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1
Wang, Minxu. "Analysis on German Monetary Policy from 1974 to 1990." E3S Web of Conferences 214 (2020): 02007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021402007.
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This article analyzes German monetary policy from 1974 to 1990. During this period, Germany experienced rapid economic growth and maintained the inflation rate at an average low level. This article would like to analyze German monetary policy to find the reasons why Germany could have rapid economic growth and maintain inflation rate at an average low level. Then specific main goal, right choices of monetary policy tools and intermediary indicators, and timely adjustment of the policy were found as the reasons. We also learn some successful experience about monetary policy from Germany and apply them in China.
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Strutynski, Peter. "Uneingeschränkte Solidarität." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 41, no. 162 (March 1, 2011): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v41i162.360.
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This article focuses on the analysis of the new strategic concept of NATO (Lisbon 2010) and its effect on German foreign and security policy. During the Cold War, the (old) Federal Republic of Germany had done well to recognize its limited sovereignty while at the same time expanding its economic and political influence in NATO and the EC/EU. This approach has not fundamentally changed with the unification of Germany in 1990. Since then Germany has been developing its imperial ambitions cautiously, embedded in the aggressive NATO military pact and the militarization of the EU. The credo of the new Germany is the enforcement of both;, German economic and geo-strategic interests as a nation cannot be achieved alone, but only within the range of existing alliances.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany: From Civilian Power to a Geo-economic Shaping Power." German Politics and Society 35, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350303.
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Germany has become a geo-economic power since its unification in 1990. Its foreign policy agenda has been shaped by its economic interests and the role of its export sector. Nevertheless, Russian actions in Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe combined with the accession of the Trump Administration in the United States and the rise of China have resulted in a transition in the foreign policy paradigm toward Germany as a shaping power and more of a geopolitical actor which has to balance its economic interests with the new strategic challenges of a newly unstable Europe.
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Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. "Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.
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This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identity since 1990, which allows tracing the evolution of Germany-Russia relations. Special attention is given to the characteristic features of German identity that have formed prior to the German reunification, but their fundamental traits remain essential for studying German identity. Leaning on the scientific research of the prominent specialists in German Studies, the author highlights not only the basic, but also complementary features of the modern German identity, and outlines the landmark events that currently acquire special resonance in German society. The author also traces the evolution of Germany-Russia relations, placing emphasis on the aspects that are of particular importance for the economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made on unfeasibility of continuing the dialogue between Germany and Russia due to the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany is a full-fledged member of the European Union and no longer intends to implement solely national foreign policy.
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Spengel, Christoph, and Benedikt Zinn. "Steuerpolitik nach der Krise: Welche Maßnahmen sind für die Unternehmensbesteuerung in Deutschland zu ergreifen?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, no. 1-2 (February 2012): 19–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00372.x.
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AbstractIn this article we numerically explore the development of corporate tax burdens for the case of Germany during the time period between 1990 and 2010. We set up a model-firm approach, which allows us to account separately for many complicated tax provisions, such as earning stripping rules or loss-carryovers, in great detail and hence provide a comprehensive analysis of the tax systems in Germany, which extends the scope of existing literature. Furthermore, we present an analysis of the impact of the global economic and financial crisis on the effective tax burden of companies and evaluate the short-term measures introduced by the German government to support economic activity. Although the global economic crisis has posed hard new questions, it also offers an opportunity to accelerate structural tax reforms and restart the discussion on the design of corporate taxation in Germany beyond short-term policy responses. Therefore, we finally outline proposals to reform corporate taxation in Germany.
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Choi, Seung Mo, and Max St Brown. "Economic Impacts of Reunifications in Germany and in Korea." Asian Economic Papers 14, no. 2 (June 2015): 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00364.
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We measure the evolution of population, investment rates, and total factor productivity (TFP) for East Germany and West Germany around their 1990 reunification to create a model that allows us to consider the economic ramifications of a hypothetical reunification between South Korea and North Korea. The scenarios that we consider suggest that worker migration from the North, a decrease in investment, and a slowdown in TFP growth could exert a substantial negative and persistent effect on South Korea's economy although the North is predicted to benefit from more rapid income growth. We also summarize the economic and policy questions that our quantified model illuminates.
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Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.
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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.
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Roesler, Jörg. "Massenkonsum in der DDR: zwischen egalitärem Anspruch, Herrschaftslegitimation und „exquisiter“ Individualisierung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 35, no. 138 (January 1, 2005): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v35i138.40.
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Mass Consumption in the GDR. East Germanys communist party policy was directed to a steady increase of consumption from the low level after Second World War. The consumption patterns were not dictated by Marxist theory but by the shop window reality of West Germany. According to the wishes of the people – and Marxist ideas - the delivery of goods was comparatively equal to every citizen. In the 1980s both consumption policy goals could not be met any longer as a result of economic weakness and mounting indebtedness of GDR. This was one important reason, why the population turned its back to communism mentally - and in 1989 increasingly also physically. The GDR collapsed in 1990.
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Ivanov, Oleksandr, and Mykhailo Boiko. "Denazification policy in Germany in the coverage by the representatives of American scientific and political thought in the second half 1940s – 1950s." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.6.
