Academic literature on the topic 'Germany – Economic policy – 20th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Antolović, Mihael. "“World domination or ruin”. Friedrich von Bernhardi and German militarism before World War I." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 4 (February 26, 2016): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i4.16.
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The paper analyzes the role of militarism in the political life of Germany before WWI. By pointing out the roe of militarism in the political life of Germany at the start of the 20th century, the paper puts an emphasis on the writing of Friedrich von Bernhardi titled Germany and the next war, published in 1912. Bernhardi sought to prove the inevitability of “preemptive war” and territorial annexations in order to provide for the economic and political interests of Germany as a global force. Bernhardi legitimized his opinion by calling on social-Darwinist arguments as well as the tradition of German idealist philosophy, and claiming that war is the only means by which it is possible to sustain German culture as the highest form of “German spirit” and its most valuable contribution to humanity. Considering the high rank which Bernhardi held as a general in the German military, as well as how his attitudes fell in with German foreign policy of the period, Bernhardi’s writing represents, in a condensed fashion, an expression of militaristic ideas present in German society before WWI.
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Babintseva, Ekaterina Alekseevna, and Lyudmila Vasilievna Ponomarenko. "Cooperation between Russia and Germany in the field of energy policy in the XX-XXI centuries." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 238–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-2-238-250.
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The author devoted the paper to the peculiarities of bilateral cooperation between Russia and Germany in the field of maintaining a favourable environmental balance. The author notes that nature protection for a long time was not considered as a subject of interstate cooperation and did not fall into the focus of the agenda of important international summits. In connection with a number of historical reasons, at the beginning of the last century there was minimal state interest in organizing the protection of protected areas, conducting stabilization and supporting environmental measures, as well as ensuring the conservation and renewability of natural resources. The extensive path of economic development, the devastating military operations and the assessment of the natural environment as a resource basis for achieving primary state tasks contributed to the development of the global environmental crisis by the middle of the 20th century. The paper emphasizes that the starting point of international environmental cooperation and the adoption of a number of universal environmental acts were reports within the framework of the Club of Rome and further multilateral summits on climate and environmental issues dating back to the second half of the 20th century. The author assigns a special role within the framework of Russian-German environmental cooperation to the Nord Stream and Nord Stream-2 gas pipelines. The author emphasizes that cooperation within the framework of the projects took place in the context of the Western sanctions on Russia. Using energy projects as an example, the author showed in action the environmental relationship in the process of fuel and energy dialogue between partner countries. Based on an analysis of the results achieved, the author concludes that the future environmental cooperation between Russia and Germany is promising.
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Novikova, Irina. "J. K. Paasikivi and the Formation of Finland’s Independence." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016483-0.
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J. K. Paasikivi belongs to the most famous Finnish political figures, the prime minister and the seventh president of Finland, the architect of its foreign policy in the post-war period. His influence on the political, economic and foreign policy spheres of Finland has been extremely noticeable for more than half a century. This article examines the least studied period of his political activity — the formation of Paasikivi as a politician, diplomat and statesman from the beginning of the 20th century until the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 between the RSFSR and the Republic of Finland. In the first twenty years of the 20th century, Paasikivi traveled a difficult, dramatic path from a staunch supporter of cooperation with the Russian Empire to an adherent of the idea of independence, then cooperation with imperial Germany, and again, recognizing the important fact that the best way to ensure Finland's national interests is to compromise with Russia in matters of its strategic needs. However, the sharp turns in Paasikivi's political fate were by no means a tribute to the fashion or the conjuncture. He was and remained a realist and pragmatist who always took into account a complex of factors: geographical, historical, strategic, foreign policy, economic in the decision-making process. Paasikivi's political heritage in modern Finland are realism in foreign policy, maintaining good relations with neighboring countries, first of all, with Russia, foreign policy aimed at the future, its predictability and long-term, in domestic policy, the desire to awaken interest in foreign policy issues.
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Papenko, Nataliia. "Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182.
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The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
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Hemphill, Thomas A. "From Industrial Policy to National Industrial Strategy: An Emerging Global Phenomenon." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 38, no. 3-4 (October 2018): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0270467620925710.
