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1
Schulze, Frederik. "German Missionaries, Race, and Othering Entanglements and Comparisons between German Southwest Africa, Indonesia, and Brazil." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000235.
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Recent approaches in global history and postcolonial studies have pointed to global aspects of colonialism and suggested that the history of colonialism should not be described just as a unidirectional history of power, because the reverberations of colonialism within the metropolis were also important. If we reflect further, we might ask not only if the metropolis and the colonies were entangled, but also if different colonial contexts had connections to one another. Pursuing this in the case of missionary activities, Rebekka Habermas recently demanded that scholars connect missionary history and global history so as to examine the global entanglements of the mission. She drew attention to missionary societies’ active on a global scale. It stands to reason that missionary societies, as global actors, pursued similar politics in different regions and, therefore, different regions and contexts were thereby connected. But is it possible to show direct entanglements between individual mission contexts? Can we explain certain practices and discourses in colonial situations better if we look at other regional contexts?In testing these questions, the case of the so-called “emigrant mission” (Auswanderermission), directed at Germans emigrants to Brazil by a sister organisation of the Protestant Rhenish Missionary Society, is instructive. Strangely, Habermas mentioned neither the Americas nor the emigrant mission when she proposed the analysis of global entanglements of the mission, as if there had been no missionary activities in the Americas. But it is exactly this kind of entanglement that seems most interesting, the entanglement between regions with apparently different histories. This paper tries to address this lacuna by asking if the history of the emigrant mission in Brazil can be linked with “normal” missionary contexts of, for example, missions directed at non-Europeans, in order to understand why certain discourses were circulating in Brazil. In this instance, the former German colony of Southwest Africa and the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Nias serve as classical missionary examples, as the Rhenish Missionary Society was very active in these regions. In considering relations between German emigrants in Brazil, the German colony in Africa, and the German mission in a Dutch colony, one must remember that Brazil, although it figured very prominently in German colonial debates of the nineteenth century, was not a formal German colony.
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Llewellyn, Matthew P. "Dominion Nationalism or Imperial Patriotism? Citizenship, Race, and the Proposed British Empire Olympic Team." Journal of Sport History 39, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.1.45.
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Abstract In the aftermath of a calamitous British performance at the 1912 Olympic games in Stockholm the British Olympic Association (BOA) announced a plan to consolidate the various units of the British Empire into a single Olympic team for the forthcoming 1916 Berlin games. Casting their eyes ahead towards Berlin, an event generating extra importance given the continued escalation of Anglo- German antagonism, the BOA conceived that a unified Greater Britain team would solidify colonial and dominion relations with the old mother country and salvage Britain’s self-perceived reputation as the leader of modern sport. Efforts to maintain Britain’s global sporting position by welding the United Kingdom and its colonial possessions into a formidable Olympic team faced stern opposition. The growing political independence of Britain’s colonies and dominions, coupled with the perilous administrative task of selecting, organizing, and financing a transcontinental British team compounded problems with the BOA’s imperial ambitions.
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Vögele, Hannah. "Colonial Intimacies." Kvinder, Køn & Forskning, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kkf.v32i1.128717.
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This paper contends that relations of property and propriety of “western modernity” engender and articulate different forms of violence, crucially including sexualised violence. Going beyond the limits of dominant frameworks and liberal feminism’s approaches to violence, this paper takes seriously the need to trace how modern ways of relating are intimately connected to colonial modes of dispossession and propertisation. Therefore, I draw on historical resources and present a constellation history with fragments from the context of relations of intimacy in German colonial rule. This shows how hegemonic family relations and marriage laws were used to control access to land and resources, as well as workers and their bodies. Logics of imperial intervention in sexuality and the use of sexualised violence extend beyond this specific spatio-temporal context into the present. This highlights how categories of race, gender and sexuality develop with, through and for, proprietary relations. The ambiguous role of white women vis-à-vis colonial relations of ownership reinforces a critique of limited approaches of liberal feminism and stresses the importance of anti-colonial organizing against violence.
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Rose, Sonya O. "Race, empire and British wartime national identity, 1939–45*." Historical Research 74, no. 184 (May 1, 2001): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00125.
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Abstract Britain's self-portrait as a democratic and paternalistic imperial nation was persistently undermined by the contradictory repercussions of racial divisiveness. The consequences of racism in both the metropole and in the colonies threatened the metropole-colonial relations so fundamental to British imperial sensibilities. Thus, government officials were involved throughout the war in repairing Britain's reputation with its imperial subjects. Using evidence from Colonial Office and Ministry of Information files, this article contributes to historical understanding of the empire's place in British national identity in the World War II years. It suggests the extent to which racism at “home” and in the colonies destabilized British efforts to bolster imperial loyalties that would persist into the post-war future.
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Knox, Bruce. "Colonies and Colonisation in Bulwer Lytton’sThe Caxtons,A Strange StoryandThe Coming Race." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 44, no. 6 (September 14, 2016): 857–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2016.1227027.
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Williams, John Hoyt. "Observations on Blacks and Bondage in Uruguay, 1800-1836." Americas 43, no. 4 (April 1987): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007186.
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In the last ten years there has been a great deal of interest in the scholarship devoted to the related issues of slavery and race relations in Latin America. This writer has himself published works which shed some light on the Black “experience” in isolated, interior Paraguay in the nineteenth century. The ongoing task to more fully understand the different patterns of racial (in all of its aspects) relations in Latin America has been fruitful and has elucidated much of a story, an experience, long hidden. There is, however, much to be done, for the vast bulk of the studies published to date deal with a few, selected countries (or colonies); most notably Brazil and Cuba. Nations such as Chile, Uurguay, Colombia and even Argentina, have received as yet very little attention from the scholars of slavery and race relations.
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Turner, Joe. "Internal colonisation: The intimate circulations of empire, race and liberal government." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 4 (November 6, 2017): 765–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117734904.
