter wheat culture (until the middle of the 19th century)] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2010. Vyp. 12. S. 254–257 [in Ukrainian].Prysiazhniuk, 2002 – Prysiazhniuk Yu. P. Tradytsii hospodariuvannia yak mirylo ukraino-yevreiskykh vidnosyn na seli(XIX – pochatok XX st.) [Farming traditions as a measure of Ukrainian-Jewish relations in the countryside (19th – early20th centuries)] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2002. Vyp. 5. S. 234–239 [in Ukrainian].Rudakova, 2001 – Rudakova I. V. Ideina kryza pravoslavia yak odyn iz chynnykiv polikonfesiinosti v ukrainskomu seli(seredyna XIX – pochatok XX st.) [Ideological crisis of Orthodoxy as one of the factors of multi-confessionalism in theUkrainian village (mid-19th – early 20th centuries)] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2001. Vyp. 1. S. 81–83 [in Ukrainian].Taranenko, 2009 – Taranenko O. M. Ahrarna polityka P.Skoropadskoho na storinkakh «Ukrainskoho selianyna»[Agrarian policy of P. Skoropadsky on the pages of «Ukrainian Peasant»] // Naukovi pratsi Chornomorskohoderzhavnoho universytetu im. Petra Mohyly. T.104. Vyp. 91. 2009. S. 39–44 [in Ukrainian].Tovstopiat, 2004 – Tovstopiat L. M. Rozvytok silskoho hospodarstva Zakarpattia v kintsi KhVIII – na pochatku KhIKhst. v otsintsi I. H. Shulhy [The development of agriculture in Transcarpathia at the end of the 18th – the beginning of the19th century. in the assessment of I. H. Shulga] // Ukrainskyi selianyn. 2004. Vyp. 8. S. 42–44 [in Ukrainian].
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Plath, Ulrike, Elle-Mari Talivee, Kadri Tüür, and Aet Annist. "Loodusmõttest aktivismini: saateks keskkondluse erinumbrile / From Nature Contemplation to Activism: A Special Issue on Environmentalism." Methis. Studia humaniora Estonica 24, no. 30 (December 13, 2022): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/methis.v24i30.22100.
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The introduction to the special issue of Methis on Estonian environmentalism provides an overview of the phenomenon of environmentalism and its spread across political periods, economic formations, and regions. The essay starts by contextualising the central concepts of the issue, ‘environmentalism’ and its possible translation into Estonian as ‘keskkondlus’, and its relationship with the concept of ‘nature’. At the end of the 1980s, amidst a deepening awareness of environmental crisis, some authors announced ‘nature’ to have met its end. While this end has become widely accepted within environmental discourse, the approach clashes with the traditional thinking about the beauty of nature and its strong bonds with national identities. To foster discussion and to bridge the discursive and ideological gap between the two perceptions, the authors of the articles use the concept as an umbrella term for both paradigms.
The second part of the introductory article discusses East European environmentalism, drawing attention to the research into erroneous assumptions regarding the lack of environmental activism within the Soviet Union. Before its brief heyday in the 1980s, East European environmentalism was hidden within economy, policy, society and culture. However, its roots went deeper, reaching back to 18th- and 19th-century thought, to Baltic German – and later Estonian – early voluntary associations and the value seen in the homeland and its natural objects. The founding of animal and nature protection societies in the late 19th century was an early practical outcome, and similar thought became pronounced in print culture. In early 20th century, several nature protection areas were established, and people became avid consumers of popular science journals – an interest that would continue throughout the Soviet period. The 1970s saw an environmental movement to protect the wetlands of Estonia which were in danger of being drained. Throughout the 20th century, also fiction reflected the prevailing views of nature and emerging concerns about the environment.