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Based on an analysis of published works by American researchers (historians, political scientists, lawyers, sociologists, philosophers), the majority of whom was involved in the preparation and implementation of the process of re-education of Germans in the first postwar years, the authors aim to identify the main trends, approaches, assessments of the progress and future prospects of denazification of Germany from the point of view of American scientists and politicians of the first postwar decade. Denazification became one of the main public topics that was widely discussed in American society in the second half of the 1940s and 1950s, but these publications have not yet been the subject of a separate historiographical analysis in either ukrainian or foreign scientific literature that determines the novelty of the proposed article. Discussions were formed by those who were involved in its implementation and did not always express the views of academics alone. Based on the methods of historiographic analysis and problem-chronological approach, it was found that the program of «re-education» of Germany and its implementation were ambiguously perceived and evaluated by different researchers, which led to the formation of two directions in historiography of this problem. The first and a little earlier formed direction showed a balanced positive assessment of the denazification policy even if certain problems, shortcomings or even partially negative results were stated. Another trend, which crystallized a little later, articulated a more critical, skeptical, and even negative view of US policy in occupied Germany. In American historiography there is a thesis that the Germans must solve their own problems. The assessment of denazification took place at a time of critical geopolitical change in Europe, interest in which waned in the 1950s. Exacerbation of the confrontation with the USSR, fear of possible radicalization of Germany, problems of postwar economic recovery forced the United States to reconsider approaches to methods and rates of denazification policy and transfer control over its implementation to the newly formed Germany, an American ally.
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Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.
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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.
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Keller, Andrei V. "«Мужская дружба»? Вилли Брандт и Леонид Брежнев в контексте энергетического диалога между ФРГ и СССР в 1970–1973 гг." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 44, no. 2 (March 4, 2017): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04301006.
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With the signing of the Moscow Treaty in 1970 between the Soviet Union and West Germany, a new period in Soviet-German relations began. This phenomenon was made possible by two factors: the strengthening of Brezhnev's power and the election of Willy Brandt as Chancellor of West Germany. This article identified the importance of the personal relationship between the two politicians in the transition from a policy of harsh confrontation during the Cold War to a policy of détente and economic cooperation in the form of an energy dialogue from 1970 to 1973. Against the background of current events, the author poses the question of why the two politicians were unable to agree to a policy against the backdrop of the perceived ideological antagonism between the capitalist and socialist systems. This article also considers how the relationship between the two men affected the development of economic cooperation between the two countries.
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Ciuriak, Dan. "Commentary: Free Trade Agreements and the Doha Development Agenda." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850069. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1156.
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Commentary on FTAs and the Doha Round Agenda. Dan Ciuriak is Deputy Chief Economist at Canada’s Department of International Trade. He is co-editor of, and regular contributor to, the Department’s annual Trade Policy Research series and advises on a wide variety of international economic issues, including WTO and NAFTA trade litigation. In his personal capacity he has published a number of articles on various aspects of economic globalization, with a particular focus on the Asian Crisis and China’s economic integration into the global economy. From 1994-1998, Ciuriak served as deputy to the Chair of the APEC Economic Committee with principal responsibility for editing the annual APEC Economic Outlook and other Economic Committee publications. From 1990-1994, he served as Finance Counsellor at Canada’s Embassy in Germany, covering G-7 issues, German reunification, the Maastricht process, and the European Monetary crisis. Previously, he was with Canada’s Department of Finance where he was deeply involved in Canada’s federal financial institutions reforms. He studied at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario.
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Schneider, Hans Joachim. "Crime, Criminological Research, and Criminal Policy in West and East Germany before and after Their Unification." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 35, no. 4 (December 1991): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x9103500402.
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In October 1990 the two German states united after 40 years of separation. Since crime rate figures had been manipulated and empirical studies had not been carried out for decades, criminological research needs to be started afresh in the new federal states. This is because in consequence of the differing standards of living and economic situations criminality is almost certain to climb and change its structure and appearance. The population must learn to trust the newly emerging judicial and criminal justice system.
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Kizilov, Valery V. "Some Macroeconomic Consequences of COVID-19: Specifics of the 2020 World Economic Crisis." Financial Journal 13, no. 1 (February 2021): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31107/2075-1990-2021-1-9-27.
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In 2020, almost all large countries experienced a decline in GDP and other indicators of economic activity. This trend followed the news about the COVID-19 pandemic and had several features typical for cyclical economic crises. At the starting point, both demand and supply factors were negatively affected. This paper looks into data on GDP, retail sales and foreign trade dynamics in the first nine months of 2020, and analyzes the difference between developed and developing countries. Specific phenomena are observed: Germany and its small neighbors had relatively mild crises; developed countries had their trade balances deteriorating; the trade between the USA and China revived; and American deficit has been growing since April 2020. Some hypotheses to explain the above are offered. For instance, the German economy might have been able to adapt swiftly due to greater freedom of entrepreneurship than in France and Italy and due to the lowest debt ratios among G7 countries. The trade balances of developed countries deteriorated, possibly, because of a decline in production as a result of antiCOVID lockdowns, with consumption encouraged by stimulating policy measures.
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Myszczyszyn, Janusz. "Development of Transport as a Factor of the Economic Miracle (Wirtschaftswunder) of West Germany." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 39, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2021-0008.
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Abstract The post-war economic policy of West Germany (FRG) is largely associated with the so-called economic miracle (German: Wirtschaftswunder) and therefore its causes are the subject of many different analyzes. They include the correlation between the rate of economic growth in Germany and the development and transport potential of transport, including rail and road-car transport. This position prompted the author to try to search for long-term interdependencies and thus verify the thesis using the analysis of time series (1950–1989) available for West Germany and using original econometric methods in this field, e.g. unit root test to determine the stationarity and the Engle-Granger cointegration test. In addition to the introduction, the article consists of three parts and conclusions. The broadest one includes the description of the assumptions and stages of the research procedure and its results, both on the empirical and methodological level. It is based on synthetic theoretical foundations presented on the basis of a review of international literature on the subject and review of the essence of the German economic miracle and the main trends in changes in the field of economic growth and transport development in Germany after World War II. The research presented in this way fits into the principles of the new economic history paradigm, which is still not very popular in Europe.
