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1
Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.
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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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Canzler, Weert. "Transport Infrastructure in Shrinking (East) Germany." German Politics and Society 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2008): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260205.
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Policy on transport infrastructure in Germany will come under increasing pressure thanks to considerable changes in basic conditions. Demographic change, shifts in economic and regional structures, continued social individualization, and the chronic budget crisis in the public sphere are forcing a readjustment of government action. At root, the impact of the changes in demographics and economic structures touches on what Germans themselves think their postwar democracy stands for. Highly consensual underlying assumptions about Germany as a model are being shaken. The doctrine that development of infrastructure is tantamount to growth and prosperity no longer holds. The experience in eastern Germany shows that more and better infrastructure does not automatically lead to more growth. Moreover, uniform government regulation is hitting limits. If the differences between boom regions and depopulated zones remain as large as they are, then it makes no sense to have the same regulatory maze apply to both cases. In transportation policy, that shift would mean recasting the legal foundations of public transport.
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Qi, Xiaoyu Emily. "The Influence of Political Motivation in Germanys Economic Development." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 71, no. 1 (January 18, 2024): 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/71/20241517.
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The reasons behind the German post-World War II "Wesswunder" have been the subject of a contentious discussion for decades. This also applies to a second matter, which comes up in the discussion of the causes of the 1950s "economic miracle" in West Germany. Despite multiple policy changes, the East German economy persisted in its decline, ultimately resulting in the integration of East Germany into West Germany. The paper concludes the different development path of the East German and West German after the World War II by focus on the interaction between the factor of economic and the politics in a country and how them affect in ones economic development. The factors that influence a country's economic results outside the economic system are emphasized. Due to ideological intervention, the GDR could not integrate market factors into its planned economy. The result of not respecting economic laws and only considering political interests is economic failure, which leads to a series of negative factors such as social unrest and the regression of political reform.
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Courtnage, Matthew Creagan, and Libby Rittenberg. "Wage Policy in East Germany." Comparative Economic Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1994): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1994.24.
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Quack, S., and F. Maier. "From State Socialism to Market Economy—Women's Employment in East Germany." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 8 (August 1994): 1257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a261257.
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The transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy involves a wide-ranging redistribution of paid employment, income, and individual opportunities. Men and women in the former East Germany (GDR)—who before reunification had equal roles of participation in paid labour—have been affected in different ways by the restructuring of the East German economy. Women are now more often unemployed, and for longer periods, and face greater difficulties in finding a job. In order to explain these differences between men and women, the authors investigate the economic, social, and political dimensions of the transformation process. The main argument is that economic and social disadvantages affecting East German women are not just related to the economic and political transformation as such. Rather, they are rooted in a traditional gender division of paid work in the former GDR which was reinforced by the paternalistic family and social policy developed by the East German state. At the same time, however, East German women's experiences of being fully integrated into employment, and enjoying greater economic independence, make it unlikely that they will easily accept the West German model of partial labour-market integration.
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Schmidt, Waldemar. "THE RESETTLEMENT POLICY OF GERMANY IN THE COLONIES. THE RESETTLEMENT OF THE BOERS TO EAST AFRICA." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations 4, no. 2 (2023): 182–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-4-182-197.
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The proposed article on the history of the Boer resettlement movement to the colonial possessions of Kaiser Germany in East Africa is of undoubted interest, first of all in terms of exposing completely previously unknown archival materials of the Federal Archive of Germany, as well as periodical press materials addressing the issue. The emergence of Boer migration was caused by their defeat in the Anglo–Boer War, which the colonial circles of Germany took advantage of. In addition, the author of the article tried to analyze historical events, as well as the activities of the colonial office of Kaiser Germany and the colonial administration of the East African colonies on the issue of the resettlement of Boers from various regions of South Africa: Natal, Transvaal, as well as Rhodesia and their use primarily for economic purposes to strengthen German colonial rule in East Africa. Archival materials reveal the specifics of the resettlement of migrant Boers to East Africa, the attitude of the colonial circles of Germany and the departmental employees of the colony to that process. The author of the article tried to show the features of Boer resettlement and their involvement in the creation of farms in the northern regions of East Africa. In addition, he considered the Schutze project as a basis for large-scale resettlement of Boers from the South African Boer republics to the colony of Kaiser Germany in East Africa.
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Kotov, Alexander. "CURRENT PROBLEMS OF RAPPROCHEMENT OF THE EAST AND WEST OF GERMANY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 33, no. 3 (June 1, 2023): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32023111123.
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The paper describes actual problem of socio-economic inequality between the East and West of Germany. We examine the analysis of sociological differences between parts of the country in terms of the results of German unity policies, the introduction of coronavirus restrictions, technological equipment and economic potential. All those issues are considered with key works of German literature of recent years on understanding the contradiction «East-West». It is determined that the ongoing intellectual attempts have not overcome the split in the country. Additionally, we examine the federal government’s concept of a «new look to the East» was explored. The results show that as an independent region, for which the western part of the country does not serve as an indisputable reference point. Most likely, in fact, this approach has shifted the focus from the traditionally important internal chronic shortages of new lands in economic power, labor, infrastructure and technology. This problem is particularly relevant in connection with the lack of representation of people from East Germany in key positions in many areas of society and politics. This explains why its that these issues will be considered in a special concept of the federal government, adopted at the beginning of 2023. The second part of the state's efforts is related to changes in approaches to the implementation of regional policy in the country and financing of measures to improve the economic structures of the regions. The author concludes that they are synchronized with the tasks of ensuring energy security and accelerating the transformation at oil refineries and ports in eastern Germany after the cessation of oil and gas supplies from Russia. In this regard, we consider that the continuation of the polycrisis in the country makes a decisive contribution to the growing disillusionment of East Germans in politics. On the example of this analyses, we obtained that they do not reject democracy as such, but are much more critical of political actions than the population of the western part of Germany.