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This article proposes that ‘internal colonisation’ provides a necessary lens through which to explore the relationship between violence and race in contemporary liberal government. Contributing to an increasing interest in race in International Relations, this article proposes that while racism remains a vital demarcation in liberal government between forms of worthy/unworthy life, this is continually shaped by colonial histories and ongoing projects of empire that manifest in the Global North and South in familiar, if not identical, ways. In unpacking the concept of internal colonisation and its intellectual history from Black Studies into colonial historiography and political geography, I highlight how (neo-)metropolitan states such as Britain were always active imperial terrain and subjected to forms of colonisation. This recognises how metropole and colonies were bounded together through colonisation and how knowledge and practices of rule were appropriated onto a heterogeneity of racialised and undesirable subjects both within colonies and Britain. Bringing the argument up to date, I show how internal colonisation remains diverse and dispersed under liberal empire — enhanced through the war on terror. To do this, I sketch out how forms of ‘armed social work’ central to counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and Iraq are also central to the management of sub-populations in Britain through the counterterrorism strategy Prevent. Treating (neo-)metropoles such as the UK as part of imperial terrain helps us recognise the way in which knowledge/practices of colonisation have worked across multiple populations and been invested in mundane sites of liberal government. This brings raced histories into closer encounters with the (re)making of a raced present.
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Naranch, Bradley D. "“Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine”: Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910." Central European History 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746356.
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The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.
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Noyes, John K. "Nomadic fantasies: producing landscapes of mobility in German southwest Africa." Ecumene 7, no. 1 (January 2000): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096746080000700103.
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In nineteenth-century Germany, ‘nomadism’ was an epithet frequently applied with little distinction to pastoralist, hunter-gatherer and semi-agriculturalist societies. It was used as a description not only of actual indigenous social organizations or economies, but also of a propensity to wander, an inconstancy and hence an obstacle to civilization. This was not confined to anthropological and ethnographic discourse. It also influenced policymaking in the colonies, particularly in discussions of land rights and land utilization. At the same time, discussions of nomadism, when applied to indigenous populations, awakened associations with a key theme in German national identity and national history - that the German nation had once shared this love of wandering. Debates on nomadism in the colonies expressed certain perceptions of German identity, but also anxieties about the mobility of labour and capital. The example chosen in this paper is German southwest Africa at the turn of the century.
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Maynes, Mary Jo. "Carol Poore,The Bonds of Labor: German Journeys to the Working World, 1890–1990. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2000. 298 pp. $39.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905220239.
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Approaches to the history of class relations in Germany as elsewhere have changed dramatically over the past two decades or so. Historical class analysis, which once pointed to the clear significance of class as a social marker, a cultural and political identity, in short, as a force of history, has became dulled in the wake of the collapse of socialism, the decline of organized labor, and the intellectual challenges associated with postmodernism, feminism, and race theory. As one student remarked in a recent seminar on the history and historiography of class relations in Europe, class has become the unexamined third pillar of the race, class, gender triad. Historians do not deny the significance of class relations; it has just that figuring out how to theorize and document the history of class is much more complicated than it used to be.
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AITKEN, ROBBIE. "Embracing Germany: Interwar German Society and Black Germans through the Eyes of African American Reporters." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (April 17, 2017): 447–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700041x.
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This article looks at the published reports on visits made to interwar Germany by prominent black journalists Robert S. Abbot, J. A. Rogers and Lewis McMillan. Drawing on their own experiences as well as their engagement with German-based blacks, the reporters contrasted the oppressive conditions black people faced in the US with the apparent lack of colour prejudice in Germany. Their coverage serves as a critique of race relations in the US, while also providing snapshots into the conditions under which black Germans lived as well as an insight into the writers’ own perceptions of a broader black diaspora in development.
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Lehrs, Lior. "A Last-Minute Private Peace Initiative: Albert Ballin’s Mediation Efforts between Germany and Britain, 1908-1914." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 3 (August 7, 2018): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341373.
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Summary As relations between Germany and Britain were deteriorating during the years 1908-1914, Albert Ballin, a German businessman, became concerned and decided to promote Anglo–German talks on naval arms limitations in order to halt the naval arms race and improve relations between the two states. This article analyses Albert Ballin’s — and his British friend Ernest Cassel’s — private peace initiatives during the years 1908-1914 as a historical example of ‘unofficial diplomacy’ long before this term was discussed in International Relations literature. It examines the tools and conditions that created the basis for Ballin’s initiatives and explores his role in the diplomatic processes between Germany and Britain before the First World War. Ballin’s and Cassel’s unofficial, persistent peace efforts had some effect on the official diplomatic sphere and led to official negotiations, but they ultimately failed in their attempt to promote an agreement or to prevent the war.
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Howell, Philip. "Prostitution and Racialised Sexuality: The Regulation of Prostitution in Britain and the British Empire before the Contagious Diseases Acts." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no. 3 (June 2000): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d259.
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In this paper I examine the interplay of race and sexuality in 19th-century British colonial legislation concerning prostitution. I demonstrate that British systems of regulation of prostitution predated the introduction of the Contagious Diseases Act in 1864, and that rather than spreading from Britain to its colonies regulationist measures developed from the interplay of metropolitan-colonial relations. The example of Hong Kong serves to illustrate both the priority of colonial systems for the regulation of prostitution and the explicitly racialised nature of this legislation. I argue that colonial practice served as more than a merely legislative precedent for domestic measures, however, as racial discourse and practice can be seen to mark all attempts at the regulation of prostitution, at home and abroad; and the conception of ‘racialised sexuality’ is useful for understanding both colonial and domestic measures for the regulation of prostitution. Understanding the historical geography of regulation therefore undermines conventional analyses of relations between imperial metropole and colonial periphery, and directs our attention to the articulated categories of race, class, sexuality, and gender in the complex colonial spaces of the British imperium.
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Mo, Lou. "Triangulating Africa: Contemporary art as a terrain for creating China‐Africa connections." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 9, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00056_1.
