Relevant bibliographies by topics / Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990

Academic literature on the topic 'Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990"

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Kloiber, Andrew. "Brewing Relations: Coffee, East Germany, and Laos." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.61.

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This investigation contributes to studies of post-1945 Europe and the Cold War by examining the culture, economics, and politics surrounding the consumption of a single commodity in East Germany, coffee. Coffee was associated with many cultural values and traditions that became tied to the GDR's official image of socialism. When the regime's ability to supply this good was jeopardized in 1975–77, the government sought out new sources of coffee in the developing, so-called Third World. East Germany entered into long-term trade and development projects with countries such as Angola, Ethiopia, Laos, and Vietnam to secure sufficient beans to supply its own population – this article singles out the GDR's relationship with Laos for discussion. These trade deals connected East Germany to a much broader, globalizing economy, and led to certain lasting effects on the world coffee trade.
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Storkmann, Klaus. "East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (April 2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00451.

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The East German regime provided extensive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla movements in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. In the 1980s, the pro-Soviet Marxist government in Nicaragua was one of the major recipients of East German military assistance. This article focuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan requests to the East German military command, and on political and military decision-making processes in East Germany. The article examines the provision of weaponry and training as well as other forms of cooperation and support. Research for the article was conducted in the formerly closed archives of the East German Ministry for National Defense regarding military supplies to the Third World as well as the voluminous declassified files of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (the ruling Communist party).
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Wu, Zhiqing. "Analyzes in effects of 1990 German reunification in economic, political and cultural perspective." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (November 6, 2022): 242–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2369.

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After the fall of Berlin Wall, the East and West Germany faced a series of problems brought by the reunification. It was surprising to witness the unification of east socialist regime with west capitalism for the theorists. East Germany relied on subsidies from the government and investments from west Germany due to its low living standard and productivity level. The forty years of separation in culture values, political community, and economic systems generates great obstacles for the union of the two Germanie.
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Caciagli, Mario. "Le sette elezioni federali nella Germania unita (1990-2013)." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 72, no. 4 (December 30, 2014): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9571.

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Stability and predictability had been the norm in the German political system before the unification. The seven federal elections in the unified Germany from 1990 to 2013 did have significant consequences on the traditional continuity. After the last two governments headed by Helmut Kohl (1990-1998), the Social Democrat Gerhard Schröder became Chancellor in a Red-Green coalition (1998-2005) and the Christian Democrat Angela Merkel became Chancellor, fi rst in a Grand Coalition with the Social Democrats (2005-2009), than in a coalition with the Liberals (2009-2013), and after the 2013 elections in a Grand Coalition again. These frequent changes can be explained by the mobility of the electorate: the cumulative effect of the growth of the middle class and the general social mobility have eroded traditional loyalties, as the disaffection of the youth includes changing electoral choices or tendency to no-vote. Economic and social issues too did have effect on voting behavior: because their critical social situation the electors of the East had preferred fi rst Kohl’s CDU, than Schröder’s SPD and again the CDU under Merkel’s leadership; in the West millions of left electors disappointed by Schröder’s contentious reforms of the labor market leaved the SPD in the 2009 and 2013 elections; the performance of the economy in the last years after periods of crisis, collocating Germany at the top of the European Union, has stimulated the support to Merkel. Because a new party, the PDS than Linke, which has stable roots in the East, but can’t be partner of a government; because the exclusion from the Bundestag of the liberal FDP; and, finally, because the least reform of the electoral system toward more proportionality: all that injects uncertainty into a “fluid” party and political system.
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.

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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.

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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Létourneau, Paul. "L'Allemagne unie entre l'Ouest déclinant et l'Est désintégré." Études internationales 23, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702967ar.