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In February 2019, the German federal government announced its new “National Industry Strategy 2030.” Many economies—including the United Kingdom (2017), European Union (2017), and Saudi Arabia (2018)—have announced national industrial strategies addressing the competitive threat of the People’s Republic of China’s 2015 “Made in China 2025” 5-year economic plan to become a global leader in 10 advanced technology manufacturing sectors. The use of the 20th-century term “industrial policy” heralds back to public policy antecedents of what is now evolving globally in the 21st century as national “industrial strategy,” a concept explored in this article. Unlike traditional 20th-century efforts at industrial policy (which focused on public policy efforts to maintain domestic primacy of declining, older industries), national industrial strategy recognizes (and generally accepts) the international global economy as a foundation of competition. Most importantly, national industrial strategy focuses on technologically emerging industries as well as the national government working collaborative in a partnership with these emerging industries to meet future growth challenges and opportunities.
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Erokhina, Olga V., and Vitaly Y. Zakharov. "“The Other/Own/Alien”: Paradoxes of Perception of Germans in the Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th centuries." Journal of Frontier Studies 8, no. 1 (February 6, 2023): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i1.494.
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The article deals with the problem of “the Other/Own/Alien” on the example of Germans and German colonists who arrived to Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th century at the invitation of the authorities. The material analyzed by the authors allowed revealing how the process of their transformation from “the Other” to “Stranger” took place. We have identified the socio-cultural, economic and political factors that influenced it. For various reasons, Germans came to the country where they had to adapt to new natural and climatic conditions, master the language, get acquainted with culture and traditions. In our opinion, long-term residence in the country and the gradual establishment of contacts with the local population contributed to the assimilation of Germans and transformation into “our kin”. This process took place much faster in an urban environment than in rural areas. However, foreign policy circumstances forced the Russian authorities to pursue an anti-German policy. This is reflected in periodicals and journalism. The desire of the Germans to preserve their language, culture and traditions, as well as the policy of the authorities, contributed to the formation of the image of the “Alien”.
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Chekalenko, L. "Historical Memory as a Means of Implementing the Internal and External Policy of the Republic of Poland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-3.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of the historical memory of the Republic of Poland, which is currently aimed at solving the internal and external tasks of the state in the following directions. The first concerns a number of geopolitical and practical issues of relations with Germany, the second revolves around relations with the Russian Federation, and the third is focused on the “Volyn problem”, which is naturally extrapolated to relations with Ukraine. Such a trichotomy was formed throughout the 20th century and continues to this day. If until 2014 German and Volyn unresolved issues prevailed in Polish politics and public life, then Russia’s invasion and war against Ukraine strengthened the Russian component of the Polish narrative of memory, aimed at debunking Moscow’s aggressive policy.
The origins and essence of the problems in Poland’s relations with Germany, as well as with Russia, are similar in many issues, and in some dimensions even coincide. The geopolitical weight of politicians of the leading states resemble each other in terms of historical origins and the nature of problems, disrespectful assessments of their opponents or competitors, imperial attitudes toward their own and conquered peoples, and economic characteristics bequeathed to them by previous state formations. Relations between the Republic of Poland and Germany are closely intertwined. Complicated by territorial claims, they became particularly acute during the Cold War. The constructive dialogue of these European states reached a consensus level only with the unification of Germany in 1990. However, a final understanding has not yet been reached, as the Polish side still raises the issue of guilt towards the Poles on the part of Germany, which, according to Polish statements, did not sufficiently compensate for the losses of the Poles period of the Second World War.
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Pavlov, N. "Russia and Germany: Back to the Future?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-69-78.
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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.
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Huh, Jung Koo. "A Consideration for Standard Level of National Defence Expenditure." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 7 (December 31, 1992): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps07010.
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For the past few years, the world situation has been changing so rapidly that it could be called a "The Revolution." For example, there are the changes in Eastern Europe, the unification of Germany, and the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the leader of the Communist nations and a major participant in the Cold War during the 20th century, from the historical stage. Moreover, North-Korea which has pursued an open-door policy and armed revolutionary unification for half n century, has begun a step by step effort For the establishment of peace. It has produced an atmosphere of detente on the Korean peninsula. All these world wide changes and North-South Korea developments toward peace cause people to fantasize about the unification of Korea. With this fantasy In their mind, people demand to spend more on economic and social welfare, and cut down on NDE.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Foisy, Cory A. "Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.