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Colonization and race are important issues influencing international contemporary art practice, but related discourse is often focused with Europe or America at one end of a binary dialogue opposing the peripheries and former colonies. Since mid-twentieth century, following the independence of new nation states and events such as the 1955 Bandung Conference, there has been an increasing awareness to create new axes of sociopolitical connections. China‐Africa relations evolve from this context but remains a topic mostly studied from state-level politics and economics. Recently, artists from the Greater Chinese context have started investigating ways of understanding Africa culturally through their artworks. Pu Yingwei (mainland China), Musquiqui Chihying (Taiwan) and Enoch Cheng (HK) are three young artists whose recent works focus on creating more intimate narratives to construct an understanding of China‐Africa relations. China is introduced in the dichotomous mode of discourse, and this new triangulated focus expand the understanding of China‐Africa relations by offering more nuanced perspectives.
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Fitzpatrick, Matthew. "New South Wales in Africa? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.
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In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.
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Golson, Eric. "THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000314.
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ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.
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Singh, Kelvin. "Ethnic Hegemony and Problems of Inclusion in Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago: Retrospect and Prospect." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008834.
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Ethnic hegemony has been the pattern of governance in the Caribbean since the first century of colonialism, with a small but powerful elite of European ancestry directly controlling the destiny of these territories until the 1960s, when a new African-based political hegemony developed. The conquest and subsequent disappearance of the native inhabitants, followed by the steady development of plantation economies on the basis of slave and contract labour, which in turn influenced heavily the emergence of a race-based system of social stratification in these colonies, are too well known to warrant repetition here. The main concern of this paper is to examine, in the context of ethnic and class formations, the political and social dynamics of the post-colonial period with a view to prognosticating probable developments in the ensuing decades of the twenty-first century.
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Hart, Mitchell B. "Social Mendelism: Genetics and the Politics of Race in Germany, 1900–1948 Amir Teicher." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 481–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab051.
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Erdem, Esra. "Community and Democratic Citizenship: A Critique of the Sinus Study on Immigrant Milieus in Germany." German Politics and Society 31, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310208.
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In the ongoing debate on immigrant integration policies, the Sinus study on migrant milieus has attracted much attention for its clear stance as a proponent of a multicultural society. Brushing aside arguments about an ethnic-religious divide in the German social fabric, the study argues that social milieus constitute much stronger markers of difference than ethnicity. This paper provides a critical appraisal of the postethnic vision articulated by Sinus. However, it also raises some methodological issues concerning the collection and analysis of data on immigrant populations. The concluding section discusses the limits of a politics of difference based on milieus. It questions the potential of the Sinus study to move the German immigration debate forward towards a more democratic vision of citizenship, given its de-emphasis of social inequalities rooted in relations of gender, "race" and class.
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Rudling, Per Anders. "“An entirely different culture and an alien race:” Scandinavian Ukrainian encounters on the Canadian Prairies 1910-1940." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 20 (December 1, 2011): 26–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan61.
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ABSTRACT: While contacts between Scandinavia and Kievan Rus’ in recent history have been limited, and Scandinavian, and Scandinavian-Canadian attitudes to Ukrainians were long characterized by an aggressive hostility and racist stereotypes. The image of the “Galician” merged with stereotypes of Russians, which have a long tradition in Scandinavia and Germany. “Galicians” became synonymous with backwardness, social retardation and superstition. As a result of pressure to assimilate and competition for the same jobs, Scandinavian-Ukrainian relations in Canada became strained. These attitudes took a particularly aggressive form in the Scandinavian press in Canada. This article attempts to identify anti-Ukrainian themes in Scandinavian and Scandinavian-Canadian literature and assess their significance for the identity formation of the Scandinavians in Canada in the early 20th century.
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Garbuzov, V. N. "Zigzags of the Post-Imperial Syndrome." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S492—S503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s101933162212005x.
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Abstract The death of every empire is always painful and often turns into tragedy. It inevitably entails painful processes: the rupture of habitual economic ties, the loss of vast territories and spheres of influence, the formation of new states and the definition of borders between them, the emergence of national minorities on the territory of neighbors, etc. However, perhaps the most painful result is the sense of loss of self-worth, a complex of lost greatness that develops into the so-called post-imperial syndrome. In the 20th century, it manifested itself in Germany, Great Britain, France, Austria, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, and former metropolises, which, with the loss of their colonies, lost not only established ties but also geopolitical influence, and with it their former imperial power. In the first quarter of the 21st century, Russia also has had to face the post-imperial syndrome. This article is devoted to its manifestations at this time.
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Winant, Howard. "Shades of Citizenship: Race and the Census in Modern Politics By Melissa Nobles. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000. 248p. $49.50 cloth, $16.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402394334.
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A thoughtful book on a subject that can be quite vexing, Shades of Citizenship benefits greatly from the comparative analytical framework employed. The central poles of comparative attention are the U.S. and Brazilian censuses, but Nobles also comments on a range of other national processes of census-taking and systems of racial classification employed; Germany and South Africa as well as other Latin American, African, and European countries are mentioned.
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DeCoster, Jonathan. "“Have You Not Heard of Florida?” Jean Ribault, Thomas Stukeley, and the Dream of England's First Overseas Colony." Itinerario 43, no. 3 (December 2019): 397–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000524.
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AbstractEnglish overseas colonialism is generally traced to the anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish ideologies of Richard Hakluyt, Humphrey Gilbert, and other exponents in the 1570s and 1580s. This article puts Florida at the forefront of English colonialism by taking seriously Thomas Stukeley's proposed colonisation expedition in 1563. The focus on the 1560s reveals how a dynastic rivalry with France, rather than a religious rivalry with Spain, gave birth to England's first colonial impulse. Jean Ribault, well known as the founder of French Florida, serves as the connecting link between Florida and England. His previously unappreciated role in European diplomacy unwittingly turned his fledgling colony into a pawn to be traded among France, Spain, and England. Furthermore, Queen Elizabeth's interest in joining the race for colonies may have been fuelled more by her desire to regain Calais from the French than to plant settlers in America. But while her motives may well have been cynical, the English public for the first time began to see itself as a colonising people. The end result was that Florida not only emerged as part of the fountainhead of English colonialism, but also came to play an important role in European politics.