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Klodt, Henning. "Industrial Policy and the East German Productivity Puzzle." German Economic Review 1, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00016.
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Abstract Catching-up of East German productivity to West German levels has completely faded out since the mid-1990s. The remaining productivity gap cannot be attributed to an inferior capital endowment or qualification deficiencies of the East German labor force. Instead, it appears to be the result of an inappropriate design of industrial policy which concentrated on the subsidization of physical capital and largely ignored the advance of human capital- and service-intensive industrial structures. East Germany will have to face another wave of painful structural adjustment when capital-intensive industries are no longer protected from competition by public subsidies.
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Damm, Veit. "„Keine Wende“?" Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0019.
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Abstract This article examines financial aid for companies and the guidelines of subsidy policy in East Germany after 1989 in the context of German structural policy in the “Helmut Kohl era” (1982-1998). It comes to the conclusion that – after a short period of fast structural change in East Germany – efforts increased to rescue existing businesses and industrial sites, as well as the jobs they provided after the end of 1992, primarily through the initiative of regional actors. Financial aid for companies – particularly for funding industrial investments in modernisation and new plants – played a key role in the rescuing and restructuring process. At the same time, structural policy gradually converged with the patterns that had been formed during the political management of structural change in the “former” Federal Republic. Only the short period of the postreunification years 1991 and 1992 was characterised by the steering of structural change and the redefinition of East German industry by the markets as well as by a renunciation of subsidies for the preservation of existing jobs. The temporary retreat of the state from structural policy was partly a result of the experience of the 1980s, when structural policy was criticized for slowing down German economic growth and impeding structural change.
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Stahl, Juliane Frederike, and Pia Sophia Schober. "Convergence or Divergence? Educational Discrepancies in Work-Care Arrangements of Mothers with Young Children in Germany." Work, Employment and Society 32, no. 4 (April 7, 2017): 629–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017017692503.
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This study examines how educational differences in work-care patterns among mothers with young children in Germany changed between 1997 and 2013. Since the mid-2000s, Germany has undergone a paradigm shift in parental leave and childcare policies. Our comparative analysis of East and West Germany provides new evidence on whether the long-standing gender regime differences interact with recent developments of social class inequalities in the changing family policy context. The analyses include pooled binary and multinomial logistic regressions based on 17,764 observations of 8604 children below the age of three years from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP). The findings point to growing educational divergence in work-care arrangements in East and West Germany: employment and day-care use increased more strongly among families with medium and highly educated mothers compared to those with low education. This has critical implications for the latter’s economic security. The decline in the use of informal childcare options was, however, fairly homogenous.
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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J., and KATHLEEN M. O'CONNER. "System Change, Learning and Public Opinion about the Economy." British Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000077.
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This study examines attitudes about the economy under conditions of system change. We argue that citizens in new market economics are relative novices with regard to understanding the new economic environment at the beginning of the transition phase, but that they accumulate experience as time passes. We develop and test two hypotheses: (1) we expect that, over time, economic perceptions more closely track objective economic performance; (2) as a corollary, we hypothesize that, over time, economic policy priorities of citizens in a new market economy more closely track objective economic performance. Time-series data of objective economic indicators and public opinion collected in East Germany between 1991 and 1995 are analysed using regression analyses and tests of structural change in parameters. We find that East Germans' economic perceptions correspond to actual economic trends as they develop experience with the political-economic system. The implications of our findings for research on the relationship between the economy and political support in societies in transition are discussed.
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Lechner, Michael, and Conny Wunsch. "Active labour market policy in East Germany." Economics of Transition 17, no. 4 (October 2009): 661–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0351.2009.00362.x.
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Kotov, Aleksandr. "Updated System Supporting Regional Development in Germany." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran3202194100.
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The long-term trajectory of the German regional policy is formed by the terms of overcoming the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The article discusses in this context the comprehensive all-German system for financing structurally weak regions, provides information on specific programs in 2020–2021, and also shows the connection with European instruments for financing regional policy in 2021–2027. The restructuring of this system of support measures was designed to improve the situation in underdeveloped territories and to help reduce differences in the conditions of recent challenges in technology, energy, and ecology. It is determined that Germany continues to be characterized by the differentiation in terms of economic potential between the East and West of the country. The paper demonstrates that the pandemic only highlighted the demands for the development of new mechanisms and a more active regional policy. It is emphasized that all eligible regions in the country now have access to more than 20 funding programs that were previously restricted to the regions of East Germany. It is determined that the streamlining of such measures is clearly only an auxiliary function in the public administration system and is aimed, first of all, at better coordination of existing instruments. Efficiency limitations are also the continuing autonomy of many programs, the possibility of excessive competition from now all underdeveloped regions of Germany for financial resources.
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Bartholomae, Florian, Chang Woon Nam, and Alina Schoenberg. "Urban shrinkage and resurgence in Germany." Urban Studies 54, no. 12 (July 8, 2016): 2701–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016657780.