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This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
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Alsabah, Mohammad. "Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.
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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.
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Lin, Syaru Shirley, and 林夏如. "National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.
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Visessuvanapoom, Vinit. "State and economy in Thailand: the possibility of establishing a developmental state." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28173.
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This dissertation addresses the question of whether the Thai state is already a
developmental state or could readily become one early in the 21St century. To begin with it identifies the two principal conditions that have to be satisfied, namely commitment to develop and state capacity to influence development. The latter of ‘which in turn depends on the state’s general authority (legitimacy) and its general regulatory capacity. The focus of the dissertation is on the particular capacities that can be said to characterise a developmental state in the present era. These particular capacities are, first, the particular capacities providing the basis of industry policy as identified in the analyses of the earlier formation of developmental states by Chalmers Johnson and his successors and, second, certain complementary capacities which are required to meet the challenges of the twenty—first century. The body of the dissertation is an examination of whether, and to what extent, the particular capacities exist within Thailand or could readily be brought into existence. The dissertation further examines the commitment to development in Thailand through an examination of contemporary Thai polity and specifically the state’s ability, under a Thaksin administration in particular, to govern conflicts within the Thai polity in a manner consistent with broad development. It is recognised that insofar as the state’s capacity to influence development also depends on its general authority (the legitimacy of the state), that authority also is sensitive to its ability to govern conflict resolution. The dissertation ends by speculating about how different the commitment to development might be under another Democrat-led administration. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that, while the Thai state does indeed possess critical capacities for the pursuit of industry policy, other essential capacities - fundamental and complementary
— as well as legitimacy and commitment to development are weak and not obviously being strengthened. That being the case, it would only be wishful thinking to say that Thailand is already a developmental state.
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Biehl, Lundberg Andrés. "Social policy and income inequality in the Southern Cone during the 20th century : a comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ce998341-6b28-41a7-9453-94a22174e47a.
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This dissertation compares the effects of progressive social reform on income inequality in the Southern Cone of South America, Scandinavia, and Australasia. These regions faced comparable economic challenges at the start of the 20th century, but experienced different trends of income inequality after they introduced progressive policies in this period. Australasia and Scandinavia converged on a downward trend while the Southern Cone remained comparatively more unequal. The dissertation concentrates on three areas that significantly predict inequality in contemporary research: labour markets, education, and taxation and spending policies. Existing explanations usually focus on supply-side aspects of policy reform: wage regulation, and increased taxation and spending on education and social insurance, are thought to bring inequality down in the long-run. These reforms are seen as the outcome of the relative power of working class groups over elites. Despite institutional variation, the three regions enacted progressive policies to address distributional conflict and protect their economies from global risks. I study the demand-side of policy reform; policies faced considerable collective action problems to promote compliance and cooperation in order to work in the long-time and include populations at large. The fact that most people were motivated to comply meant that labour markets generated formality and standard wages, education increased human capital, and spending became stable as the tax base increased in Scandinavia and the Antipodes. The opposite happened in the Southern Cone as social actors tried to link selectively with the state while state officials neglected the material constraints that limited access to welfare and education. Each chapter spells out the conditions through which policy addressed collective action problems to motivate cooperation with wage agreements, sending children to school, and compliance with taxation and spending policies. Behind comparable aggregate numbers in these areas, the underlying social processes differed as Australasians and Scandinavians fostered cooperation between state and social actors, while the Southern Cone did not.
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SUZUKI, Hitoshi. "Digging for European Unity : the role played by the trade unions in the Schuman plan and the European coal and steel community from a German perspective, 1950-1955." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10420.
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Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Wilfried Loth (Universität Duisburg-Essen) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI and Monash University) ; Prof. Gérard Bossuat (Université de Cergy-Pontoise)
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Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.
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Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
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Rioux, Michèle. "Transnationalism and democracy in Brazil." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60472.
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In Brazil, the coincidence of massive growth and growing inequalities was also combined with an authoritarian regime. This coincidence led the dependency scholars to link the Brazilian economic model and the repressive and authoritarian nature of the political regime. However, the Brazilian democratization process, taking roots in the mid-70s, reformulated the issue. Indeed, while remaining committed to transnationalism, a democratization process was underway. This paper argues that the democratization process is consistent with, and even motivated by, the regulation imperatives of the regime of accumulation. However, these regulation imperatives limit the nature and scope of democratic reforms. Nevertheless, transnationalism also lay the foundations for more progressive and democratic option to emerge in formal politics and in civil society.