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Abdul Baqi, Assist Prof Dr Mohammed Abdul Majid. "Future trends -Arab relations - European A Study in Political Geography." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 216, no. 2 (November 11, 2018): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v216i2.591.
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The indicators of Europe returning increasing rapidly as an active part at the current time, where the French differentiation pattern towards the American situation towards Palestinian issue, also the Germany-French-Belgian differentiation pattern towards the American situation during the Military aggression on Iraq in 2003, all of that Allows multiple and diverse indicators for this role Which had declined after the end of World War II and the end of the European occupation of the Arab homeland, Europe has suffered great losses militarily, economically, lose of population and socially during the World War II, and this loss had impacted its ability to continue its old strategic role of colonizing in confronting other international poles that had become the first power over Europe account and started to impose its influence on the former colonies of Europe in the Arab region, where America has struggled to impose its full control over the Arab homeland As an alternative for the old European colonialism , where the independence of the situation of the European had declined significantly towards the Arabian issues, so, it turns to the dialogue with the Arabian governments, Which had actually embodied as (The Arabian-European dialogue), considering that a new stage has begun to rearrange the international influence in the region, Also, Europe has regained its colonial power that was lost after the World War II particularly with the decline of the Arab unity factors because of the weakness of governments and systems, and the collapse of the Soviet Union, The level of this orientation has expanded with the launch of '' Middle East" project , according to (American-Zionist) belief that Excludes the European interests, and this pushed the researcher to analyze the constant and the variable in that study towards the Arabian issues as a framework to answer the queries about the future nature of the Arabian-European relations.
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Odumosu, Temi. "Burthened Bodies: the image and cultural work of “White Negroes” in the eighteenth century Atlantic world." American Studies in Scandinavia 46, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v46i1.5149.
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Under the shadow of slavery, skin color played a vital role in determining social relations within cities, ports and colonies around the Atlantic world. Eighteenth century literature propagated the idea that visual differences between the major known human populations were not simply a matter of climate, but also of discreet characteristics and biological composition. When focused on comparisons between Africans and Europeans, these discussions were often speculative and subjective, drawing heavily on traditional symbolic meanings of whiteness and blackness in a positive/negative dichotomy, and using them to explain contemporary inequalities encapsulated in the relationship between master and slave. Thus varying representations of race (in image and text) distinguished the bodies of Africans as inherently ‘other’ and as property used in labor for manufacture. But what happened to these meanings and social dynamics when Africans could be born or become white? How were the people referred to as “White Negroes”, negotiating rare skin diseases such as Vitiligo and albinism, understood? This essay explores the stories and representation of individuals with skin pigmentation disease whose bodies were used as public performers in America and Europe to prove the normative position of whiteness and forewarn the potential outcomes of race mixing. These people, who were no longer considered fit for plantation labor, were appropriated and enslaved into another form of cultural work that included the medical and philosophical examination of their bodies, public exhibitions for profitable popular entertainment, and the reproduction and sale of their physical likeness.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "The Souls of Muslim Folk." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i4.315.
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The current debate on the vices of multiculturalism and the merits of integration, of problematizing cultural difference, appears to miss important lessons from recent history in the treatment of minorities. In this paper, I start by questioning the celebration of Barack Obama’s election as a “breakthrough” for multicultural inclusiveness. I argue that the “Obama phenomenon” highlights the limits of democratic inclusiveness and sheds light on the traumatic experience of African Americans, who have been victimized precisely for seeking to assimilate. European Jews, especially in Germany, could not be accused of any reluctance to integrate either, and their contributions to European culture are legendary. But they also suffered grievously for their pains. Thus when the same xenophobic political trends traditionally hostile to the integration of minorities begin to vociferously demand that Muslims should integrate, this must be seen as a warning that we may be heading toward a very dark phase of race relations in the West.
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Dowling, Emma, Silke Van Dyk, and Stefanie Graefe. "Rückkehr des Hauptwiderspruchs?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 47, no. 188 (September 1, 2017): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v47i188.69.
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How to explain the relative success of the AfD in Germany, the presidential election of Donald Trump in the USA, the Brexit vote or the popularity of the Right in France and elsewhere in Europe? Moreover, why did the Left not see this authoritarian turn coming? One prominent suggestion has been that the Left abandoned the white working class, thereby becoming the inadvertent midwife of a right-wing resurgence. Significant blame for this is in turn apportioned to the emergence of ‘identity politics’. In this essay, the authors take issue with this line of argumentation and criticise some of the implicit assumptions they consider problematic in current debates on the Left regarding the relationship between gender, race, class and emancipatory politics. They argue that struggles against both neoliberalism and the New Right require intersectional analyses of contemporary global class relations that do not abandon the important achievements and insights of new and newest social movements.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "The Souls of Muslim Folk." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 29, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v29i4.315.
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The current debate on the vices of multiculturalism and the merits of integration, of problematizing cultural difference, appears to miss important lessons from recent history in the treatment of minorities. In this paper, I start by questioning the celebration of Barack Obama’s election as a “breakthrough” for multicultural inclusiveness. I argue that the “Obama phenomenon” highlights the limits of democratic inclusiveness and sheds light on the traumatic experience of African Americans, who have been victimized precisely for seeking to assimilate. European Jews, especially in Germany, could not be accused of any reluctance to integrate either, and their contributions to European culture are legendary. But they also suffered grievously for their pains. Thus when the same xenophobic political trends traditionally hostile to the integration of minorities begin to vociferously demand that Muslims should integrate, this must be seen as a warning that we may be heading toward a very dark phase of race relations in the West.
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Dupuy, Claire. "La course vers le milieu des régions. Compétition et politiques régionales d'éducation en France et en Allemagne." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 881–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912001072.