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German unification is both a cause and an effect of the restructuring of alliances now taking place with the end of the long postwar era. An enlarged Germany finds itself in a new geostrategic position at the centre of a henceforth unified continent and its vocation is pan-European. The underpinnings of its external policy and its security have been modified. In this context, the German government has opted not only for keeping a renewed NATO but also for deepening and widening Europe's economic and political institutions. It does not want to disappoint either the Americans or its European Community partners and those wishing to join the EC. Nor does it want to disappoint the East Europeans, including those-of the former Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the traditional policy of seeking non-isolation, at times not without ambivalence, is destined to change and could become more assertive. Two items testify to this change in direction : the "debate over normalization', which has brought down taboos in Germany, and the leadership role that Bonn has openly taken, for the first time since 1945, on the issue of recognition without further delay of Slovenia and Croatia by the European Community as of January 15 1992.
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Lammers, Karl Christian. "The Making of the GDR: New Research on its Formative Years and Problems." Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 333–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002102.

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Andreas Malycha, Die SED. Geschichte ihrer Stalinisierung 1946–1953 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2000), 541 pp., DM 98.00, ISBN 3-506-75331-2. Gareth Pritchard, The making of the GDR 1945–53. From antifascism to Stalinism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 244 pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-7190-5654-3. Mark Allinson, Politics and popular opinion in East Germany 1945–68 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 178 pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-7190-5554-7. Jonathan Grix, The Role of the Masses in the Collapse of the GDR (Basingstoke/New York: Macmillan/Palgrave, 2000), 213 pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-333-80098-2. Raymond G. Stokes, Constructing Socialism. Technology and Change in East Germany, 1945–1990 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000) 260 pp., $51.00, ISBN 0-8018-6391-0. Mary Fulbrook, German National Identity after the Holocaust (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), 248pp., £14.99, ISBN 0-7456-1045-5. Detlef Nakath and Gerd-Rüdiger Stephan, Die Häber-Protokolle. Schlaglichter der SED–Westpolitik 1973–1985 (Berlin: Karl Dietz Verlag, 1999), 480 pp., DM 48.00, ISBN 3-320-01968-6. Benno-Eide Siebs, Die Aussenpolitik der DDR 1976–1989. Strategien und Grenzen (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1999), 461 pp., DM 128.00, ISBN 3-506-77510-3.
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Headey, Bruce, Peter Krause, and Roland Habich. "East Germany: Rising Incomes, Unchanged Inequality and the Impact of Redistributive Government 1990-92." British Journal of Sociology 46, no. 2 (June 1995): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591787.

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Hildebrandt, Achim, and Eva-Maria Trüdinger. "Belonging and exclusion: the dark side of regional identity in Germany." Comparative European Politics 19, no. 2 (February 22, 2021): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-020-00230-5.

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AbstractA collective regional identity is a favourable condition for the acceptance of majority decisions made at the regional level and for the delegation of competencies from the central to regional governments. Moreover, a regional identity can play an important role in times of global challenges. Regional attachment might generate a we-feeling and help individuals to cope better with a complex world. The same feeling, however, might also serve as a basis for exclusionary attitudes. In this article, we analyse regional identity at the Land level in Germany with data from the German General Social Survey. Our results show that regional identity is strong in both the eastern and western parts of the country, with people in the east, surprisingly, identifying with their respective Land slightly more than people in the west, even though the five eastern Länder were only established in 1990 after decades of centralist rule. Furthermore, the dark side of regional identity manifests itself only in eastern Germany, where a stronger regional identity tends to go hand in hand with a greater dislike of foreigners.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990"

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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.

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Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.

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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.
This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
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Baumann, Steffen. "Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification: Revisiting the Civic Culture." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.

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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.
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Goetze, Stefan. "The transformation of the East German police after German unification." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669799.

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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.

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Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.

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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.
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TANDLER, Agnes Charlotte. "Geplante Zukunft : Wissenschaftler und Wissenschaftspolitik in der DDR 1955-1971." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5991.

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Defence date: 3 November 1997
Examining board: Prof. Roger Morgan, EUI Florenz/Bonn (supervisor) ; Prof. Gerhard A. Ritter, München ; Prof. Bo Stråth, EUI Florenz ; Prof. Ulrich Wengenroth, München
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Wicke, Christian. "The all-clear incarnate? : Helmut Kohl's nationalism and the quest for normality." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149653.