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Chekalenko, L. "Historical Memory as a Means of Implementing the Internal and External Policy of the Republic of Poland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-3.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of the historical memory of the Republic of Poland, which is currently aimed at solving the internal and external tasks of the state in the following directions. The first concerns a number of geopolitical and practical issues of relations with Germany, the second revolves around relations with the Russian Federation, and the third is focused on the “Volyn problem”, which is naturally extrapolated to relations with Ukraine. Such a trichotomy was formed throughout the 20th century and continues to this day. If until 2014 German and Volyn unresolved issues prevailed in Polish politics and public life, then Russia’s invasion and war against Ukraine strengthened the Russian component of the Polish narrative of memory, aimed at debunking Moscow’s aggressive policy.
The origins and essence of the problems in Poland’s relations with Germany, as well as with Russia, are similar in many issues, and in some dimensions even coincide. The geopolitical weight of politicians of the leading states resemble each other in terms of historical origins and the nature of problems, disrespectful assessments of their opponents or competitors, imperial attitudes toward their own and conquered peoples, and economic characteristics bequeathed to them by previous state formations. Relations between the Republic of Poland and Germany are closely intertwined. Complicated by territorial claims, they became particularly acute during the Cold War. The constructive dialogue of these European states reached a consensus level only with the unification of Germany in 1990. However, a final understanding has not yet been reached, as the Polish side still raises the issue of guilt towards the Poles on the part of Germany, which, according to Polish statements, did not sufficiently compensate for the losses of the Poles period of the Second World War.
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Nevskiy, Sergey. "Economic Policy of Aliens in Post-War West Germany (1945—1947)." Economic Policy (in Russian) 10, no. 6 (December 2015): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2015-6-03.
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Belukhin, Nikita. "The Taste of War: the Danish Collaborationism under the German Occupation in 1940—1945." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016460-5.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of the Danish economic collaboration during the German occupation of Denmark in 1940—1945. The occupation of Denmark is a unique case among other occupied European countries such as France, Belgium and the Netherlands during the Second World War where Germany openly pursued the policy of economic exploitation and introduced strict rationing practices. The peculiar “soft” conduct of the Danish occupation is mainly attributed to the special role Denmark’s agricultural exports played in the German war economy. Under the occupation the efficient system of production and food consumption control was devised in Denmark which met the interests and needs of both the Danish population and Germany’s economy. The article highlights the specific mechanisms of economic coordination between Denmark and the German occupation authorities within industry and agriculture, and reveals Denmark’s role in the German military and economic plans.
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Nikiforov, Yuriy S. "Economic inequality global knowledge in the context of historical research of social policy issues." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 3 (2019): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-3-211-214.
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The article presents an overview of the international scientific conference "The Global Knowledge of Economic Inequality. The Measurement of Income and Wealth Distribution since 1945", which took place on November 15 to 17, 2018, at the German Historical Institute London (United Kingdom). The conference was dedicated to the state and to prospects of research into the problems of economic inequality in the world. The main attention of the conference participants was focused on issues of the welfare state, economic inequality, its measurement, income, wealth, and poverty in various perspectives. More than 30 people made presentations in English and in discussions, including scientists from the UK, China, Russia, the USA, Germany, France and other countries.
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Kumar, Ronald Ravinesh, Peter Josef Stauvermann, and Hang Thi Thu Vu. "The Relationship between Yield Curve and Economic Activity: An Analysis of G7 Countries." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14020062.
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The yield curve is an important tool to assess the economic progress of a country. In this study, we examine the strength of the relationship between term spread and economic activity, and between the components of the yield curve and economic activity in the G7 countries using monthly data on yield rates and seasonally adjusted data on the industrial production index (IPI). After matching the start and end date of the IPI with the yield rates, the data used and respective time period are as follows: Canada: March-1994 to December-2018, France: January-1999 to December-2018, Germany: October-2005 to December-2018, Italy: July-2009 to December-2018, Japan: July-1994 to January-2019, the UK: January-1994 to December-2018, and the US: February-1990 to January-2019. The results show positive associations between term spread and economic activity for Canada, France, Germany, Japan, the UK, and the US. For Italy, a negative association is noted. All three empirical factors could predict economic activity for France and Germany at the 12-month horizon only. For all other horizons, the factors’ ability to predict economic activity varies. We observe that by including additional macro-finance variables such as the current economic growth rate and the 3-month yield rate to capture the term structure level effects, the relationship between term spread and economic activity becomes stronger. This implies that the usefulness of yield curve and its decomposed components for the purpose of predicting economic activity should be cautiously modelled and employed for policy.
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Gurney, Andrew, Jan Willem In't Veld, and Ray Barrell. "Chapter II. The World Economy." National Institute Economic Review 136 (May 1991): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019113600105.
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GNP growth in the major seven economies continues to decline from the cyclical peak reached in 1988. The latest national accounts statistics show that all major seven economies are now growing more slowly than they did last year, with the United States, United Kingdom and Canada in recession. This slowdown in activity appears to have been caused primarily by the tightening of monetary policy that occurred between 1988 and 1990. Short-term interest rates rose by 4.4 percentage points in Germany between 1987 and 1990, by 3 percentage points in Japan between 1987 and 1990, and by 2.2 per cent in the United States between 1987 and 1989.
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Cristina Samper and Michaela Kreyenfeld. "Marriage migration and women's entry into the German labour market." Journal of Family Research 33, no. 2 (September 6, 2021): 439–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20377/jfr-491.
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Objective: We analyse the employment patterns of childless first-generation migrants to Germany. In particular, we focus on the behaviour of female "marriage migrants". Marriage migrants are defined as individuals who married after their spouse had moved to Germany.