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Résumé. La régionalisation de l'action publique est l'une des évolutions les plus marquantes des États européens depuis les années 1970. Cette évolution présente une opportunité pour examiner, dans le contexte européen, les théories de la compétition interrégionale. C'est ce que cet article se propose de faire à partir de la comparaison de deux cas les plus différents : les politiques d'éducation en France, un État anciennement centralisé où les régions disposent de compétences relativement étroites, et en Allemagne, un État fédéral où les régions possèdent des compétences étendues. L'article montre que ni une course vers le bas, ni une course vers le haut ne s'enclenchent. C'est au contraire une course vers le milieu qui caractérise les relations compétitives entre les régions françaises et allemandes, respectivement, où les gouvernements régionaux tentent de montrer qu'ils font comme les autres afin d'éviter le blâme des électeurs et de l'État central.Abstract. The regionalization of public policy is one of the most remarkable transformations European states have undergone since the 1970s. Through an examination of this particular development, the article explores theories of interregional competition in two very different cases: education policy in France, a decentralized unitary state where regional governments are entrusted with limited policy competences in this field, and Germany, a federal state where regions have exclusive responsibility over secondary education. The paper shows that, in both cases, interregional competition lends itself neither to a race to the bottom nor a race to the top, but rather to a race to the middle. Regional governments aim, in fact, to demonstrate that they adopt similar policies to other regions so as to avoid being blamed by both the electorate and the central state.
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Troiani, Diana, and Ermanno Manni. "A tribute to Italian physiologists of Jewish descent evicted during the persecution ordered by the Fascist Regime in 1938." Advances in Physiology Education 31, no. 2 (June 2007): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advan.00059.2006.
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The present report commemorates the persecution of five renown Italian physiologists of Jewish descent that lost their chairs in medical schools because of the anti-semitic policies of the fascist regime. In 1938, Mussolini promulgated the Racial Laws, officially with the aim of safeguarding the purity of the Italian race in conquered African colonies. However, their true intent was to persecute the Italian Jewish community in agreement with the policy of Nazi Germany. In accordance with the Racial Laws, all non-Aryans were banished from professional activities and were evicted from public, social, and academic life. As a result, 98 full professors in Italian universities were removed from their academic positions. In medical schools, physiology, more than other discipline, lost the most prominent faculty members. Of the 17 full Professors of Human Physiology, five were of Jewish descent, and all were evicted: they were Camillo Artom from Palermo, Mario Camis from Bologna, Carlo Foà from Milan, Amedeo Herlitzka from Turin, and Ugo Lombroso from Genoa. All were talented and famous scientists who were forced to leave Italy and take refuge in foreign countries. At the end of World War II, Camis, Foà, Herlitzka, and Lombroso returned to Italy and resumed their previous academic positions, whereas Artom remained in the United States. Unfortunately, Camis died later that year. During the postwar period, some of the fascists responsible for the Jewish persecution were killed or committed suicide while the survivors were imprisoned and prosecuted. However, all were soon released and resumed their former positions.
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BENTLEY, TOM. "The sorrow of empire: Rituals of legitimation and the performative contradictions of liberalism." Review of International Studies 41, no. 3 (December 11, 2014): 623–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210514000394.
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AbstractUnexpectedly, several prominent European countries have begun to issue official state apologies to their former colonies. What does this proliferation of official colonial sorrow from such countries as Germany, Belgium, Italy, and Britain reveal about the normative tenets of the contemporary international order? This article analyses colonial apologies as crucial symbolic and ritualistic sites where state elites project liberal credentials and affirm liberal normative tenets in the international system. Specifically, the article demonstrates how these apologies for colonial atrocity appear to reinforce liberal conceptions of human rights, the renunciation of violence, cordial relations with formerly colonised states, and commitments to state accountability and transparency. Yet, textual analysis of several state apologies reveals that these performatives simultaneously contradict each of these liberal tenets. It finds that – even in apology – political elites reflect ambivalence about certain human rights violations; persist in glorifying or sanitising the violent colonial past; recycle paternalistic and hierarchical discourses and policies towards the apology's recipients; and offer contradictory notions of the state's historical responsibility. In exposing these performative contradictions of empirical sorrow, the article seeks to expand the discipline's understandings of, and dilemmas within, a key performative and ritualistic legitimation strategy whereby liberalism reproduces itself in the international system.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Zaika, K. "Patterns of National Integration in Response to Growing Immigration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-59-70.
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The paper summarizes immigration policy models in Germany, France, the UK, the USA and Canada in response to the growing immigration flows since the second half of the XXth century. By contrast with “traditional” nation states of Western Europe, the USA and Canada have developed on the basis of the settler colonies having melted immigrants of various ethnic and cultural origins. The USA and Canada have been prioritizing immigration as a factor of their national development. Although public culture in these immigration states has been developing on some specific cultural patterns, American and Canadian societies have not generated the concepts and perceptions of an “ethno-cultural” core of the nation as such. One of the reasons for current integration issues in the West is the struggle of immigrants for their collective cultural rights in host societies. Differences in political culture between Western European states and immigration states (the USA and Canada in this case) determine the gap in the institutionalization of collective rights for immigrants and, correspondingly, specific character of integration issues. Transition to the pluralistic model of national integration in the USA and Canada is determined by the following factors. First, due to mass immigration, there emerged liberalization of immigration policies. Secondly, in the post-war period, political cultures in liberal democracies witnessed a pronounced republican tendency, due to the ideological influence generated in times of The African-American Civil Rights Movement.
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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Oswald Spengler. Young Conservative Geopolitics." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (March 1, 2020): 51–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-51-90.