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Nations exist because individuals believe in their existence; the foundations of such beliefs can be explored through the study of individual lives. This political biography is concerned with the personal nationalism of Helmut Kohl. The so-called Chancellor of Unity was instrumental in Germany's (re)unification process in 1989/90, which was a prime example of a nationalist event. However, Kohl's nationalism went beyond the one nation = one state formula. Nationalism is treated here as a contemporary, mainstream phenomenon with the capacity to generate countless personal notions of nations. Biography helps to understand the particular repertoire of self-images that the nationalist can mobilise selectively to represent his ideal notion of the nation and himself. In Kohl's case, it was not only his membership of a political party (CDU), but also the combination of religious (Roman Catholic), generational (forty-fiver), regional (Palatinate), and educational (PhD in History) affiliations that were formative to his nationalist representation in the context of the Cold War and the memory of Germany's Nazi past. Kohl's personal nationalism can be analysed along four ideological traditions in German nationalism. The four empirical chapters - which discuss Kohl in that order as Catholic Nationalist, Liberal Nationalist, Romantic Nationalist and Nationalist Historian - each connect Kohl's nationalist ideas to particular biographical narratives that shaped Kohl's self-perception and provided his representation of the German nation with an appearance of authenticity. Kohl used his (auto)biography to promote a normalisation of German nationalism during his quest to overcome the Sonderweg stigma. Together these four pillars sustained Kohl's representation as the embodiment of the 'all-clear': a de-radicalised German nationalism, which was intended to eclipse its anti-Western and post-national peculiarities.
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Books on the topic "Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990"

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Germany since 1945. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997.

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Fulbrook, Mary. Interpretations of the two Germanies, 1945-1990. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Fulbrook, Mary. The two Germanies, 1945-1990: Problems of interpretation. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1992.

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The two Germanies, 1945-1990: Problems of interpretation. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1992.

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Fulbrook, Mary. The two Germanies, 1945-1990: Problems of interpretation. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1992.

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The rise and fall of the German Democratic Republic, 1945-1990. Harlow, England: Longman, 2000.

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Tailoring truth: Politicizing the past and negotiating memory in East Germany, 1945-1990. New York: Berghahn Books, 2015.

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Politics and popular opinion in East Germany 1945-68. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.

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Jonathan, Grix, and Cooke Paul 1969-, eds. East German distinctiveness in a unified Germany. Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press, 2002.

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The rhetoric of (re)unification: Constructing identity through East and West German newspapers. New York: P. Lang, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Germany (East) – Politics and government – 1945-1990"

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Thränhardt, Dietrich. "The Immigration System and the Rule of Law." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 323–38. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.20.

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Abstract West Germany came into being with millions of refugees and expellees and took in more ethnic Germans and East Germans from communist countries between 1945 and 1990. From 1955 on, it recruited ‘guest workers’ from the Mediterranean countries, most of whom became European citizens, due to the enlargement and consolidation of the European Union (EU). This immigration continues with the Eastern EU enlargement in an open migration space. Reacting against Nazism and communism, the German constitution guarantees broad human rights for everybody in the country. The constitutional right for asylum was instrumental in opening the country for refugees, culminating in the ‘welcome summer’ of 2015. In its aftermath, the government tried to limit the numbers of refugees. At the same time Germany opens up for qualified workers and students, to help industry and counter Germany’s demographic problem.
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Sackmann, Reinhold. "Demographics and Generational Transition and Politics." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 367—C21.P83. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.22.

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Abstract This chapter considers Germany’s demographic structure and the country’s generational politics. Both are quite unusual in comparison to other OECD countries. With regard to demographic ageing, Germany is on average one of the oldest societies in the world. Germany is also characterized by a low fertility rate that is well below replacement level. Equally important for an analysis of generational politics is the discontinuous historical process Germany experienced during the late twentieth century. Three system changes have prepared the ground for a very specific generational landscape, which is only partially paralleled in other countries in the world. These system changes were the transition from the Nazi regime to democracy in West Germany in 1945, as well as the shift from fascist to a communist government in East Germany in the same year, and a change from communist one-party rule to a democratic market economy in East Germany in 1990. What have been the effects of these extraordinary historical and demographic transitions? In this chapter the specific demographic and generational situation is analysed by a) clarifying the concepts of generation and cohort; b) giving an overview of the developments and causes of fertility, mortality, and migration patterns in Germany; c) describing the major societal generations after 1960; d) typifying major discourses on demographic subjects in recent decades; and e) analysing the effects these developments have had on generational politics.
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Field, Geoffrey. "Starting Over in Postwar Europe." In Elizabeth Wiskemann, 157—C5.F1. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192870629.003.0006.