The issue’s opening article by Ulrike Plath and Kaarel Vanamölder takes us back to the 17th century to demonstrate the possibility of climate movements more than three centuries ago. This is followed by Karl Hein’s case study that depicts in detail the emergence of animal protection in Estonia a hundred years ago in the context of local and regional history. The next four articles focus on different aspects of environmental movements in the Soviet period. Elle-Mari Talivee retells the story of the peculiar character of Atom-Boy created by the childrens’ author Vladimir Beekman who depicts in this form the various developments in the Soviet nuclear industry. This example from children’s literature is paralleled by similar environmental concerns expressed in visual arts, as outlined in Linda Kaljundi’s article. In a more theoretical take on liberal and autocratic environmental protection, Viktor Pál discusses the Soviet propagandistic use of environmental issues. Olev Liivik contextualises the protests against phosphorite mining in the 1970–80s within the wider trends in the Soviet Union, including the practice of sending letters of complaint to the media, and the various waves of environmental dissent. The discussion of a more compact case of the so-called Green Cycling Tours by Tambet Muide demonstrates the same increasingly oppositional stance that took hold in the 1980s. Regarding the post-Soviet era, Tõnno Jonuks, Lona Päll, Atko Remmel and Ulla Kadakas analyse the various conflicts that have emerged around natural and cultural objects protected by law since the 1990s. In the freestanding article of the issue, Raili Lass writes on interlinguistic and intersemiotic procedures of translation in the theatre but, as our introductory essay suggests, points of convergence may be found here with the discussion of staging of conflicts in environmental protection. In the “Theory in Translation” section Timothy Morton’s classic discussion of environmentalism is published in Ene-Reet Soovik’s translation, accompanied by introductory remarks from the translator and Kadri Tüür.
The final part of the issue’s introduction offers a comparative and interdisciplinary take on the themes discussed. The revelatory nature of historical events of any era, especially natural disasters or the conditions of their unfolding, uncovers the socio-environmental relations that push people to respond. Whether or not such responses become environmental movements depends on the context that either recognises or ignores human embeddedness in the environment. Searching for such parallels connects 21st century climate activism and 17th century upheavals, animal protection in the 1920s and a hundred years later. The Soviet period allows a simultaneous scrutiny of both the limited and ideological take on the apparent lack of Soviet environmentalism as well as the methodological challenges of finding the footprints of hidden awareness and activism. Unearthing this from literature, art and the restrained presence of expert voices also provides an explanation to the sudden explosion of activism in the 1980s. The silence of the next decades further proves that there is nothing obvious in the ways in which environmentalism can take hold of society, which demands precise and detailed inquiry such as provided by the authors of this special issue.
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Mau, V. "Modernization under Conditions of Political Stability (Reforms of the Second Half of XIX Century: Logic and Stages of Complex Modernization)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 9 (September 20, 2009): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-9-32-50.
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The paper discusses economic and political modernization under Alexander II and Alexander III. Special attention is paid to economic modernization under conservative political regime as well as to the influence of the 19th century economic policy and economic debates on the industrialization policy in the 20th century.
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Latkov, A. "Strategic Interests of Germany in the Balkans at the Turn of 20-21 Centuries." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-101-108.
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After the reunification of Germany and the transition of some countries of central and Eastern Europe under the control of the West, radical changes in the European political system have occurred. Germany turned into a powerful state and began to provide the strategy for independent foreign policy, in which the regional policy in the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East took the significant place. Germany tried to expand its influence to the countries of Balkan Peninsula, in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia, as well as in the beginning of 21st century. However, in the end of 20th century, after several failures in the foreign policy, Germany turned to Russia. Despite its expansionist policy, Germany had to coordinate every step with international organizations or even transfer them issues of conflict resolution in the region. Constantly competing with its allies (mainly the U.S. and UK), Germany was trying to build its foreign policy strategy in the way of increasing its influence in the strategically important region.
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Sipos, Regina, and Kerstin Franzl. "Tracing the History of DIY and Maker Culture in Germany’s Open Workshops." Digital Culture & Society 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/dcs-2020-0106.
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Abstract This article presents preliminary research findings on the history of Do-It-Yourself (DIY) and maker culture in Germany. It aims to identify historical, political, economic and societal shifts that have led to the existence of approximately 1000 makerspaces of various kinds in Germany today. The article summarises the beginnings of DIY in the 20th century in West Germany and East Germany. It focuses on how infrastructures supporting DIY were created out of necessity and economic considerations, how tools and spaces were offered as public service, the influence of counterculture movements and expression of political views through DIY and finally the use of DIY as a meaningful way to spend newfound leisure time and the phenomenon of state-funded vocational educational spaces. It aims to inspire further research elucidating the connections between broader societal contexts and DIY throughout the past century and its effects on maker culture today.