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Oswald Spengler belongs to the trend in the so-called “conservative revolution” which was entitled “young conservatism” (Jungkonservative) in times of Weimar Republic and was close to the political position of German business and military elites. The projects of those elites before and during the First World War and their development up to the seizer of power by the Nazis and the Second World War apply to the geopolitics, and Spengler was one of the most talented representatives and creators of those plans in world politics. His views on the world politics are determined by the Lebensphilosophie (philosophy of life) described in the fragments of his main “metaphysical” work Urfragen and his philosophy of history stated in the book “Decline of Europe”. Particular attention in the article is paid to his views on Russia, both in the second volume of “Decline of Europe” and in his last work “The Years of Decision”. The transition from culture to civilization that started in the 19th century, lead to the epoch of world wars and revolutions in the 20th century. According to Spengler, two types of revolution threatened the West, - the “white revolution” in western countries themselves, that Spengler termed “Bolshevism”, and the “colour revolution’ in the colonies. The military power of new Caesars would put the end to those revolutions, as well as liberalism and parliamentarism. According to Spengler, Germany was the only land, that preserved the main features of the “Nordic race”; and that’s why could unite Western countries in the struggle for self-preservation. Spengler’s heroic pessimism affirmed the readiness to resist the history course: the time of the “Faust” culture was nearly over, but for two more centuries it would be necessary to fight hard from the losing positions.
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Danewid, Ida. "The fire this time: Grenfell, racial capitalism and the urbanisation of empire." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119858388.
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Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. In this article, I argue that a focus on race and empire should be central to this literature. Using the Grenfell Tower fire in London as a starting point, the article shows that global cities are part of a historical and ongoing imperial terrain. From London to New York, São Paulo to Cape Town, Singapore to Cairo, the ‘making’ of global cities has typically gone hand in hand with racialized forms of displacement, dispossession and police violence. Drawing on the literature on racial capitalism, as well as Aimé Césaire’s image of the ‘boomerang’, I show that these strategies build on practices of urban planning, slum administration and law-and-order policing long experimented with in the (post)colonies. By examining the colonial dimensions of what many assume to be a strictly national problem for the welfare state, the article thus reveals global cities as part of a much wider cartography of imperial and racial violence. This not only calls into question the presentism of scholarship that highlights the ‘newness’ of neoliberal urbanism. In demonstrating how global cities and colonial borderlands are bound together through racial capitalism, it also exposes the positionality of scholars and policymakers that seek to counter the violence of neoliberalism with a nostalgic return to the post-1945 welfare state. As the Grenfell fire revealed, the global city is less a new type of international actor or governance structure than an extension and reconfiguration of the domestic space of empire.
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Blaich, Roland. "A Tale of Two Leaders: German Methodists and the Nazi State." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654450.
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Nazi foreign policy was hampered from the start by a hostile foreign press that carried alarming reports, not only of atrocities and persecution of the political opposition and of Jews, but also of a persecution of Christians in Germany. Protestant Christians abroad were increasingly outraged by the so-called “German Christians” who, with the support of the government, gained control of the administration of the Evangelical state churches and set about to fashion a centralized Nazi church based on principles of race, blood, and soil. The militant attack by “German Christians” on Christian, as opposed to Germanic, traditions and values led to the birth of a Confessing Church, whose leaders fought to remain true to the Gospel, often at the risk of imprisonment. Such persecution resulted in calls from abroad for boycott and intervention, particularly in Britain and the United States, and threatened to complicate foreign relations for the Nazi regime at a time when Hitler was still highly vulnerable. In order to win the support of the German people and to consolidate the Nazi grip on German society, Hitler needed accomplishments in foreign policy and solutions to the German economic crisis. Both were possible only with the indulgence of foreign powers.
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Novak, Andrew. "Averting an African Boycott: British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.
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In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
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Kotliuk, Galyna. "GENDER ON STAGE: DRAG QUEENS AND PERFORMATIVE FEMININITY." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 10 (June 30, 2022): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112033.
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This article examines how the performative nature of gender is produced by drag queens and analyses drag culture in Euro-American socio-cultural and political space. In this study I provide an outline of a historical tradition of portraying femininity on stage starting from ancient Greece and till nowadays. The aim of this research is to investigate the evolution of female roles in European and American societies and the influence of these transformations on drag culture as well as to define the position of drag performative femininity within the framework of modern feminist and queer theories. The research methodology is based on a systematic approach to the study of socio-political and socio-cultural phenomena in their development and mutual relations grounded on the principle of scientific objectivity. In the course of writing of this work I have applied comparative-historical, critical and chronological methods as well as feminist and gender approaches, based on the theory of gender performativity first articulated by Judith Butler – all of which allowed to conduct a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the phenomenon of drag culture. Conclusions of my study offer an overview of the development tendencies of drag cultures in the USA, Germany and Ukraine providing a new perspective on “staged” femininity, which appears as a result of intertwining gender, race, class and national identities and subverts gender roles imposed by society.
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Pluskota, Marion. "Freedom of Movement, Access to the Urban Centres, and Abolition of Slavery in the French Caribbean." International Review of Social History 65, S28 (March 5, 2020): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000103.
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AbstractHow did the abolition of slavery influence the relations between urban centres and rural areas? How did “new” French citizens experience access to the urban environment? Based on the archives of the correctional courts, this article focuses on how race and citizenship determined the accessibility of French colonial urban spaces and institutions after 1848. The abolition of slavery in the French Antilles on 27 April 1848 led to a modification of the legal and judicial systems: the changing legal status of former slaves gave them new opportunities to move around the colonies, at least on paper. In theory, after 1848, everyone should have had freedom of social and spatial mobility and access to the urban centres and their institutions; what happened in practice, however, still needs to be researched. This article shows that the abolition exacerbated two dynamics already at play since the beginning of the nineteenth century: the control of the population and the attraction of the urban environment for the elite. The plantation system in the mid-nineteenth century was suffering both economically and politically: the newly acquired freedom and possible migration of former slaves to the towns (Saint-Pierre and Fort-de-France in Martinique, Pointe-à-Pitre and Basse-Terre in Guadeloupe) threatened to destabilize the system of private justice as well as the economic apparatus. To counteract these legal changes, vagrancy laws were implemented to restrict citizens’ mobility while, at the same time, the white elite's discourse on urban spaces changed from them being seen as a hotbed for revolutionary ideas to representing a safe environment to which access needed to be restricted.