Background: Demographic studies have illustrated that marriage migrants have particularly high childbirth rates upon arrival. There is, however, little empirical evidence on how the childbearing behaviour of migrant women is related to their employment behaviour.
Method: We use event history techniques to study women's labour market entry after migration in relation to their childbearing behaviour. We draw on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP). The analytical sample is restricted to immigrant women who moved while childless to Germany between 1990 and 2016 (n=981).
Results: Compared to other groups, marriage migrants have very low chances of entering the labour market. Only 32 per cent of the migrants in our sample had ever participated in the labour market in the five-year period after their arrival in Germany. A large share of the differences between these migrants and other migrants can be attributed to the socio-demographic composition of these women, and to their tendency to transition to parenthood soon after their arrival.
Conclusion: We argue that the low employment rates of female marriage migrants must also be viewed in the context of Germany’s migration policies, which do not provide many routes for female third-country nationals to move to Germany. One of the few available channels is that of marriage migration. We conclude by discussing the social policy implications of these findings at a time when Germany is gradually becoming a dual-earner society.
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Raynkhardt, R. O. "The Contemporary System of German Economic Diplomacy." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-225-231.
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The article deals with the description and analysis of functioning of the German national system of economic diplomacy. The author provides a brief summary of historical and economic background, stages and conditions of its development from the 1950-s to present time. He casts light upon the procedures and mechanisms of interaction between the key national economic-diplomatic agents i.e. ministries, agencies, other authorized bodies, public and private institutes outlining their usage of concrete economic, administrative and legal instruments in the course of respective policy measures. The author looks into the distinctive features which encompass the essence of the model: a two-level system with three pillars: foreign representations of the MFA, Germany Trade and Investment Agency, chambers of commerce. The above elements do not overlap each other's functions, but complement them; their functioning is based upon interministeriality and the single window concept. A special focus is made on the practice of economic-diplomatic agents, especially chambers of commerce, using private public partnership instruments. In general, notwithstanding recurring negative trends of the domestic and global business climate (oil crisis in the 1970-s, recession of the late 2000s - early 2010s) the German economy demonstrated of high resistibility to exogenous shocks compared to other economies and according to the absolute values of its macroeconomic indicators. Alongside other economic and noneconomic factors this stability can to a certain extent be explained by an efficient system of economic diplomacy. Established in the 1970s it keeps on evolving in order to stand up to new challenges. At any stage of the business cycle it constitutes a pillar of the German economy and, ultimately, of the economy of the European Union.
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Holtfrerich, Carl-Ludwig. "On the Discussion of the Economic Policy of Germany from Weimar to Hitler." Economic Policy (in Russian) 11, no. 3 (June 2016): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18288/1994-5124-2016-3-10.
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Gupta, Shilpi. "The Reality of Economic Growth towards Green Environment: A Study of Selected OECD Countries 1990-2010." International Journal of Environment 3, no. 3 (September 12, 2014): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ije.v3i3.11065.
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Economic growth and green environment has a direct relation with health, habitat and well being of our society which depends largely on the natural environment. But on the other side the society is neglecting and often ignoring the benefits that nature provides for economic prosperity. This paper studies the role of environment in economic growth, the role of environmental policy in achieving improved environmental results, closely examine the evidence of decoupling production from environmental damages and discuss decoupling in the context of global economy. In order to study these aspects, we explored our comparative research with special reference to selected eight OECD nations namely-France, Germany, Ireland, Japan, Portugal, Turkey, UK and USA with coverage period of 1990-2010. The selection of the countries is based on their prominence in industrialised world and their close economic bounding with each other over a considerable period. The coverage period in the study is 20 years because some of the emission data are available till 2013 and some only up to 2010. In order to do a comparative research on various dimensions we take in to our study period between1990-2010. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ije.v3i3.11065 International Journal of Environment Vol.3(3) 2014: 78-88
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Eberharter, Veronika V. "Capability Deprivation, and the Intergenerational Transmission of Social Disadvantages—Empirical Evidence from Selected Countries." Social Sciences 7, no. 12 (December 1, 2018): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7120253.
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Based on longitudinal data from the Cross-National Equivalent File 1980–2016 (CNEF 1980–2016) the paper analyzes the extent of income inequality and capability deprivation and the driving forces of the intergenerational transmission of social and economic status of two birth cohorts in Germany, and the United States. In both the countries the empirical results show increasing inequality of the real equivalent household income, and younger cohorts experience a higher persistence of social and economic status. In the United States income inequality is more expressed than in Germany, which is in accordance with lower intergenerational income mobility. The contribution of individual and family background characteristics and capability deprivation indicators to intergenerational income mobility is more pronounced in the United States than in Germany. The significant impact of capability deprivation in childhood on the intergenerational transmission of economic chances emphasizes the importance of economic and social policy designated to guarantee the equality of opportunity.
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Compston, Hugh. "Union participation in economic policy making in France, Italy, Germany and Britain, 1970–1993." West European Politics 18, no. 2 (April 1995): 314–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425074.
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Henke, Klaus-Dirk, and Cornelia S. Behrens. "The economic cost of illness in the Federal Republic of Germany in the year 1980." Health Policy 6, no. 2 (January 1986): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-8510(86)90002-3.
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Bechtel, Michael M., and Roland Füss. "When Investors Enjoy Less Policy Risk: Divided Government, Economic Policy Change, and Stock Market Volatility in Germany, 1970-2005." Swiss Political Science Review 14, no. 2 (June 2008): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2008.tb00104.x.
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Khan, Syed Abdul Rehman, Ridwan Lanre Ibrahim, Abul Quasem Al-Amin, and Zhang Yu. "An Ideology of Sustainability under Technological Revolution: Striving towards Sustainable Development." Sustainability 14, no. 8 (April 7, 2022): 4415. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14084415.