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Alexander, Kiselev. "Police in the Western Remote Parts of the Empire: the Structure, Functions and Personnel of the Vilna City Police Department at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 2 (May 27, 2022): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-2-86-98.
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At the beginning of the 20th century, the Vilna City Police Department had a police density higher than the average in most cities of the same size in the German or British Empires. However, taking into account the multi-ethnicity of the population, the border position of the city and its accelerated socio-economic development, the police staff was not excessively significant. The existing police staff proved to be incapable of resisting alone the mass political riots in 1905. On the initiative of both the government and local authorities, the quality of police control over crime was improved. Most of the police were recruited from the local residents, with Catholics dominating among the lower ranks of the police, despite the attempts of the authorities to change that. The structure of the city police department was similar to that of the central provinces of the empire.
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Dju, Orlindo, Johnatan Da Costa Santos, Darinka Brosovich Flores, and Jorge Marko Calderon Verduga. "African direction in the foreign policy of Brazil." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-1 (November 1, 2020): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi06.
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The article considers political, economic, social and cultural aspects of Brazilian-African cooperation at the end of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century. At the present stage, after two decades of active development, Brazilian policy towards Africa has been losing momentum. Nowadays the cooperation between Brazil and African countries requires developing a new strategy.
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Łukomski, Grzegorz. "Polacy i Niemcy w geopolitycznej przestrzeni XX w." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 1 (2014): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.14.004.14865.
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Wielowiekowe trudne sąsiedztwo polsko-niemieckie skłania do refleksji nad wzajemną akulturacją, mającą swoje pozytywne i negatywne skutki, splataniem się w naszych dziejach wielkiej polityki i mikrohistorii, ludzkich losów wpisanych w dzieje obu narodów. W przeszłości relacje polsko - niemieckie kreowali nade wszystko intelektualiści i politycy, oni narzucali je społeczeństwom. W niemieckiej praktyce politycznej zagadnienie geopolityki łączyło się z pojęciami: Lebensraum (przestrzeń życiowa), Grossraum (wielka przestrzeń), Blut und Boden (krew i ziemia), Grossraumwirtschaft (gospodarka wielkiej przestrzeni) oraz Mitteleuropa (Europa Środkowa). Ta ostatnia koncepcja, głoszona przez ideologów i polityków niemieckich, miała bardzo istotne znaczenie, dotyczyła stworzenia zdominowanego przez Niemcy obszaru gospodarczego i geopolitycznego. Geopolityka to problem globalny, dotyczy każdego niemal państwa jako organizacji politycznej, której celem jest zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa swym obywatelom. W przypadku Polski, położonej w sercu Europy, realia geopolityczne miały od wieków także bardzo istotny aspekt globalny, który stanowi część rozważań w prezentowanej pracy. Podstawą myślenia geopolitycznego był realizm polityczny, reprezentowany przez środowiska konserwatywne i narodowe. Do nurtu tego zaliczyć należy myśl polityczną ks. Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego, Aleksandra Wielopolskiego, oraz tradycję krakowskich stańczyków. Poles and Germans in Geopolitical Reality in the 20th Century Long, difficult Polish-German neighborhood is an inspiration to reflect upon the mutual acculturation, which has both positive and negative outcomes, and to reflect on how the great politics and micro-history overlapped across our history. It is also aimed to consider individual histories inscribed in the history of both nations. In the past, Polish-German relations were primarily created by politicians and great intellectual minds. They imposed those relations onto society. In the German politics, the notion of geopolitics was related to the notions of Lebensraum (living space), Grossraum (the great space), Blut und Boden (blood and soil), Grossraumwirtschaft (the economy of the great space) and Mitteleuropa (Central Europe). The last one, advocated by some German ideologists and politicians, was of primary significance. It was about creating a German-dominated economic and geopolitical area. Geopolitics is a global issue, it concerns almost every state – a political organization – which aims to provide security for its own citizens. In the case of Poland, a country located in the heart of Europe, for centuries, geopolitical reality has had an important global aspect, which is part of the discussion in the article. Political realism was the foundation of geopolitical thought, and it was represented by the conservative and national circles, e. g. political thought of father Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and Aleksander Wielkopolski and the tradition of Stanczyks from Cracow.