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This article questions the strict parallelism of demographic and economic development in characterising urban shrinkage in Germany. As the cases of several Ruhr cities and East German cities prove, urban economic growth can be achieved thanks to the substantial presence of modern industries and business services, and despite declines in population size. Serious shrinkages of Halle, Cottbus and Schwerin are primarily due to failures in the post-industrial transformation process. Recent policy measures strongly oriented towards slowing the downsizing process of population (via e.g. urban regeneration strategies) do not appear to be sufficient for achieving urban resurgence in these cities. More active industrial policy measures are required there to create a competitive high-tech manufacturing sector, to stimulate innovation activities and to boost its growth interdependence with modern local services and R&D infrastructure.
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Jurkowska, Barbara. "The Federal States of Germany – Analysis and Measurement of Development Using Taxonomic Methods." Oeconomia Copernicana 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2014.019.
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This article presents an analysis of the socio-economic development of the 16 federal states of Germany as compared to the whole country. The main goals of the analysis are to measure the development with the use of selected taxonomic methods, to examine the similarities and differences between the states inasmuch as that development is concerned, as well as to illustrate the distance existing between the new eastern states (Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia) and the remaining states of Germany. The analysis is preceded by an illustration of the present socio-economic situation of the German states. Germany is characterized by internal diversity as regards the socio-economic development, and the policy of supporting the East German economy has failed to reach its goals. An unfavourable demographic situation is a factor that effectively inhibits the development of the new states. A falling birth rate, an increasing population beyond retirement age, as well as great numbers of people emigrating to West Germany all contribute to the depopulation of the eastern states. The taxonomic analysis of the level of socio-economic development of Germany has provided information about the diversity of that development level, but it has also made it possible to determine and set the direction of development for particular states.
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Wentker, Hermann. "From the Basic Treaty to the Peaceful. Revolution: Inner-German Relations 1972-1989." VENTUNESIMO SECOLO, no. 51 (June 2023): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/xxi2022-051002.
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The article gives an overview over the relations between West and East Ger- many between the signing of the Basic Treaty in 1972 and the demise of the German Democratic Republic (Gdr) in the peaceful revolution of 1989. In 1972, the Federal Republic had consented to a de facto recognition of the Gdr but adhered to its constitutional obligation to reunification while the Gdr aimed at recogni- tion by international law from its West German rival. The Federal Government's short-term policy was to make the inner-German border more permeable. To contrast this, the East German leadership tried to delimitate the Gdr from the West by raising the compulsory exchange for visitors in 1973. But the Gdr had objective di?culties to uphold its policy of delimitation. On the one hand, West German economic and political conditions remained points of reference for the East Germans, especially after East-West contacts were enhanced during the Détente. On the other hand, the Gdr became increasingly economically depen- dent on the Federal Republic, especially after the Soviet Union substantially reduced the support in 1981. In the Eighties, it permitted many more inner-Ger- man human contacts than it would have liked. Moreover, the East German le- adership under Erich Honecker in 1983 did not yield to Soviet pressure to in- crease delimitation vis à vis the Federal Republic after the German Bundestag in November 1983 had decided to deploy Inf weapons. Honecker took his visit to West Germany in September 1987 as the final recognition the Gdr. But his triumph was short-lived. From 1987, relations between Moscow and the Frg became more important than those between Moscow and East Berlin. The Gdr was threatened by isolation. In the end it was the Gdr's weakness with regard to economic power, its unwanted political system and the unsolved German question, which led to its defeat in the contest with the Federal Republic.
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Salsabila, Nadia Khansa. "Aspek Pragmatisme Dalam Kebijakan Pintu Terbuka Jerman terhadap Pengungsi Timur Tengah: Solusi Grey Population." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 12, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12940.
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In 2015, refugee crisis that occurred in European Union due to the war inthe Middle East formed the background of Germany’s open-door policy.As it is implemented, this open-door policy attracted several controversieswith strong internal criticism and negative public opinion, but the policystill be maintained. This phenomenon raises questions regarding on thebasis of German legitimacy in maintaining an open-door policy whichhas always highlighted the sides and ideas of humanitarianism. Therefore,this study seeks to see other aspects of Germany’s open-door policyas German foreign policy, namely ‘pragmatism’ based on considerationof demographic issues related to greying population which have a negativeimpact on German’s stability and economic prospects. Based on thesethoughts, the author argues that Germany maintained the open-door policyas a solution to help overcome greying population in demographic andeconomic context. The open-door policy can be use as a solution throughthe use of refugees and immigrants as productive workers and tax payersin Germany.
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Schober, Pia, and Christian Schmitt. "Day-care availability, maternal employment and satisfaction of parents: Evidence from cultural and policy variations in Germany." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716688264.
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This study investigates how the availability and expansion of childcare services for children aged under 3 years relate to the subjective wellbeing of German mothers and fathers. It extends previous studies by examining in more detail the relationship between day-care availability and use, maternal employment and parental subjective wellbeing during early childhood in a country with expanding childcare services and varying work–care cultures. The empirical analysis links annual day-care attendance rates at the county-level to individual-level data of the Socio-Economic Panel Study for 2007–2012 and the ‘Families in Germany’ Study for 2010–2012. We apply fixed-effects panel models to samples of 2002 couples and 376 lone mothers. We find some evidence of a positive effect of the day-care expansion only on satisfaction with family life for lone mothers and for full-time employed partnered mothers. Transitions to full-time employment are associated with reductions in subjective wellbeing irrespective of local day-care availability among partnered mothers in West Germany but not in East Germany. These results suggest that varying work–care cultures between East and West Germany are more important moderators of the relationship between maternal employment and satisfaction than short-term regional expansions of childcare services.
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Csontos, Tamás Tibor. "Time for Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Interview With Konrad Poplawski, Project Coordinator, Centre for Eastern Studies, Poland." Köz-gazdaság 18, no. 4 (December 19, 2023): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2023.04.02.