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The recent decades have witnessed an unprecedented surge in global warming occasioned by human anthropogenic activities. The ensuing effects have brought devastating threats to human existence and the ecosystem, with the sustainability of the future generations highly uncertain. Resolving this pervasive issue requires evidence-based policy implications. To this end, this study contributes to the ongoing sustainable development advocacy by investigating the impacts of renewable energy and transport services on economic growth in Germany. The additional roles of digital technology, FDI, and carbon emissions are equally evaluated using data periods covering 1990 to 2020 within the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) framework. The results show the existence of cointegration among the variables. Additionally, renewable energy and transport services positively drive economic growth. Furthermore, economic growth is equally stimulated by other explanatory variables, such as digital technology and carbon emissions. These outcomes are robust for both the long-run and short-run periods. More so, departures in the long run are noted to heed to corrections at an average of 60% speed of adjustment. The estimated models are confirmed to be valid based on the outcomes of the postestimation tests. Policy implications that support the path to sustainability are highlighted based on the findings.
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Kuznietsova, K. I. "CZECH REPUBLIC FOREIGN POLICY: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.49-57.
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In the 1990s the Czech foreign policy objectives were to secure its proper place in international relations after the end of the Cold War, which included the entry of a number of international intergovernmental organizations (IMF, World Bank Group organizations, OECD, EBRD, NATO, EU, etc.) and the development of friendly relations with neighboring states and partners. In this sense, there is no reason to identify the foreign policy of the Czech Republic during this period only as a course aimed at "returning to Europe". In the early 1990's, most Czech political actors shared the idea of "return to the West" and "liberal democracy", the differences in their vision of the models of the geopolitical orientation of the Czech Republic make it possible to distinguish between the interaction of the three main foreign policy ideologies in the process of adopting foreign policy decisions: atlanticism, continentalism, and autonomy. Different interpretations of the essence of "liberal democracy" led to the emergence in the Czech politics of two ideological trends that had a significant impact on the vision of the foreign policy priorities of the Czech Republic: economic universalism (aimed at eliminating institutional barriers to the free flow of goods, services, money), and moral universalism (oriented towards the spread of democracy and the protection of human rights, which is a priority in foreign policy). Followers of economic universalism (primarily V. Klaus) actively advocated the development of economic ties with Russia and China, while the followers of the ideology of moral universalism (V. Havel and his followers) actively opposed it. The article also investigates the influence of foreign policy prejudices on the formation of the foreign policy of the Czech Republic, among which the most influential are anti-Russian and anti-German.
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ZAIDI, ASGHAR, JOACHIM R. FRICK, and FELIX BÜCHEL. "Income mobility in old age in Britain and Germany." Ageing and Society 25, no. 4 (June 30, 2005): 543–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05003612.
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The increases in human longevity and early retirement in recent decades have posed new challenges for policy makers, and require a comprehensive understanding of the processes that influence the economic resources of older people. This paper examines the income mobility experienced by older people living in Britain and Germany during the 1990s, and identifies the influential personal attributes and lifecourse events. The analysis uses British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) panel data. The comparative perspective yields insights about the different income experiences of older people in the two markedly different welfare regimes. It is found that old-age income mobility has been more pronounced in Britain than in Germany, and that in both countries its occurrence was strongly associated with changes in living arrangements, with the employment status of co-residents, and with widowhood among women. Unemployment during working life associated significantly with negative late-life income mobility. Among those on low incomes, a high share of income from an earnings-related pension had a significant and positive effect in both countries. To reduce downward income mobility in old age, particularly among widows, there is a need to strengthen the social safety-net. Policies are required to encourage flexible living arrangements in old age, as well as to give greater protection in later life from unemployment during working life, especially in Germany.
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Upchurch, Martin. "Institutional Transference and Changing Workplace Relations in Post Unification East Germany: A Case Study of Secondary Education Teachers." Work, Employment and Society 12, no. 2 (June 1998): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017098122001.
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German Unification in 1990 was processed by the imposition of the `western' institutional framework on the former east. Legal, administrative and fiscal systems were transferred as part of the Unification Treaty together with the West German industrial relations machinery of co-determination in collective bargaining and participation at the level of the workplace. However the fact that the two Germanies had grown in different economic, social and ideological environments over the previous 40 years raises questions about the viability of such institutional transference. Feelings of `colonisation' and frustrated expectations have been identified as western dominance of officialdom and disappointment at the product of Unification has emerged in the east. Within the public sector these problems have been accompanied with ideological purges of public servants in social policy and education after investigation of past involvement with the former GDR secret police network. This article examines institutional transference with reference to the case of secondary education teachers. Disputes over wage equalisation, job cuts and non-recognition of former GDR teaching qualifications are examined together with attitudes of classroom teachers to the changing nature of their work, their status as teachers and their involvement as trade union participants in the German participatory system of industrial relations.
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Kuznetsova, O. V. "Cities as actors of globalization: differences between federal subjects and municipalities in Russia and Germany." Regional nye issledovaniya, no. 1 (2020): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/10.5922/1994-5280-2020-1-2.
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The article compares the situation in Russia and Germany with differences between cities of various status by their powers and budget revenues. We analyze data on the number and population of urban districts in Russia and their analogues in Germany, on the execution of budgets of cities-municipalities and cities-regions. It is shown that the system of territorial division in Russia at the municipal level differs from the German one by noticeably greater fragmentation and the dominance of urban districts of low population. In both countries, local budgets are focused on solving social problems and developing local infrastructure, and approaches to securing tax sources for local budgets are common. At the same time, the contrast between the budget indicators (income and expenditure per capita, the share of inter- budget transfers in income) of cities-regions and cities-municipalities in Russia is significantly higher than in Germany, which limits the ability of city district authorities to conduct independent economic policy, including support for the development of foreign economic relations. The author suggests ways to increase the revenue base of local budgets in Russia (crediting all small business taxes to their budgets, improving the quality of land and real estate accounting, managing non-tax revenues), as well as giving local government bodies of different population groups different powers.