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Papadia, Andrea. "Government action under constraints : fiscal development, fiscal policy and public goods provision during the Great Depression and in 19th and early 20th century Brazil." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3683/.
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This dissertation is composed by three papers whose unifying themes are the origin and impact of fiscal institutions. The main contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it highlights the usefulness of the concept of fiscal capacity for the macroeconomics and international finance literatures by demonstrating its impact on sovereign default and fiscal dynamics during the Great Depression. Limits to the ability to tax have clear implications for macro-financial research, but are neglected by much of the literature. Second, my work contributes to the fiscal and state capacity literature by focusing on municipal level fiscal institutions in Brazil. Although research in this field is burgeoning, our understanding of the origin and impact of fiscal institutions in many parts of the world, including Latin America, is still very limited, particularly at the sub-national level. In terms of structure, the dissertation is a backwards journey from the impact of fiscal institutions to their origin. The first paper studies one of the ultimate outcomes of fiscal dynamics – sovereign default – by analyzing the debt crisis of the 1930s. The second paper takes the collapse in public revenues during the Great Depression as a starting point and demonstrates that fiscal institutions were a fundamental factor in the dynamics of fiscal aggregates. By shifting the focus to a single country and a different time period – the second half of the 19th and the early 20th centuries – the third paper demonstrates that slavery was deeply detrimental to the development of local governments’ ability to tax and provide fundamental growth and welfare-enhancing public goods in Brazil.
Books on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Leslie, Lipschitz, and McDonald Donogh, eds. German unification: Economic issues. Washington, D.C: International Monetary Fund, 1990.
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Feldman, Gerald D. The great disorder: Politics, economics, and society in the German inflation, 1914-1924. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.
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Spicka, Mark E. Selling the economic miracle: Economic reconstruction and politics in West Germany, 1949-1957. New York, NY: Berghahn Books, 2008.
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OVERY, RICHARD. The Nazi economic recovery, 1932-1938. 2nd ed. Cambridge [England]: New York, 1996.
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Rolf, Berghahn Volker, ed. Quest for economic empire: European strategies of German big business in the twentieth century. Providence: Berghahn Books, 1996.
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Modern Germany: Society, economy, and politics in the twentieth century. 2nd ed. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
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Great Britain, Germany, and the Soviet Union: Rapallo and after, 1922-1934. London: Royal Historical Society, 2003.
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Nazi steel: Friedrich Flick and German expansion in Western Europe, 1940-1944. Annapolis, Md: Naval Institute Press, 2012.
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Paying for the German inflation. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988.
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British politics and foreign policy in the age of appeasement, 1935-39. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Gerards Iglesias, Simon. "Social Reforms and the Fear of Economic Backlash: Political Debates on Social Policy and Transnational Influences in Argentina in the 1930s." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 345–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_27.
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AbstractSince the beginning of modern social policy in Argentina in the early 20th century, concerns about the loss of economic competitiveness of domestic industries had been an important argument against the introduction of labour policies. In the 1930s, however, the Argentinean government acceded to some important international labour conventions while business leaders promoted their own projects to improve labour safety and better working conditions at their facilities. This turnaround by the ruling conservative political elites and economic liberals can only be understood by considering transnational influences, particularly the triangular relationship between Argentina, the US, and the International Labour Organisation. Using the example of occupational accident legislation, this chapter shows how a social policy flagship was used as a tool to project the image of a modern, progressive nation that complied with international labour standards.
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von Weizsäcker, Carl Christian, and Hagen M. Krämer. "Appendix: Two Faces of Public Debt." In Saving and Investment in the Twenty-First Century, 321–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75031-2_14.
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AbstractFirstly, Germany has a highly developed welfare state. Secondly, the free exchange of goods, all across Europe and indeed all around the world, is a key element of the German economic system. Thirdly, to the acclaim of voters, German policy is committed to the goal of price stability. Is the debt brake compatible with these three guiding principles of German economic policy? I doubt it. In the German discussion, public debt is only seen in a negative light—wrongly, as I will show.