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Mau, V. "Russia’s Social and Economic Policy in 2014: Finding New Frontiers." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2015-2-5-31.
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The paper deals with the roots and features of current Russian economic problems as a combination of structural and institutional crises, cyclical and external shocks. Mobilization and liberalization are discussed as two key economic policy alternatives. The analysis includes historical retrospection which provides some important lessons from economic development in the 20th century. Special attention is paid to the desirable policy to stimulate economic growth.
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Wardley-Kershaw, Julia, and Klaus R. Schenk-Hoppé. "Economic Growth in the UK: Growth’s Battle with Crisis." Histories 2, no. 4 (September 24, 2022): 374–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2040028.
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In this second paper in a series of four, we examine how the era of sustained economic growth also gave rise to recurring economic crises. Assessing the economic turbulence of the late 19th century and the early 20th century, and three prominent crises of the 20th and early 21st centuries: the period following the Second World War, the 1980–1981 Recession and the 2008 Financial Crisis, we survey how the economy and policy have reacted historically to shocks to growth, how crises have restructured industry and work, altering productivity and impacting future growth potential, and how the long-run growth trend persists despite periods of decline or stagnation.
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Aiassa, Paolo, Matthias Baltes, Stephan Danner, Heinz Frischengruber, Roman Horvath, Wolfgang Klotz, and Aldo Vacca. "Successful Wine Cooperatives: Field Reports from Cooperative Managers in Austria, Italy, and Germany." Journal of Wine Economics 13, no. 3 (August 2018): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jwe.2018.50.
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Austria has a quite small cooperative sector, only about 10 to 15% of all Austrian wine is produced by wine cooperatives. The first wine cooperative was established in 1882 (Eisenstadt-Ruster-Weinproduzentenverein). An intense wave of cooperative establishment took place in Austria and Germany at the beginning of the 20th century, lasting through the 1960s, that was due to the unfortunate general socio-economic situation of vintners.
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rahman, sayed. "Economic Dimension of China’s Foreign Policy towards Pakistan: Late 20th- Early 21st Century." PAKISTAN LANGUAGES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW 4, no. II (December 31, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/plhr.2020(4-ii)2.2.
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rahman, sayed. "Economic Dimension of China’s Foreign Policy towards Pakistan: Late 20th- Early 21st Century." PAKISTAN LANGUAGES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW 4, no. II (December 31, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/plhr.2020(4-ii)2.2.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Kinoshita, Eizo. "Proposition of Thetical and Antithetical Economic Line." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 31 (November 30, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n31p1.
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In this paper, the author proposes a developed version of “Thetical and Antithetical Economics” (12)(14), a theory proposed earlier by himself. In doing so, he first defines the nature of “inflationary gap” and “deflationary gap,” respectively, followed by an in-depth analysis of “Thetical and Antithetical Economic Line,” by examining real-life examples in Japan, the United States and Germany during the first half of the 20th century. In the subsequent discussion of “Thetical and Antithetical Economic Line,” he clarifies how an “antithetical bubble” has been created. In the end, he goes on to give a thorough description of the true identity of “deflationary gap.”
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Kaplan, Robert B. "Language Policy and Planning: Fundamental Issues." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (March 1994): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002786.
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For much of the 20th century, language policy and planning has been essentially overlooked except as an academic enterprise, being of serious interest largely only to a small coterie of specialists scattered thinly around the world. Still, at present, only a handful of universities in the world offers anything more than a random course in language policy/planning or simply subsumes the entire field in a couple of lectures in the introductory course in sociolinguistics. In the last decade of the 20th century, real-world events have thrust language policy and planning into prominence. The collapse of the former Soviet Union and the powerful resurgence of language loyalties in various Eastern European polities, the rapid economic unification of a multilingual Europe, changing global patterns of immigration, and global economic difficulties have coalesced to create new linguistic conditions and focus attention on long existing linguistic inequities. These conditions have brought into serious question the western notion of an idealized identity between nation and national language. This volume of the Annual Review of Applied Linguistics has attempted to draw together various emerging perspectives on language policy and planning and to examine emerging circumstances in a selected set of illustrative areas:
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Stolbov, Vyacheslav. "Models of Russia's Macroeconomic Policy at the Turn of the 21st Century." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 13, no. 1-2 (October 14, 2010): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10103-009-0032-5.