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Trunov, P. "German Strategy and Tactics in Military-Political Sphere by 2020s." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.4.
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The article evaluates Germany`s position in military-political field achieved by the end of Angela Merkel`s era. The key dilemma for German establishment is to find a combination of the growing desire to strengthen positions in the world arena and restrictions as a result of historical responsibility for the outbreak of World War II. It determines FRG`s commitment to the principles of multilateralism and also strategic restraint (in the questions of combat and generally provocative usage of military tools). The paper issues the evolution of this elements of German foreign policy at the end of 2010-s. During the final period of Merkel`s era German establishment has faced the growing number of challenges for FRG`s leadership at the global, regional (Euro-Atlantic community) and internal levels. The article stresses the danger of further growth of «Alternative for Germany» positions for the retention of power by the elite. This danger stimulates the sharp intensification of FRG`s political and military activity by the beginning of the 2020s. Trumpism and Brexit determines the growing importance of deepening contacts with France, small and medium states in military-political sphere for Germany. The scientific paper explores the dynamics and the results of this process at the interstate (on the examples of focus partners) and regional levels. The author also issues German steps directed to the strengthening of positions in the key international structures in the security sphere. The paper explores plans of the build-up of the Bundeswehr for the longterm perspective, the features and «narrow places» of the Bundeswehr modern usage inside and outside the NATO zone of responsibility. The author pays special attention to the correlation between the staring growing of military potential and the restrictions in the Treaty of the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany (1990). The paper concludes about key results and difficulties of the growing of German military-political positions in the world by the beginning of 2020s.
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SCHOBER, PIA S. "Parental Leave and Domestic Work of Mothers and Fathers: A Longitudinal Study of Two Reforms in West Germany." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 2 (January 7, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000809.
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AbstractFollowing two parental leave reforms in West Germany, this research explores how child care and housework time changed among couples who have just had a child. The reform in 1992 extended the low paid or unpaid parental leave period, whereas the 2007 reform introduced income-dependent compensation and two ‘daddy months’. This study contributes to the literature by examining different mechanisms on how these reforms were associated with domestic work time in couples. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (1990–2010), the analysis applies ordinary least square (OLS) regressions and difference-in-difference estimations. The findings point to a significant reduction in paternal child care time eighteen to thirty months after childbirth among couples with children born after the 1992 reform. The 2007 reform was associated with increased child care time of fathers in the first year and eighteen to thirty months after the birth. Changes in maternal child care and both partners’ housework were not statistically significant. Alterations in maternal and paternal labour market participation, wages and leave taking accounted for most of the observed variations in paternal child care except for eighteen to thirteen months after the 2007 reform. This unexplained variance may point to a normative policy effect.
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Muñoz, Pedro Felipe, and Stefan Rinke. "Latin America in the global exchange of the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden (1919-1930)." Revista Tempo e Argumento 14, no. 35 (April 30, 2022): e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180314352022e0104.
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In 1912, Karl Lingner created the German Hygiene Museum Dresden profiting from the Dresden International Hygiene Exhibition 1911. Lingner aimed to build a permanent building for the museum, but due to the Great War and post-war economic crisis in Germany, the permanent building was not opened until 1930. In the Weimar Republic, the museum circulated internationally through traveling exhibitions and the sale and donation of collections and exhibits. This circulation comprised a global exchange promoting health education that included Latin America. In keeping with German foreign cultural policy of the period, the German Hygiene Museum played an active role in the transatlantic cultural relations and the German-Latin American exchange, functioning as "a cultural propaganda institute". In this article, we explore the transnational circulation of objects and collections between Dresden and Latin America which was also associated with international efforts to promote public health. Keywords: Public Health; Health Education; Cultural Propaganda; German-Latin American Relations; Transnational and Global History.
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Naranch, Bradley D. "“Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine”: Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910." Central European History 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746356.
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The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.
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Bértola, Luis, and Gabriel Porcile. "Convergence, trade and industrial policy: Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay in the international economy, 1900–1980." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 24, no. 1 (2006): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261090000046x.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the economic performance of three Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay) from a comparative perspective, using as a benchmark a group of four developed countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States). The focus is on the relative performance within the region and between the Latin American countries and the developed countries in the period 1900–1980. The paper argues that Argentina and Uruguay benefited from a privileged position in international markets at the beginning of the 20th century and this allowed them to converge. However, they failed to adjust to the major long-run change in the pattern of world trade brought about by World War I and the Great Depression, which implied a persistent decline of their export markets. On the other hand, Brazil, after having been much less successful until 1930, grew at higher rates thereafter based on rapid structural change and the building up of competitive advantages in new industrial sectors. The more vigorous Brazilian policy for industrialization and export diversification may explain why Brazil succeeded in changing its pattern of specialization, while Argentina and Uruguay were locked in to the old pattern. A typology of convergence regimes is suggested based on the growth experience of these countries.
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Debardeleben, Joan T. "Esoteric Policy Debate: Nuclear Safety Issues in the Soviet Union and German Democratic Republic." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (April 1985): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004178.