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Moebius, Stephan. "Sociology in Germany After 1990." In Sociology in Germany, 141–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_6.
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AbstractWhile far-reaching intellectual influences changed the face of sociology in the 1980s, the development of sociology in the 1990s was first and foremost shaped by a concrete social and political transformation, the fall of the Berlin Wall. Soon after the German reunification, East German sociology almost entirely disappeared and West German sociology extended to the East. The triumph of capitalist society fostered a brief comeback of modernization theory. As the system change came along with severe social problems, theories and research projects focusing on social exclusion, precarious work, and xenophobia moved to the center stage of sociological thinking. The first decade of this century again brought about major changes for society and sociology. Market logic increasingly dominated social and education policy; economic thinking and its involvement in political affairs was on the rise and may have contributed to a marginalization of the influence of sociology on policy making. Characteristic is a further specialization and differentiation, visible through the multiplication of special sociologies. The landscape of sociological theory in Germany continued to change: Earlier, grand theories were dominant, whereas nowadays a trend toward sociological diagnoses of contemporary society can be observed. Overall, contemporary sociology in Germany can be characterized by the following features: (1) historically and philosophically informed sociological theory has always been and still is important, (2) German sociology lacks self-confidence compared to US-American sociology, (3) German sociology has a critical attitude and a strong tradition of public sociology, (4) self-critical debates and internal controversies have always existed and still persist in the field of German sociology. Most recently, this could be observed in the splitting off of the Academy of Sociology from the German Sociological Association and the accompanying debates.
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Roy, Anja, Hans-Heinrich Krüger, and Maria Schmalz. "Management in wesentlichen Konfliktfeldern um den Fischotter – Übersicht zum aktuellen Wissensstand." In Evidenzbasiertes Wildtiermanagement, 127–47. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-65745-4_6.
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ZusammenfassungNach dem drohenden Aussterben des Fischotters in Mitteleuropa erholen sich seit Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts die Bestände dieser Tierart. Aus der Rückbesiedlung in ehemalige Verbreitungsgebiete, in denen sich mittlerweile Wirtschaftsformen und Praktiken des Fischmanagements ohne die Präsenz des Topprädators Fischotter entwickelt haben, resultieren vor allem in der Fischerei Konflikte verschiedener Interessensgruppen. Der Wissensstand im aktuellen Management dieser Konflikte wird umrissen, angewandte Methoden und Einzelmaßnahmen in ihrer Wirksamkeit beschrieben und diskutiert sowie Ergebnisse einer aktuellen Umfrage in Deutschland hinzugezogen. Es bestehen deutschlandweit wesentliche Wissenslücken zu grundlegenden Populationsdaten zum Fischotter, zu sozioökonomischen Hintergründen bestehender Konflikte und zur Kausalität auftretender Rückgänge von Fischbeständen und wirtschaftlichen Verlusten in fischereilichen Betrieben. Besonders schwierig zu lösen sind Konflikte in Teichwirtschaftsgebieten. Auftretende wirtschaftliche Verluste sind hier nicht alleine dem Fischotter als Verursacher zuzuschreiben, sondern müssen in der Gesamtheit aller fischfressenden Prädatoren betrachtet werden. In Teichwirtschaften sind nur begrenzt direkte Abwehrmaßnahmen gegen den Fischotter durch Zäunungen möglich. Die Entwicklung regional angepasster Managementpakete wird durch fehlende Daten erschwert. Einzelne Lösungsansätze vor allem aus Sachsen zeigen aber, dass auch hier Konfliktbeilegungen möglich sind. Weitere Konfliktfelder in der Gewässerbewirtschaftung, der Fallenjagd und bei Freizeitaktivitäten werden angesprochen.AbstractAfter the otter was threatened with extinction in Central Europe, its populations have recovered since the middle of the 20th century. The recolonization of former habitats, where economic systems and fish management systems have developed in the meantime without the presence of this apex predator, has led to conflicts with various stakeholders, especially fisheries. This paper outlines the state of knowledge in the current management of these conflicts. Applied methods and individual measures are described, discussed and evaluated, with reference to the results of a recent survey conducted in Germany. Nationwide, there are major knowledge gaps regarding basic data on the otter population, the socio-economic background of existing conflicts, and the causal chain between fish population declines and economic losses in the fishing industry. Conflicts are particularly difficult to resolve in pond-based fisheries, where not only otters but all piscivorous predators must be considered in their entirety. In pond farms, fencing is only a limited means of directly deterring otters. The development of regionally adapted management packages is hampered by a lack of data. However, individual approaches, especially from Saxony, show that conflict resolution is possible even in such cases. Further areas of conflict in water management, trapping and recreational activities are addressed.