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Tamás Tibor Csontos (Review of Economic Theory and Policy) requested an interview with Konrad Poplawski, Project Coordinator of the Connectivity and Regional Integration Programme at the Centre for Eastern Studies, Poland. He asked him about industrial policy in Poland, the changing role of Germany and the state of regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. Konrad has been the head of the Central European Department from 2020 to 2022, and previously a long-term analyst of the German economy. He is the author of many analyses and several longer studies on the economy of Central Europe and Germany. He has been a coordinator and author in international research projects in the framework of the Visegrad consortium of think tanks, preparing expert opinions for the diplomatic ministries of the V4 countries. Konrad regularly gives guest lectures at Polish universities (including the University of Warsaw and the Warsaw School of Economics). He is a commentator and author of articles for the largest nationwide media. He defended his doctorate with honors at the Warsaw School of Economics with a dissertation entitled “Changes in Germany’s Foreign Trade After Joining the Eurozone”.
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Kaya, Tuğberk, Burak Erkut, and Nadine Thierbach. "Entrepreneurial Intentions of Business and Economics Students in Germany and Cyprus: A Cross-Cultural Comparison." Sustainability 11, no. 5 (March 8, 2019): 1437. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11051437.
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The World Economic Forum in Davos suggested that promoting entrepreneurship could be a solution to the problem of youth employment, which is a serious issue with 75 million young people out of work around the world. The entrepreneurial decisions of young people are especially important in regions where economic opportunities are restricted and people choose to move from that region. Two of such regions are East Germany and Northern Cyprus. In this article, the authors are interested in analyzing entrepreneurial tendencies of business and economics students from Northern Cyprus and East Germany in order to provide context-specific knowledge. For this purpose, a survey was conducted at the Technische Universität Dresden and the Near East University with n = 293 participants in 2016. The results were analyzed by using a logistic regression analysis. The study includes with policy implications on the transformation towards entrepreneurial universities to meet the different needs of small and poor cities.
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Silvia, Stephen J. "The Elusive Quest for Normalcy: The German Economy since Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280206.
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This article investigates the progress that the eastern German economy has made since unification in two areas: unemployment and output. It finds that unemployment has remained persistently higher in eastern than in western Germany and output levels have remained extremely uniform across the eastern states. Keynesian and neoclassical economists have proposed differing explanations for the endurance of high unemployment in the East. The latter have the more convincing argument, which blames high initial wages in eastern Germany for producing a labor "trap," but this account is not without flaws. The best explanation for output uniformity is the content and volume of public investment in eastern Germany since unification. Public policy in the years immediately following unification is in large part responsible for both outcomes. Economic modeling indicates that wage subsidies targeted at low-income employment would be the most effective means to break the current high-unemployment equilibrium in eastern Germany, but the political barriers to adopting such a policy are just as formidable as they were a decade ago, when such a policy was briefly considered.
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Funke, Michael, and Holger Strulik. "Growth and Convergence in a Two-Region Model of Unified Germany." German Economic Review 1, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00018.
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Abstract The paper sets up a two-region endogenous growth model to discuss growth and regional convergence of unified Germany. It emphasizes the role of private and public capital accumulation during the developing process. The theoretical part derives fiscal policy rules which establish convergence of regional output per capita and convergence of regional human wealth. To assess the speed of convergence the model is calibrated with German data. Given a fiscal policy rule that is consistent with the data on government spending in East and West Germany after unification the model suggests that East Germany will reach 80 per cent of West Germany's income per capita between 20 and 30 years after unification and that actual transfers are approximately sufficient to equalize regional human wealth. The results are compared with an extension of the model that includes wage-setting behaviour and unemployment in the eastern region.
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Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.
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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.
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Miszczak, Krzysztof. "Niemcy w polityce globalnej (Biała Księga)." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.01.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the global and European foreign, security and defence policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and their implications for the broad international environment of Germany. Special attention is paid to the issues of Germany’s emancipation in the international order after the end of the East-West conflict, when it became clear that the regional conflicts and their transnational impact gained a new and multidimensional character for the German security policy. Given this evolution of the international system, Germany has gradually changed its former foreign and security policies. The state currently intends to take greater responsibility for international politics, which translates into a simultaneous increase in its political and economic power in the international arena. This new global role of the Federal Republic of Germany is manifested by the so-called White Paper on German Security Policy and the Future of the Bundeswehr approved on 13 July 2016. This document presents primarily the hierarchy of threats in today’s world, their definitions and attempts to neutralize them in compliance with German interests. Instruments to ensure a smooth achievement of this goal include the modernization of the German armed forces, the creation of intervention troops and their participation in multinational military operations conducted by NATO and the European Union.
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FREYER, Eckhard, Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY, and Mariia LYZUN. "DEVELOPMENT OF RENEWABLE ENERGY: THE EXPERIENCE OF EAST GERMANY FOR UKRAINE." JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN ECONOMY 20, Issue Vol 20, No 3 (2021) (September 1, 2021): 442–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2021.03.440.