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At a time when the nuclear power industry in many Western countries faces political and economic obstacles to expansion, commitment to assertive development of nuclear power continues to intensify in the Soviet Union, as well as in most East European countries. Although in 1980 nuclear power provided only about 5·1 per cent of electrical generating capacity in the Soviet Union, the 11th Five Year Plan (1981–85) projected an increase to 14 per cent, or to approximately 38,000 MW (megawatts) of installed capacity. Although longer-run projections are less definite, it appears that by 1990 authorities hope to achieve between 80,000 and 90,000 MW of nuclear generating capacity. A similar commitment to nuclear power exists in most CMEA countries, particularly in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). As of 31 December 1982, the GDR's 1,830 MW of nuclear generating capacity was the highest in Eastern Europe (outside the Soviet Union), although Bulgaria has overtaken the GDR in terms of proportion of electrical capacity provided by nuclear power (16 per cent for Bulgaria and 11 per cent for the GDR in 1980). According to projections, Czechoslovakia should increase its nuclear capacity from 880 MW in 1980 to between 3,100 and 3,600 MW by 1985, while the GDR plans to raise its capacity to 2,270 MW.
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Sautter, Hermann. "Solidarität durch ökonomische Rationalität." Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 40, no. 1 (February 1, 1996): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-1996-0134.
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AbstractThe article deals with the crisis of the German welfare system. Protestant churches are challenged by this crisis. Six challenges are discussed: (a) Recognize facts. One fact is, that the economies of countfies like Germany cannot be separated from the trend of economic globalization. It is every country's position in global economic competition which determines the possible Ievel of its national welfare. A secend fact is, that the present old-age insurance system cannot be maintained. The third fact mentioned is the inconsistency of the system of social security. (b) Becoming open for economic thinking: Solidarity is not possible against but only in conformity with economic rationality. (c) Understand the worldwide dimension of solidarity: lt is exactly economic globalization which promotes worldwide solidarity (the growth of textile industry in Bangladesh is taken as an example). (d) Promote selfresponsibility: Those who are able to help themselves should do so more than before so that assistance for the helpless can be maintained. (e) Stimulate innovations in the field of social policy: An example is the negative income tax. (f) Protect the needy: This is indispensable, and it corresponds not only to christian convictions but also to the enlightened self-interest of a secular society.
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Lage, Jonas, and Leon Leuser. "Fläche unter Druck: Sozial-ökologische Dimensionen der Flächennutzung in deutschen Wachstumsregionen." GAIA - Ecological Perspectives for Science and Society 28, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/gaia.28.4.8.
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Deutsche Städte werden immer dichter bebaut ‐ zum Nachteil von vielen Stadtbewohner(inne)n. Damit eine hohe Lebensqualität gewährt werden kann, muss Stadtentwicklung öffentliche Räume stärken. Denn gemeinschaftlich genutzte Flächen wie Parks oder Plätze können wesentliche Bedürfnisse nach sozialem Austausch oder Naturerfahrungen befriedigen und die Städte so lebenswerter machen.The paper discusses the trend of ongoing land consumption in German cities and their implications for socially inclusive and ecological urban development models. Highlighting how land use in Germany has changed since 1990, we focus on housing and mobility ‐ the two sectors that have had the most impact on land consumption nationwide. Our analysis of ten demographically growing cities in Germany shows land consumption to be driven not only by demo-graphic growth itself, but also by modes of living and transportation that are exclusive to certain privileged groups. In the cities we studied, these developments would seem to benefit the few, but affect the lives of everyone. Based on these results, we sketch out various ideas and approaches that could support a socially inclusive and ecological urban development policy. Supporting a cultural shift from a private luxury model to one based on public welfare is crucial to reducing land consumption and ensuring that all members of the population can gain access to “the good life”.
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Eichwede, Wolfgang. "Trophy Art as Ambassadors: Reflections Beyond Diplomatic Deadlock in the German-Russian Dialogue." International Journal of Cultural Property 17, no. 2 (May 2010): 387–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739110000159.
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AbstractThis article provides brief coverage of the Russian-German dialogue since 1991 and the search for solutions about looted art of German ownership seized at the end of the Second World War and still held in Russia. So far, while Russia and Germany regard themselves as partners and friends in political and economic realms, they have been unable to find agreement about the looted art. Germany seems no longer to retain Russian cultural goods plundered during the war, whereas Russia still possesses a significant amount of German cultural assets. On the basis of existing treaties and international law, Germany demands its restitution. Russia, on the other hand, has nationalized the confiscated goods in 1998 as compensation for its own war losses. Nevertheless, not a few citizens of both countries have been returning artworks and books privately, in some cases supported by the governments. A convincing solution for the general problem can only be found if the treasures, which in the past have been understood as trophies, could be transformed into cultural ambassadors, while dialogue and the search for new ways continue within the framework of a policy of reconciliation. This approach also includes further research and analysis of the Russian cultural losses resulting from the war, a project undertaken in the 1990s at the Forschungsstelle Osteuropa (Research Center for Eastern Europe) of the University of Bremen, as briefly described in an appendix to the article.
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Tomić, Daniel, Tina Đorđević, and Matea Grdić. "Economic Implications of Technological and Energy Advancement on CO2 Emission Intensity in Selected Countries." Oeconomica Jadertina 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/oec.3786.
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In the pursuit of economic prosperity, many countries have "sacrificed" the quality of their environment to achieve higher rates of economic growth. By focusing on established industrial practices that have destroyed the environment in the long run, they have harmed their own, as well as the global ecosystem. Within this context, the main challenge for a long-term sustainable economic policy is the intertwined focus on two goals - economic growth and environmental protection. The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the development of environmentally related technologies, renewable energy supplies, and the total primary energy supply on the intensity of CO2 emissions based on the production within five countries in the period from 1990 to 2019. The observed countries are Italy, Germany, Croatia, Brazil, and Finland. To evaluate the relationship between the observed variables a panel analysis was used, more specifically random effect models (REM) and fixed effect models (FEM). Empirical results show that the development of environmental technologies and the supply of renewable energy have a negative impact on CO2 emissions, while the total supply of primary energy has a positive impact on CO2 emissions. The results of the research suggest that environment-related technologies and renewable energy promote the issue of environmental protection, while the overall supply of primary energy actually limits the perspective of green development.