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Kudryachenko, A. "The Historical Stages of the Resettlement of Germans in Ukraine." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-6.
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The article analyzes the three stages of the migration of the German ethnic group into the territory of modern Ukraine, different in nature, character and orientation, and their features are clarified. The author reveals the geography of the first migratory flows of the Goths in the second half of the II century, which went from the Wisla delta to Scythia, and were divided into the western (settled on the right bank of the Dnieper) and eastern. The latter, having settled down near the Sea of Azov, founded the state of Germanarich, and in the IV century, under the pressure of the Huns, the center of life of Goths moved to the Kerch Peninsula, the mountainous region of Crimea, where their state association Gothia existed until the XVIII century.
It turns out that in the early Middle Ages there was a second wave of German settlements on modern Ukrainian lands from the West European direction. The expansion of the settlements of Germans and immigrants from other European countries on the lands of Kievan Rus was facilitated by political relations, which were also realized with the help of dynastic marriage unions. The princes of Kiev, pursuing a foreign policy worthy of a great power, have equal relations with the main European states of the medieval world - the Holy Roman Empire (Germany) and Byzantium, they invite priests, German craftsmen and merchants. Starting from the XI century, small German trade colonies appeared in Kiev, Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk and other cities. During the Lithuanian-Polish period, the influx of German settlers to Ukrainian lands is increasing. This was facilitated by various benefits and provision of points to the German immigrants by Lithuanian princes and Polish kings. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Magdeburg law was acquired by large trading cities.
The third period, the most significant resettlement and colonization, that is, large-scale development of the South of Ukraine - the Sea of Azov, the Black Sea region and the lands of Crimea - begins in the second half - the end of the 18th century. The author emphasizes that this most powerful period and the great positive history of the development of our region is largely connected with immigrants of German origin (and representatives of other ethnic groups). This period becomes a powerful colonization and economic development of the entire South of Ukraine, the rich land of the Azov, Black Sea, Crimea. It is noted that then, on the initiative and real support of the government of tsarist Russia, the development of wide steppe spaces took place, which, together with Ukrainian lands, had recently been transferred to the Russian Empire. Since then, the history of immigrants has become part of the history of the Ukrainian people.
The dynamics of the development of German colonies in different provinces of the South of Russia is analyzed separately, the social aspects of the life of settlements, the grave consequences for the colonists associated with the First World War, and revolutionary events in the Russian Empire are indicated. The gains and losses in the national development, in the arrangement, in the administrative division of the German and other settlers, which were the consequences of radical fluctuations in the national policy of the Soviet government in the pre-war period, are revealed.
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Cummings, Michael S. "Partisan Families: The Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany and Britain - By Alan S. Zuckerman, Josip Dasovic and Jennifer Fitzgerald Race, Republicans, and the Return of the Party of Lincoln - By Tasha S. Philpot." Political Psychology 29, no. 5 (October 2008): 801–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2008.00667.x.
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Sikirou, R., F. Beed, V. Ezin, G. Gbèhounou, S. A. Miller, and K. Wydra. "First Report of Bacterial Wilt of Tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) Caused by Ralstonia solanacearum in Benin." Plant Disease 93, no. 5 (May 2009): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-93-5-0549b.
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In June 2004, wilted tomatoes with no foliar yellowing were observed in Ouègbo, Atlantique District, Benin. The cut tomato stems released whitish bacterial ooze. Longitudinal sections of most stems showed brown vascular discoloration. Twenty symptomatic tomato plants were collected from 10 fields and exported to the Institute of Plant Disease and Plant Protection, Leibniz Universität Hannover, Germany. Bacteria were isolated on triphenyl tetrazolium chloride (TTC) medium (2) and three of the nine bacterial isolates that resembled Ralstonia solanacearum (colonies with red center and whitish periphery) and reference strain ToUdk (race 1 biovar 3; N. Thaveechai, Kasetsart University, Bangkok, Thailand) were used for pathogenicity tests. Five 4-week-old tomato plants cv. Tohounvi, grown in individual plastic pots (14 × 16 cm) containing sterilized field soil, were inoculated with each of the four isolates individually by soil drenching with 30 ml of the test cultures at 108 CFU/ml. Control plants were treated with 30 ml of sterile water. All plants were incubated in a glasshouse at 30°C. All plants inoculated with the isolates from Benin wilted 4 days after inoculation with symptoms similar to those observed in the field. Plants inoculated with the reference strain wilted 7 to 11 days after inoculation. Control plants treated with water remained healthy. R. solanacearum was recovered from the 20 symptomatic plants on TTC medium. The identity of the strains in comparison with the reference strain was confirmed by PCR with species-specific primers 759/760, which produced a single 281-bp fragment (3). Because similar symptoms were being increasingly reported by farmers across Benin and linked with reduced tomato yields, a disease survey was undertaken by IITA in 2006 and 2007. Wilted tomato plants were found across all agro-ecological zones of Benin (3 to 72% of plants per field). Isolates were recovered from the southeastern districts of Adja-Ouèrè, Sakété, Adjohoun, and Dangbo, the southwestern districts of Klouékanmè and Athiémé, the southern districts of Toffo and Bohicon, the central districts of Dassa and Savè, and the northern districts of Malanville and Karimama. Identification of R. solanacearum was confirmed following inoculation of tomato, production of characteristic wilting symptoms, recovery of the pathogen on TTC medium, and positive identification with ELISA kits (Pathoscreen Rs; Agdia Inc., Elkhart, IN). To our knowledge, this is the first report of R. solanacearum infecting tomato in Benin. Tomato is the most cultivated vegetable crop in Benin and important to the livelihood of many people in peri-urban and rural areas. Understanding that the cause of the observed crop losses is R. solanacearum may lead to implementation of management strategies such as deployment of disease-resistant cultivars or grafting tomatoes onto bacterial wilt-resistant rootstocks (1). References: (1) P. Aggarwal et al. Indian J. Agric. Sci. 78:379, 2008. (2) A. Kelman. Phytopathology 44:693, 1954. (3) N. Opina et al. Asian Pac. J. Mol. Biol. Biotechnol. 5:19, 1997.