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Renewable energy development has become a modern global priority. German regions are characterized by a very high degree of renewable energy development. In 2020, the volume of electricity generation from renewable sources exceeded the traditional ones. However, the use of renewable energy sources in the transport sector and in the heating / cooling industry remains relatively low in Germany. Regions in the East Germany had historically been dominated by coal energy. Staring with 2017, the EU has begun implementing a policy of developing so-called «Coal Regions in Transition», aimed at supporting economic diversification and technological transformation of coal and carbonintensive regions. A total of 42 such regions were identified, including 4 in East Germany. The natural environment of the East Germany fits the development of wind energy better, though the solar system could be considered a substitute for the current coal plants. The green energy sector in Ukraine is only emerging. However, renewable energy is attracting more attention and investments. Its share in total supply has risen from 1.7 percent in 2007 to almost 5 percent in 2019. The energy of biofuels and waste is dominating among the renewable sources, comprising around 77 percent of their total supply. The paper aims to reveal the experience of East Germany to enhance the mechanism of green energy development in Ukraine. Among the new recommended tools for Ukrainian practice are export-credit agencies, EPC-contractors, green securities, and environmental investments.
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Ireland, Patrick R. "Socialism, Unification Policy and the Rise of Racism in Eastern Germany." International Migration Review 31, no. 3 (September 1997): 541–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100301.
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Ethnic conflict has become a major challenge facing unified Germany. While anti-immigrant violence has been virulent across the country, it has been especially conspicuous and upsetting in former East Germany, where foreigners had barely exceeded one percent of the total population before unification. Arguments emphasizing economic, socioeconomic and group-identity factors have appeared to explain the rise in intolerance. Here, however, I argue for consideration of the largely ignored effects of public policies. Examining how policy choices and implementation in eastern Germany before, during, and since unification have affected ethnic relations provides lessons about the origins of racism and ways to combat it.
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Choi, Seung Mo, and Max St Brown. "Economic Impacts of Reunifications in Germany and in Korea." Asian Economic Papers 14, no. 2 (June 2015): 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00364.
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We measure the evolution of population, investment rates, and total factor productivity (TFP) for East Germany and West Germany around their 1990 reunification to create a model that allows us to consider the economic ramifications of a hypothetical reunification between South Korea and North Korea. The scenarios that we consider suggest that worker migration from the North, a decrease in investment, and a slowdown in TFP growth could exert a substantial negative and persistent effect on South Korea's economy although the North is predicted to benefit from more rapid income growth. We also summarize the economic and policy questions that our quantified model illuminates.
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Lefèvre, Sylvie. "La politique industrielle des Soviétiques dans leur zone d’occupation en Allemagne vue par les services français à Berlin (1945-1949)." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 32, no. 1 (2000): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2000.5573.
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The industrial policy carried out by the Soviets in their occupation zone in Germany between 1945 and 1949 particularly drew the attention of the economic departments of the French military Government in Berlin. Despite the contradictory nature of the information received, their numerous dispatches and notes, often unpublished, attempted to analyse the different aspects : the administrative and political planning structures, the evolution of methods from the dismantlings to the complete reorganization of German industry. If the French observers understood perfectly certain contradictions of the Soviet’s industrial policy (notably concerning reparations), it is difficult to make a critique of this French view of things, for recent historical research published from East German and Russian archives is still fragmentary.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Rudolph, Karsten. "German Foreign Trade Policy Towards the East in the Light of Recent Research." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000193.
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Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.
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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.
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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the region is among the top three after Europe and the United States, ahead of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Berlin’s increased focus on the Middle East is determined by a number of factors. Among them are German historical responsibility towards Jewish people and obligation to ensure Israel’s right to existence and security; dependence of the German economy on energy resources from the Arab countries; region’s proximity to Europe, and such arising threats as terrorism, illegal migration and regional conflicts. In its turn, regional conflicts are a unique opportunity for the Federal Republic of Germany to declare itself as an international mediator and to participate in peace processes on an equal footing with such world powers as the United States of America, Russian Federation or the People’s Republic of China. Maneuvering between the Arab countries and Israel, the United States and the European partners as well as explosive situation in the region lead to decreased efficiency of German policy towards the Arab countries. In such circumstances, is Berlin ready to assume the role of international mediator in this constantly sensitive region, or would it prefer to remain a passive observer? The analysis of Germany’s policy in the region in the context of the Syrian crisis will help to answer the above stated question.
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Mohr, Barbara, and Annette Vogt. "German Women Paleobotanists From the 1920S to the 1970S—Or Why Did This Story Start So Late?" Earth Sciences History 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 14–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.20.1.q7643x2308728m56.
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This study documents women paleobotanists and their achievements from the late 1920s to the early 1970s in Germany. More than forty women were involved in paleobotanical research and related fields during this period. After they had finished their degrees, about two thirds of them left the field for private, political, and/or economic reasons. Several of them, however, had a successful career or were even leaders in their field. Compared with other disciplines and neighbouring countries, the unusually late entry of women students into this discipline from the 1930s on is explained by the close affiliation of the discipline with Paleozoic geology and mining in Germany before 1945. It is significant that of the thirteen women who finished a degree in the field before 1945, about two thirds studied Quaternary pollen analysis and vegetation history. Only a minority was involved in pre-Quaternary paleobotany. After World War II, the number of women scientists increased noticeably only when Tertiary palynology/paleobotany became more important sub-disciplines of paleobotany, a pattern which was similar in both parts of the newly divided country. During the period between 1945 and 1955, the number of women students in West Germany was significantly higher than in the East. This is partly explained by the policies of the East German communist party, which put restrictions on women students from a middle-class background. Between 1955 and 1973 the number of women students in East Germany exceeded those in the West. This was due to the East German party policy of activating the female working force, especially in fields which had been traditionally occupied by men, such as geology, mining, and engineering.
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Silvia, Stephen J. "A Silver Age? The German Economy since Reunification." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 74–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370407.