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Catterall, Ross E. "Introduction." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 1–16. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-1.
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Kotios, Angelos. "Unilateral euroisation in transition countries: the case of southeastern Europe." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 296–320. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-10.
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Aldcroft, Derek H. "Exchange rate regimes and economic performance in the inter-war years." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 17–70. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-2.
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Sumner, Scott. "Exchange rates crises and US financial markets during the 1930s." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 71–102. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-3.
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Oliver, Michael J. "The political economy of money supply, exchange rate and inflation targets since Bretton Woods." In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 103–29. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-4.
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Webster, Allan. "European monetary union: does recent economic history in the UK suggest that exchange rates pose significant trade barriers?" In Exchange Rates and Economic Policy in the 20th Century, 130–71. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255729-5.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Zimin, Lev. "Barga (Hulun-Buir) in the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: Russian Historiography." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2021. Baikal State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3040-3.48.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the works of Russian researchers, which studied the foreign policy of the Russian Empire / USSR in Barga. The author examines works on Russian foreign policy in the first half of the 20th century, including publications written during this period. The article analyzed in detail the publications of contemporary Russian historians on this issue.
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Norovsambuu, Khishigt, Leonid Kuras, and Bazar Tsybenov. "From Intelligence to the Beginning of Revolutionary Cooperation: the Evolution of Russian Policy in Respect of Mongolia (1905–1918)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2021. Baikal State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3040-3.43.
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The article is devoted to the evolution of the policy of the Russian Empire and Soviet Russia on the issue of Mongolia. The period under study begins with the Russo-Japanese War at the beginning of the 20th century and ends with the attempts of Soviet Russia to establish relations with Mongolia in 1917–1918. The authors analyzed in detail the military-intelligence, diplomatic and revolutionary aspects of Russian politics in Mongolia. The article also examines the question of the probable meeting in 1917 of Mongolian representatives with the revolutionaries of the Central Executive Committee of Soviet power in Siberia and the Siberian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
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Mazzola, Ettore Maria. "Implementing the lesson of early 20th century traditional buildings for a real sustainability. The examples of Corviale (Rome) and ZEN (Palermo) districts." In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.15633.
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The lesson of the early Italian 20th Century vernacular/traditional buildings and districts by ICP (Social Housing Institute), which were quickly and inexpensively built, suggests the right way to improve our cities while respecting the environment. Moreover, the socio-economic strategy of those days shows what we can do to re-train artisans and generate a vast artisanship, which could reduce the restoration costs of our heritage. As matter of fact that wise way of building aimed not only at providing new decorous houses, but also at generating labor and reducing the future maintenance costs. The success and durability of the buildings of those districts were not accidental: their authors’ assessments, as well as the urban rules conceived on those days, show that everything was carefully planned of a great thanks to an interdisciplinary approach. The use of traditional masonry, that does not need to wait for the hardening times of concrete to be loaded, allowed the quick constructions of those buildings: for instance 6 months for 44 houses of the district San Saba and only 4 for the entire Lot 24 of the Garbatella. These traditional masonry houses, whose revalued building costs were roughly 50% less than current ones, have not needed to be restored for over 100 years and are among the most sought after houses in real estate, (€/sqm 11,000, like in the historical center). Furthermore, the wise construction policy of those days shows us how we can solve the problem of housing, earning public profits from it rather than increasing public debt. The cases studied in this paper regard the projects for the urban regeneration of two wretched suburbs, in Rome and Palermo. They both show how, thanks to the simple reuse of the pre-Fascist laws and tools, as well as of traditional masonry, we can achieve the above-mentioned program
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Gukasyan, Gurgen, and Ali Nasser Khayder. "PROSPECTS OF THE OIL INDUSTRY OF OPEC+ COUNTRIES - MAJOR OIL EXPORTERS IN THE CONTEXT OF POST-PANDEMIC AND POLITICAL INSTABILITY." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s06.075.