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Abstract In October 1945 Wiskemann moved to Rome and lived there for almost two years, writing for the Economist and the Spectator about the birth of the Italian Republic. Her contacts with Italian exiles in wartime Switzerland provided access to leading political and cultural circles. Like most of her friends, she was deeply disappointed by the fragmentation of the anti-fascist Resistance coalition of 1946–47 and the swift decline of the Action party. She also wrote two books on modern Italy; one, The Rome-Berlin Axis (1949), was the first major study of the alliance between Hitler and Mussolini. Work on research projects for Chatham House rekindled her interests in Central and Eastern Europe, especially West Germany, whose policies under Chancellor Adenauer she distrusted and criticized for their failure to fully engage with the nation’s Nazi past. In 1954 Chatham House recruited her to write the first study in English of the expulsion of 12 million Germans from Eastern Europe in 1945–47. Intended as a guide for policymakers, the book gained praise in Britain and North America but fierce opposition in West Germany. Wiskemann’s critique of refugee organizations’ influence on Federal politics and her view that the Potsdam agreements and the Oder–Neisse frontier should be accepted as irreversible, made her the target of an abusive campaign orchestrated by the government, refugee organizations, and research institutes focused on the ‘lost East.’
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Stott, Rosemary. "Transit to East Germany: The Distribution and Reception of Once Upon a Time in the West in the German Democratic Republic." In Spaghetti Westerns at the Crossroads. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748695454.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the relocation, transition, and appropriation of the Spaghetti Western in a hitherto under-researched context: the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), prior to its unification with the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) in 1990. It explores the selection, distribution and reception of Once Upon a Time in the West (C'era una volta il West, Sergio Leone, 1968) in the German Democratic Republic as a case study of how international cultural transfer causes objects of cultural production to be repositioned as they enter a new reception context. It also examines the ideological, economic, and sociological concerns underpinning the decisions of those who facilitated the movement of film across the political, cultural, and linguistic boundaries of nation states. In East Germany, the facilitators involved in the selection, censorship, dubbing, and promotion of films were mainly government administrators rather than film business professionals, because film was a state-controlled industry. The chapter focuses on the ‘official’ reception of the film on the basis of available censorship protocols and government policy papers, as well as print media sources.
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Glaeßner, Gert-Joachim. "The Governmental System and Political History of the GDR." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 103—C7.P92. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.8.

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Abstract In 1949, five years after the end of the Second World War, the joint military regime over defeated Germany came to an end and two German states were founded, the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Both were part and parcel of the larger strategies of the two main powers, US and USSR. The foundation of two separate, semi-sovereign states in Germany was the result of the final collapse of the anti-war coalition. The political system established in East Germany reflected the interests of the Soviet Union to build a cordon sanitaire of socialist states in Eastern Europe, including the eastern part of Germany. From the early days until its end in 1990, the GDR remained a political system not of its own right but as a vassal of the Soviet Union. This chapter describes the development of the political system in the Soviet Zone of Occupation, the later GDR, which began immediately after the end of the war and laid the very foundations of a Stalinist regime, which, despite various changes, political turmoil, and ambivalent attempts of reforming the political, economic, and social system, was never overcome in the forty years the GDR existed. The ruling communist party, theSocialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED), was concerned with directing and controlling state and society. Its self-proclaimed omnipotence was not restricted simply to the state organization and the governmental system but included the economy, education, culture, and the way ordinary people could conduct their everyday life.
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Conroy, Melanie, and Kimmo Elo. "Picturing the Politics of Resistance: Using Image Metadata and Historical Network Analysis to Map the East German Opposition Movement, 1975–1990." In Digital Histories: Emergent Approaches within the New Digital History, 221–35. Helsinki University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33134/hup-5-13.