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Since German unification, assessments of the German economy have swung from “sick man of the euro” in the early years to dominant hegemon of late. I argue that the German economy appears strong because of its recent positive performance in two politically salient areas: unemployment and the current account. A deeper assessment reveals, however, that German economic performance cannot be considered a second economic miracle, but is at best a mini miracle. The reduction in unemployment is an important achievement. That said, it was not the product of faster growth, but of sharing the same volume of work among more individuals. Germany’s current account surpluses are as much the result of weak domestic demand as of export prowess. Germany has also logged middling performances in recent years regarding growth, investment, productivity, and compensation. The article also reviews seven challenges Germany has faced since unification: financial transfers from west to east, the global financial crisis, the euro crisis, internal and external migration, demographics, climate change, and upheavals in the automobile industry. German policy-makers managed the first four challenges largely successfully. The latter three will be more difficult to tackle in the future.
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Roesler, Jörg. "Massenkonsum in der DDR: zwischen egalitärem Anspruch, Herrschaftslegitimation und „exquisiter“ Individualisierung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 35, no. 138 (January 1, 2005): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v35i138.40.
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Mass Consumption in the GDR. East Germanys communist party policy was directed to a steady increase of consumption from the low level after Second World War. The consumption patterns were not dictated by Marxist theory but by the shop window reality of West Germany. According to the wishes of the people – and Marxist ideas - the delivery of goods was comparatively equal to every citizen. In the 1980s both consumption policy goals could not be met any longer as a result of economic weakness and mounting indebtedness of GDR. This was one important reason, why the population turned its back to communism mentally - and in 1989 increasingly also physically. The GDR collapsed in 1990.
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Schmalz, Stefan, Ingo Singe, and Anne Hasenohr. "Political discontent and labour in a post-growth region: A view from East Germany." Anthropological Theory 21, no. 3 (February 7, 2021): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499620982784.
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The article traces the political economy and labour relations in East Thuringia, a ‘post-growth region’ in East Germany with a structurally weak periphery and a declining populace. We argue that the regional decline results from a process of peripheralization which has led to economic stagnation and a shrinking population, and also has fostered political discontent. By drawing on a regional survey, an intensive case study at a manufacturing site and qualitative interviews with policy makers, managers, works council members and employees, we analyse how peripheralization has impacted labour relations and politics in a shrinking region. We discuss our findings by referring to current political sociology debates on the rise of right-wing populism and the scientific discussion on post-growth, as well as recent approaches of critical geography and development sociology. We show how feelings of injustice such as anger about low wages and the democratic void at work interlink with pessimistic assessments concerning the region’s future and feelings of deprivation. We conclude that the economic model based on labour-intensive exports in the internal periphery of East German capitalism is eroding and is contributing to a crisis of hegemony and political instability.
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Kravchenko, Valeriy, and Iryna Stasiukevych. "DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGES IN GERMAN POLITICS." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2019): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2019.03.
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The article analyzes the current foreign policy of Germany and how it is influenced by domestic political developments as well as changes in the international arena. Germany, as a key player in Europe, remains declaratively consistent in its support for Ukraine and condemnation of Russian revisionism. However, a deeper analysis of the geopolitical and domestic position of Germany demonstrates certain risks to the stability of Ukraine-Germany relations.Attention is given to the dependence of Ukraine-Germany relations of Russia-Germany relations. Traditionally active economic ties between Berlin and Moscow have been increasing despite European and American sanctions against Russia. This leads to the strengthening of the pro-Russian lobby in German political circles. It is highlighted that the planned completion of the construction of Nord Stream-2, the dependence of Germany on the supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and the augmentation of net direct investments of German companies in Russian economy illustrates German endeavor, primarily in its geopolitical interests, to normalize relations with Russian Federation. Moreover, the article emphasizes the crisis of German political leadership which is connected with the end of the 4th mandate of the chancellor Angela Merkel in 2021 and the rise of anti-system and populist movements in Germany that may shatter political support of Ukraine. The changes in the Euro-Atlantic region are mentioned separately, namely the issue of defence spending of Germany in the framework of NATO and the consequences of Brexit.In the context of the mentioned elements of German politics, several challenges for Ukraine, that may significantly weaken its position in the international arena, are determined. A complex foreign and domestic situation can remove Ukrainian issue from the agenda and encourage Berlin to take quick «comfortable» measures in the context of the war in the East of Ukraine. On this basis, the article suggests recommendations on ways of reacting to the current developments in Germany from the side of Ukraine as well as on adjusting foreign policy towards this state with due regard to the mentioned tendencies.
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Sinn, Hans-Werner. "Staggering along: wages policy and investment support in East Germany." Economics of Transition 3, no. 4 (December 1995): 403–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0351.1995.tb00152.x.
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GEYER, JOHANNES, and VIKTOR STEINER. "Future public pensions and changing employment patterns across birth cohorts." Journal of Pension Economics and Finance 13, no. 2 (November 12, 2013): 172–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474747213000334.
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AbstractWe analyse the impacts of changing employment patterns and pension reforms on the future level of public pensions across birth cohorts in Germany. The analysis is based on a microsimulation model and a rich data set that combines household survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP) and process-produced microdata from the German pension insurance. We account for cohort effects in individual employment and unemployment affecting earnings over the life cycle as well as the differential impact of recent pension reforms. For individuals born between 1937 and 1971, cohort effects vary greatly by region, gender and education, and strongly affect life cycle earnings profiles. The largest effects can be observed for younger cohorts in East Germany and for the low educated. Using simulated life cycle employment and income profiles, we project gross future pensions across cohorts taking into account changing demographics and recent pension reforms. Simulations show that pension levels for East German men and women will fall dramatically among younger birth cohorts, not only because of policy reforms but also due to higher cumulated unemployment. For West German men, the small reduction of average pension levels among younger birth cohorts is mainly driven by the impact of pension reforms, while future pension levels of West German women are increasing or stable due to rising labour market participation of younger birth cohorts.