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The purpose of the analysis is to identify prospects and opportunities for the development of the oil industry of Arab countries (including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates. Kuwait, Qatar. Oman, Iraq) as well as Iran, Venezuela, Russia and some others), in the difficult post�pandemic and political conditions of 2022. In our opinion, there is a strong influence on the oil industry of cyclical and structuralcyclical fluctuations of the world economy, along with the environmental policy of the OECD countries, long-term trends in the consumption of fossil fuels. In this aspect, the historical approach to analysis contributes to a better forecasting of the studied problem, namely, an experience of the OPEC policy in the 20th century. At the same time, in the context of the events of 2022, there is an overlap of political factors of the development of the oil market with its economic trends. This may lead to a change in the entire configuration of the oil market and industry. The bet on the exceptionally decisive role of "green energy" does not fully justify itself due to various difficulties. The oil resource is viewed differently by developing countries and OECD. Under these conditions, it is possible to identify and justify the impact of a number of unexpectedly intensified factors and strategic directions of the development of the oil industry for key OPEC+ member countries. In the article the methods of macro and microeconomic analysis, historical approach, statistical analysis, and partly, political analysis, are used. The results can be used in further investigation of oil-exporting countries oil policy.
Reports on the topic "Germany – Economic policy – 20th century"
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Kimhi, Ayal, Barry Goodwin, Ashok Mishra, Avner Ahituv, and Yoav Kislev. The dynamics of off-farm employment, farm size, and farm structure. United States Department of Agriculture, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2006.7695877.bard.
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Objectives: (1) Preparing panel data sets for both the United States and Israel that contain a rich set of farm attributes, such as size, specialization, and output composition, and farmers’ characteristics such as off-farm employment status, education, and family composition. (2) Developing an empirical framework for the joint analysis of all the endogenous variables of interest in a dynamic setting. (3) Estimating simultaneous equations of the endogenous variables using the panel data sets from both countries. (4) Analyzing, using the empirical results, the possible effects of economic policies and institutional changes on the dynamics of the farm sector. An added objective is analyzing structural changes in farm sectors in additional countries. Background: Farm sectors in developed countries, including the U.S. and Israel, have experienced a sharp decline in their size and importance during the second half of the 20th century. The overall trend is towards fewer and larger farms that rely less on family labor. These structural changes have been a reaction to changes in technology, in government policies, and in market conditions: decreasing terms of trade, increasing alternative opportunities, and urbanization pressures. As these factors continue to change, so does the structure of the agricultural sector. Conclusions: We have shown that all major dimensions of structural changes in agriculture are closely interlinked. These include farm efficiency, farm scale, farm scope (diversification), and off-farm labor. We have also shown that these conclusions hold and perhaps even become stronger whenever dynamic aspects of structural adjustments are explicitly modeled using longitudinal data. While the results vary somewhat in the different applications, several common features are observed for both the U.S. and Israel. First, the trend towards the concentration of farm production in a smaller number of larger farm enterprises is likely to continue. Second, at the micro level, increased farm size is negatively associated with increased off-farm labor, with the causality going both ways. Third, the increase in farm size is mostly achieved by diversifying farm production into additional activities (crops or livestock). All these imply that the farm sector converges towards a bi-modal farm distribution, with some farms becoming commercial while the remaining farm households either exit farming altogether or continue producing but rely heavily on off-farm income. Implications: The primary scientific implication of this project is that one should not analyze a specific farm attribute in isolation. We have shown that controlling for the joint determination of the various farm and household attributes is crucial for obtaining meaningful empirical results. The policy implications are to some extent general but could be different in the two countries. The general implication is that farm policy is an important determinant of structural changes in the farm sector. For the U.S., we have shown the different effects of coupled and decoupled (direct) farm payments on the various farm attributes, and also shown that it is important to take into account the joint farm-household decisions in order to conduct a meaningful policy analysis. Only this kind of analysis explains the indirect effect of direct farm payments on farm production decisions. For Israel, we concluded that farm policy (or lack of farm policy) has contributed to the fast structural changes we observed over the last 25 years. The sharp change of direction in farm policy that started in the early 1980s has accelerated structural changes that could have been smoother otherwise. These accelerated structural changes most likely lead to welfare losses in rural areas.