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At present the modelling of macroeconomic processes appears to hold theoretical as well as applied interest. Hence, in the present article this method is used with regard to the Russian economy, presenting its actual economic practice in the last decade of the 20th and at the beginning of the 21st century. The author describes three macroeconomic models, taking into consideration the fact that the country is being profoundly influenced by the global financial crisis. The discussed models are: transition economy model, economic growth model and crisis-management model.
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Lebedeva, Lidia, Yulia Kucherova, and Elena Godina. "Secular Changes in Male Body Height in the European Part of Russia during the 20th Century." Collegium antropologicum 44, no. 2 (2020): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5671/ca.44.2.1.
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Significant political and economic transformations took place on the territory of contemporary Russia in the first part of the 20th century. We hypothesized that they would have affected male growth curve negatively. To test this idea, the dataset was collected to present the graph, which illustrates the changes in male body height during the 20th century. We searched for bibliographic sources with information about body height of men and women born during the 20th century, with full description of measurement methodology, sample design and significant geographical distribution of the dataset covering more than 15 territories of the country – cities or regions. Such criteria were met only for men. We found only 8 sources that could be considered reliable in the research. The observed graph confirms positive changes in male body height on the territory of the European part of contemporary Russia: for those, who were born in 1900‘s it was 166.1 cm, in 1920s – 166.5 cm, in 1940s – 171 cm, in 1960s – 174.8 cm and in 1980s the indicator reached 176.1 cm. No significant negative changes in this indicator have been found during the studied period. The primary hypothesis that political and socio-economic transformations affect male growth curve negatively was confirmed only partly. We concluded that unfavorable political and socio-economic events (such as revolutions, World War I and World War II, purges and famines) influenced the pace of body height increase in men. While the main period of secular trend was fixed in the first decades of the 20th century in Germany, Netherlands and France, in this part of Russia it occurred later, in 1930–1960s. However, the total increase in male height was very similar for all mentioned territories (9–11 cm) during 1900–1980’s.
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Atkinson-Grosjean, Janet, Dawn House, and Donald Fischer. "Canadian Science Policy and the Public Research Organisations in the 20th Century." Science & Technology Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55138.
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Across OECD nations, public/private partnerships have recently become popular mechanisms in advancing science and technology policies. But Canada has a long tradition of such partnerships. The federal government was involved in the promotion of relations between public research organisations (PROs) and the private sector as early as the start of the twentieth century. In this paper, we trace the evolution of policies promoting the economic utility of public science in Canada. We then present the National Research Council’s Industrial Research Assistance Program (NRCIRAP) and Industry Canada’s Networks of Centres of Excellence (NCE) program as contrasting cases of federal steering. By developing an understanding of these flagship instruments, we seek insight into the wider implications of state intervention in relations between PROs and Canadian industry.
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Gollopeni, Besim. "Socio-Economic Situation of Kosovan Migrants before and after Migration." Path of Science 6, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 3001–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.63-7.
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In the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century, Kosovan society faced numerous social, economic, and political problems. These problems became the main cause of the high rate of migration. Many citizens, especially young people, were forced to migrate to European countries and beyond in the absence of prospects in Kosovo. Unemployed and employed people migrated in search of a better life. Migration from Kosovo continues to be high to this day. Countries like Germany began issuing work visas to Kosovans after 2005, leading many young people to migrate to Germany. To understand the situation of Kosovan migrants before and after migration, the study (N = 350) aimed to investigate the situation of unemployment, employment, and satisfaction with pre - and post-migration earnings. The results show that around 75% of Kosovan migrants were unemployed before migrating and about 50% of those who were employed had low monthly incomes (up to 200 euros), while in the host society this situation has changed positively. The results indicate that, after the migration to the host society, about 85 % of Kosovan migrants are employed, over 50% have high incomes (around 2000 euros), and about one-third have changed their post-migration occupation.