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Zarifi, Maria. "Using Natural Sciences for Cultural Expansion: The National Socialist Agenda for the Balkans." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 4 (November 20, 2008): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.215.
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<p>This article highlights the political merit natural sciences were awarded under the totalitarian regime of Nazi Germany and their propagandistic role in Hitler's foreign policy agenda for the Balkans, a region which was expected to replace Germany's colonies lost in World War I. It accounts further for the policies and strategies National Socialists used to exert cultural influence on the countries of South-East Europe, namely through a number of institutions with which natural sciences were in one way or another involved in order to promote German culture abroad. The promotion of the German language and, to a certain degree, the Nazi ideology was a precondition for familiarising the Balkan countries with German scientific achievements, which would pave the way for an economic and political infiltration in that region. Therefore, natural sciences, as part of the German intellect, acquired political and economic connotations hidden behind the euphemistic term of cultural policy, designed for this region of geopolitical importance. The article is based almost exclusively on unpublished German records.</p><p> </p><p> </p>
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Ibragimov, Farkhad Elshan Ogli. "Development of Iranian-German Relations in 2010-2020 (Problems and Prospects)." Вопросы безопасности, no. 4 (April 2022): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2022.4.39069.
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The subject of the study is Iranian-German relations in 2010-2020. The object of the research is the development of relations between Iran and Germany. The author of the work examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the history of the development of relations between Iran and Germany, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which directly affects Iran's relations with the world community, in particular with the European Union. Particular attention is paid to the role of Germany as a strategic partner of Iran. Germany has traditionally been seen as Iran's closest partner in Europe, although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis of the 2000s largely followed the example of Washington due to Germany joining the latter's power diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are: The future of German-Iranian relations will depend on a number of international, regional and domestic factors, the development of which is difficult to predict with any certainty; besides Germany, the positions of Great Britain and France in relation to Iran matter to a lesser extent; Iran's geopolitical attractiveness, along with Iran's willingness to welcome Germany as an active player in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as well as pressure from the country's economic groups to develop trade relations with Iran, encourage Germany to take the lead in European foreign policy towards Iran ; With the start of nuclear talks in 2013, Berlin played a positive role in the negotiations that culminated in the nuclear deal in July 2015. Since then, close cooperation has been established both in industry and in the field of education; The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that the results of the study can be applied in the strategic planning of international relations with Iran.
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Schmidt, Karl-Heinz. "Innovation Poles." Industry and Higher Education 9, no. 1 (February 1995): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229500900105.
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Innovative activities have dual impacts – known as the ‘process of creative destruction’. Innovations ‘destroy’ traditional production opportunities, but ‘create’ new ones. To organize innovation activities into an evolutionary process, it is necessary to investigate how to coordinate them. This includes analysis of the synergistic effects of different technological activities in specific areas or institutions. In this paper, starting from the concept of economic growth poles, the general economic arguments for innovation poles as a means of using synergy and coordinating innovation activities are outlined. The opportunities and problems in applying the concept of innovation poles in practical economic policy are then demonstrated, with empirical data from Japan and Germany. The research on which this paper is based was carried out in light of the promising experiences of R&D and technology transfer in Japan and the need for innovation and risk capital investment in Germany, especially in East Germany.
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Niedhart, Gottfried. "Ostpolitik: Transformation through Communication and the Quest for Peaceful Change." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 14–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00652.
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Ostpolitik during the era of Willy Brandt signaled a new departure in West German foreign policy. At first a latecomer in European détente, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) became its pacemaker. With respect to both security matters and economic relations, the FRG emerged as the main partner of the Soviet Union in Europe. Starting from the international context, the article analyzes the dynamic that emanated from the formula Wandel durch Annäherung (change through rapprochement). The focus is on (1) perceptions and short-term objectives, (2) underlying assumptions and expectations, and (3) the achievements of Ostpolitik. East-West relations were shaped by newly introduced methods of communication that opened avenues for détente and peaceful change. The experience of communicative actions led to a constellation of antagonistic cooperation in Europe. The East-West conflict continued, but conflict behavior had changed for good.
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GÜZAY, Aybüke. "GERMAN TRACES İN THE CAUCASUS AZERBAİJAN GERMANS." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140116.
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In the 18th century, Germany also participated in the competition between the European States that started colonization activities and did not want to lag behind other states on the way to complete their union. Germany, which has existed as independent statelets since the 1800s, wanted to have a say in Africa, the Middle East and the Caucasus geographies after establishing its union in 1871. Although the immigration policy of the German colonists started to work after this date, it is seen that the colonization activities in the Caucasus geography took place in previous dates and in a different way. The turning point regarding the German migrations to Russia is the Russian Tsarina II. It is in the time of Catherine. Tsarina II, who is of German origin. After Katherina came to the throne of Russia (1762), she wanted settlers from Germany to migrate to Russia. Its purpose is the agricultural development of the Russian lands. II. Upon Katherina’s call, the Germans began to migrate to Russia and the Caucasus. The first German immigration to Azerbaijan took place in 1818. The Germans first established the villages called “Helenendorf” (Göygöl) and “Annenfeld” (Şamkir) in the territory of Azerbaijan. Later on, 6 more villages were established, namely Grünfeld (Vurguna), Traubenfeld (Tovuz), Jelisawetinka (Agstafa), Georgsfeld (Çınarlı), Alexejewka (Gasamba) and Eigenfeld (Irmaşlı). Thus, 8 villages were built in Azerbaijan by the Germans. It is known that the German population living in these villages and also present in Baku contributes to the economy of Azerbaijan and the development of the country in terms of architecture. From the dates they migrated II. Until the World War II, they had no trouble living and reflecting their own culture in Azerbaijan, but at the same time, they managed to convey their experiences with great skill. II. The fact that Germany was at war with Russia during World War II created a trust problem against the German population in Russia and the majority of the German population was immigrated to Siberia and Kazakhstan by Stalin. In this study, the living conditions and livelihoods of the German settlers in Azerbaijan will be mentioned, and their contributions to the region in architecture and other economic fields will be examined. Keywords: Azerbaijan, German Traces in the Caucasus, German colonies, Helenendorf, Annenfeld.