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This chapter uses network analysis to explore, visualise and analyse quantitative historical data related to political resistance movements in the former East Germany. The study applies historical network analysis (HNA) rooted in social network analysis (SNA) to shed light on the structure and dynamics of the geospatial social networks of a sample group within the East German opposition movement between 1975 and 1990. In particular the opportunities and limits of using network analysis for historical studies are discussed which demonstrates how network graphs can be useful for historical analysis. The network analysis is used to help the researcher to identify which individuals are more likely to be well integrated into the group and which individuals are less central to the group, regardless of which individuals are most well-known or prominent. In particular, we point to the fact that knowledge of the government’s repressive actions and the opposition movement’s attempts to evade repression are fundamental to understanding the geospatial and social changes within this group during this period.
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Schwabe, Klaus. "German-American Relations from 1945 to the Present." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 606—C33.P125. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.34.

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Abstract This chapter retraces German-American relations from the end of the Second World War up to the presidency of Joe Biden focusing on the all-important security aspect of the two former enemies’ position in the heart of Europe. The essay emphasizes in particular the period following the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989 and leading to Germany’s unification on 3 November 1990. This was the event that marked the climax of German-American cooperation based on both countries’ mutual interest in ending the Soviet Union’s rule over Eastern Europe, including East Germany. Once this was accomplished, American-German endeavours to incorporate post-Soviet Russia into a peaceful Europe largely failed. American interest in Germany dwindled when the US, NATO’s major power, became preoccupied with the fight against terrorism in the Middle East only to be reawakened to its European interests when Russia began to revise militarily the borders resulting from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The presidency of Donald Trump broke off previous efforts to revive the special American-German relationship. The survival of German-American trust and cooperation depends on America’s continued determination to base its foreign policy on value-based cooperation and multilateralism.
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"European Union, but their immediate impact has to be looked at in a different light. There was no shortage of speeches, and presumably internal memoranda, drawing attention to the significance of events beyond the Eastern border, but it is hard to see what practical difference they actually made in the short term to policies being pursued by the member states or to the development of the Community. The process which would lead to the Maastricht Treaty on European Union was set in motion in the first part of 1988. The treaty itself was signed at the end of 1991. There is no evidence that this process would have proceeded differently even if none of the events to the East had occurred! In concluding this chapter it may be appropriate to summarise the major events which led up to the Maastricht Treaty and its subsequent ratification. Although implementation of the single market brought the Commission to the centre stage, the real driving force for developing the Community was undoubtedly the European Council. In the course of 1988 and 1989 it agreed to establish two separate but parallel IGCs to consider respectively Political Union and Economic and Monetary Union. After some preparations, the two IGCs came into formal existence at the Rome European Council in December 1990. Working throughout 1991 they reported to the Maastricht European Council just one year later, resulting in the Treaty on European Union. Inevitably the attitudes of France and Germany were crucial. Initially there was some difference of emphasis. Once German reunification was secured, Kohl’s major aim was to complete the process of locking the newly united Germany irrevocably into an integrated Europe through Political Union. Mitterrand’s concern was the preeminence of the Deutschmark and the desirability of establishing some European political control over monetary issues. By mid 1990 the positions of the two chief partners were broadly in line, henceforth working towards both political and economic and monetary union, with strong support from Italy, who took over the Council Presidency in the second half of the year. Meanwhile ,British policy was in turmoil. Following her third successive election victory, Thatcher became increasingly strident in her condemnation of further European integration. This was undoubtedly fuelled by growing concern over possible German dominance. However, many of Thatcher’s leading ministers were committed to extending the European agenda. During 1989 the British government both agreed that at last it would join the exchange rate mechanism and vainly opposed the establishment of the IGC on EMU. Late in 1990, following the resignation of Geoffrey Howe as Foreign Minister, essentially on issues concerned with Europe, Thatcher was deposed as Prime." In The Uniting of Europe, 87. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203131503-17.

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