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Ferguson, Niall, and Brigitte Granville. "“Weimar on the Volga”: Causes and Consequences of Inflation in 1990s Russia Compared with 1920s Germany." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 4 (December 2000): 1061–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700026371.
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This article offers a comparative analysis of the inflationary exeriences of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia, applying theories about money and government budget constraints in the manner of Thomas Sargent and François Velde. The comparison looks beyond economic policy itself to the political and social consequences of the two inflationary crises. The parallel is fairly close: close enough to suggest that Russia, despite its recent quiescence, may not have seen the end of its monetary—or political—travails.
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Goodman, John B., and Louis W. Pauly. "The Obsolescence of Capital Controls?: Economic Management in an Age of Global Markets." World Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1993): 50–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950666.
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Between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, after decades of trying to limit short-term international capital movements, advanced industrial states moved decisively in the direction of decontrol. What has driven this remarkable policy convergence? The answer lies not in ideological change or shifts in relative political power, but in the prior development of international financial markets and in the increasing globalization of business. In a policy environment fundamentally reshaped by these factors, financial institutions and multinational firms were able to threaten or implement strategies of evasion and exit. Thus, the usefulness of controls declined as their effective costs rose sharply. In this light, the cases of Japan, Germany, Italy, and France are examined. The analysis points to the tightening link between short-term capital movements and foreign direct investment, issues that have long been treated as conceptually distinct. It also underlines the intricate connection between national policies governing capital movements and those aimed at managing international financial markets.
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Serediuk, V. V. "The role and meaning of the state in neoconservatism." INTERPRETATION OF LAW: FROM THE THEORY TO THE PRACTICE, no. 12 (2021): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2021-12-39.
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Neoconservatism as an ideological and political-economic system of knowledge contains a number of ideas about the role, tasks, purpose and meanings of the modern state, its relationship with social institutions (family, church, NGOs), as well as its role in economic relations. American neoconservatism, in contrast to British or German, is also characterized by attention to the foreign policy function of the state. Reconsideration of the role, tasks and significance of the state in various spheres of society and in international relations in modern conditions determines the relevance of our study of this issue. Neoconservatism, the ideas of which were implemented in the policies of the conservative parties of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany in the 1970-1990s, continues to influence the implementation of national and international policies of various states to this day. Neoconservatism, unlike neoliberalism, offers a different understanding of the role and meaning of the modern state. Traditional values are ideologically substantiated and promoted: family, religion, morals, community, and the state. An important place in neoconservatism is given to social institutions, the need to overcome isolation of the individual from the institution of community (religious, social, government). The integration of the individual into social institutions and the return of the importance of the state authority in the worldview of the individual are considered priorities of state influence. American neoconservatism substantiates the US foreign policy function – to protect the democratic values in international relations. In the economic sphere, neoconservatives insist on reducing government intervention in market relations, returning to the ideals of classical economic liberalism, and taking a number of fiscal and monetary policy measures to reduce inflation, unemployment, and stimulate economic development. Although neoconservatism recognizes the need to build a strong state, it is not seen as authoritarian, encroaching on,restricting or abolishing human and civil rights and freedoms recognized in democracies after World War II. However, freedom is understood as a sphere of free behavior of the individual, which exists in relations with other members of society and is limited by the freedom of another person. Keywords: neoconservatism, state, role, individual, social institutions, traditional values, intervention, economy, law.
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Sorokin, Alexey. "In the Shadow of the Cold War: the Main Problems of the Development of Economic Cooperation between Germany and the USSR in the 1950s — 1960s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022414-4.
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Economic ties have traditionally played an important role in bilateral relations between the FRG and the USSR. The article examines the initial stage of the formation and development of trade and economic cooperation between countries from 1950 to 1969. The priority influence of the political factor on the development of economic relations is highlighted, primarily for the West German side. The main actors, driving forces of trade and economic cooperation and the main problems constraining it are singled out. As a result, on the basis of the analysis, a general assessment of the economic policy of the two countries in relation to each other in the period under study is made.
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Przygodzki, Zbigniew. "State of Play and Sectoral Differentiation of Clusters in Visegrad Group Countries and in Germany in the Context of Increasing Competitiveness." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 15, no. 1 (July 4, 2012): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10103-012-0004-z.
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In accordance with the definition by the European Commission regional competitiveness means the ability of companies, sectors and transnational groupings in the region exposed to international competition to generate sustainable and relatively high income and employment levels. Following this line of thinking, strengthening the potential of local economic operators and their environment should become the priority of economic policies of the governments. One among recognised mechanisms that back up enterprise potential is the organisation and fostering of the competitiveness of clusters. They are a specific case of economic networks based on cooperation and competitiveness which usually need targeted investment in order to be efficient in their operations. Cluster policy implemented by Western European countries is most often systemic, integrated between the central and the regional levels with the material scope of investment focusing on assisting innovation in clusters. From this perspective it is interesting to see the shape the policy takes in Central European countries after their economic transformation. We selected Visegrad Group countries as the subject of our analysis knowing that clusters have been known there since at least the end of 1990s. Although more than 10 years have passed the conclusions indicate that the policy is at its initial development stage and, differently from Western economies (Germany in our case), it hardly effects the innovation of national economies and regional systems of innovation.