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Naranch, Bradley D. "“Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine”: Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910." Central European History 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746356.
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The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.
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Thomas, Bennett C. "Core–Periphery Relations in the European Union and the Role of Central Places in Europe with a Focus on Regional Policy in Britain and Germany." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 435–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000392.
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Core–periphery analysis is vital to an understanding of the European Union (EU) and regional development. The European Economic Community (EEC), which would eventually become the EU, was formed in 1957 in order to promote progressive economic integration. Recognizing that there were depressed regions within both peripheral and core nation-states, the EC adopted a programme with the goal of bringing those regions into convergence. Its programme is essentially a liberal centre–periphery model similar to the one proposed by Friedman. Many of the nation-states within the EC also have their own regional policies and programmes regarding intervention within their own spatial boundaries. To present an approach for comparison this article will focus on two examples of regional policy: Britain's attitude toward regional development in the North and the German programme for integrating East Germany.
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Létourneau, Paul. "L'Allemagne unie entre l'Ouest déclinant et l'Est désintégré." Études internationales 23, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702967ar.
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German unification is both a cause and an effect of the restructuring of alliances now taking place with the end of the long postwar era. An enlarged Germany finds itself in a new geostrategic position at the centre of a henceforth unified continent and its vocation is pan-European. The underpinnings of its external policy and its security have been modified. In this context, the German government has opted not only for keeping a renewed NATO but also for deepening and widening Europe's economic and political institutions. It does not want to disappoint either the Americans or its European Community partners and those wishing to join the EC. Nor does it want to disappoint the East Europeans, including those-of the former Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the traditional policy of seeking non-isolation, at times not without ambivalence, is destined to change and could become more assertive. Two items testify to this change in direction : the "debate over normalization', which has brought down taboos in Germany, and the leadership role that Bonn has openly taken, for the first time since 1945, on the issue of recognition without further delay of Slovenia and Croatia by the European Community as of January 15 1992.
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Alecke, Björn, Janina Reinkowski, Timo Mitze, and Gerhard Untiedt. "Does Firm Size make a Difference? Analysing the Effectiveness of R&D Subsidies in East Germany." German Economic Review 13, no. 2 (May 1, 2012): 174–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2011.00546.x.
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Abstract We analyse the impact of public subsidies on private sector research and development (R&D) activity for a sample of East German firms. Using propensity score matching, our empirical results indicate that subsidized firms indeed show a higher level of R&D intensity (R&D expenditures relative to total turnover) and a higher probability for patent application compared with non-subsidized firms. We find that, on average, the R&D intensity increases from 1.5% to 3.9%. The probability of patent application rises from 20% to 40%. These results closely match earlier empirical findings for East Germany. Given the fact that the East German innovation system is particularly driven by small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), we draw special attention to the effectiveness of R&D subsidies for this latter subgroup. Here, no specific empirical evidence is available so far. Our findings indicate that policy effectiveness also holds for private R&D activity of SMEs, with the highest increase in terms of R&D intensity being estimated for microbusinesses with up to ten employees.
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Мirzekhanov, V. S., and Ph O. Trunov. "Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?" MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 186–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-186-204.
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The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.
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Devyatkov, A., and A. Makarychev. "Germany’s East Policies: Expert Assessments and Political Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2012): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-9-52-60.
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The article analyzes the contours of today’s German “Eastern policy” and its interconnection with the Russian-German “strategic partnership”. The authors come to a conclusion, that German “Eastern policy” is embedded not only in the context of (geo)economic interests, but to the same extent in the context of European and Euro-Atlantic solidarity. The format of bilateral “strategic partnership” resolves only a part of Russian foreign policy tasks, without developing multilateral initiatives, which would involve other key actors, like Poland, and would be more productive for realization of Russian interests in Europe.
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Zoch, Gundula. "Public childcare provision and employment participation of East and West German mothers with different educational backgrounds." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 3 (January 20, 2020): 370–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719892843.
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By focusing on a period of a major public childcare expansion in Germany, this study investigates whether higher levels of childcare coverage for under-threes have been positively associated with employment among mothers with different educational backgrounds. Both standard economic labour theories and sociological theories presume that the effect of public childcare provision varies with mothers’ educational attainment. The analysis links county-level data on annual childcare ratios with individual-level data from the Socio-Economic Panel Study (2007–2016). To match mothers with similar characteristics in counties with childcare ratios above and below the annual median within East and West Germany, entropy balancing is applied. Findings indicate a positive relationship between childcare provision and maternal employment, with more pronounced associations for mothers with at least a vocational degree, those with a second birth and those who receive full-time access to childcare.