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Tarnopolsky, Walter S. "Le contrôle de la discrimination raciale au Canada." L'égalité devant la loi 18, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 663–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042189ar.
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This article is divided into four parts: the first is a brief survey of race relations in Canada before the enactment of anti-discrimination legislation; the next two parts are devoted to an outline of the scope of this legislation and of the administration and enforcement of it ; finally, the last part suggests some current and possible future developments to make it more effective. Prior to the nineteenth century both the French and the British settlers in the colonies that have become a part of Canada had slaves. Slavery was not, however, very extensive due to lack of large agricultural holdings. At the end of the eighteenth century the legislature in Upper Canada and some judges in Lower Canada limited its expansion and helped to end its practice. The British Imperial Emancipation Act of 1833 brought it to an end. In the next few decades, up to the American Civil War, some Canadians helped run-away slaves from the slave-holding states in the United States, while others actively discouraged them from coming. By the end of the nineteenth century a new source of racial tension arose on the West Coast between the newer immigrants from Asia and the older immigrants from Europe. The result was the enactment of numerous discriminatory laws by the legislature of British Columbia and subsequently, on a lesser scale, by the other western provinces. Most of these remained on the statute books until after World War II. None of these laws were held invalid by the courts on the basis of their discriminatory nature. In addition, both the common law and the Civil Code were interpreted as not prohibiting private discrimination, except by hotel-keepers and common carriers. The change from this situation started in the I930's with a few specific legislative prohibitions of discrimination in specific instances. In the 1940's Ontario, with respect to signs and advertisements and Saskatchewan, with respect to a whole range of activities, enacted legislation prohibiting discrimination, enforcing their prohibitions with penal sanctions. The 1950's saw the introduction of fair employment and fair accommodation practices acts. By the I960's these were being consolidated into comprehensive human rights codes administered by human rights commissions. This trend has continued up to this year, with the result that all eleven jurisdictions have commissions charged with enforcing antidiscrimination codes or acts. The usual, but not invariable, procedure is the laying of a complaint, the investigation of it by the commission staff, an attempt to bring about a settlement and finally, failing that, a hearing before an adjudicative tribunal to determine whether an act of discrimination did occur and, if so, what redress is appropriate. In concluding, three suggestions are made regarding measures that could be taken to strengthen the effectiveness of anti-discrimination legislation: (I) contract compliance; (2) greater independence for the commissions from the government; and (3) giving the legislation paramountcy over other statutes.
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Hilliard, Christopher. "Stories of an Era Not Yet So Very Remote: James Cowan in and out of New Zealand History." Journal of New Zealand Studies, no. 19 (May 13, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/jnzs.v0i19.3763.
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This essay provides a critical overview of James Cowan’s writings, his methods, and his publishing history—chiefly in New Zealand but also in Britain and Germany. Cowan was more of an anthologist than a synthesizer. His significance for popular historical consciousness lies in his small stories rather than his larger moral narrative of the New Zealand Wars and their implications for “race relations.” In his historical journalism, Cowan constantly reminded Pākehā that they did not live in a land without a past, and that the exciting colonial past was tantalizingly close.
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Von Kellenbach, Katharina. "Guilt and the Transformation of Christian-Jewish Relations." Studies in Christian-Jewish Relations 15, no. 1 (March 3, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/scjr.v15i1.12121.
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While many church bodies condemned race-based antisemitism, both during and immediately after the Holocaust, the repudiation of theological anti-Judaism (e.g., the deicide charge and supersessionism) and renunciation of anti-Jewish writings by prominent theologians (e.g., Luther) required decades of intense study and negotiation. In Germany, in particular, activists in the Jewish-Christian dialogue understand the destruction of Jewish religious life in Europe as a turning point in Christian teachings on the Jewish future. In Dresden, for instance, the campaign to rebuild the destroyed Frauenkirche was tied to the construction of a new Jewish synagogue as a penitential act of restitution.
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Kolbe, Kristina. "Producing (Musical) Difference: Power, Practices and Inequalities in Diversity Initiatives in Germany’s Classical Music Sector." Cultural Sociology, August 28, 2021, 174997552110394. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17499755211039437.
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This article examines whether diversity debates in the Western cultural industries can contribute to the undoing of racialised representations of otherness or reproduce ‘race’-making logics. Based on a year-long ethnography of diversity efforts made at an opera house in Germany, I explore how difference is negotiated in the production of two opera pieces meant to bring together Western and Turkish musical practices. I specifically examine how power relations around ‘race’ and ethnicity play out in processes of commissioning, composing and rehearsal. Situating these creative practices within classical music’s institutional histories and wider discourses of citizenship and belonging in Germany, I examine to what extent racialised representations of difference are challenged or remade. I document how diversity initiatives in the cultural industries, even when aimed at institutional change, proceed within hierarchical parameters that can perpetuate the marginalisation of racialised others, their continued construction as otherness, and the persistence of institutional whiteness.
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Krivonos, Daria. "Carrying Europe’s ‘White Burden’, Sustaining Racial Capitalism: Young Post-Soviet Migrant Workers in Helsinki and Warsaw." Sociology, November 7, 2022, 003803852211224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00380385221122413.
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The opening up of sociology to postcolonial and critical race thinking has been predominantly animated by the relations between western metropoles and their (post)colonies. ‘Eastern Europe’ seems to be an uneasy fit in this discussion, being excluded from the idea of ‘Europe’; at the same time, it is not grouped together with non-European Others in terms of colonial histories. Drawing on fieldwork among young Russian and Ukrainian migrant workers in Helsinki (2014–2016) and Warsaw (2020), the article examines global connections that tie the North/West, South and East in these migrants’ imaginaries and material lives after migration. I demonstrate that Eastern European subjects are not outsiders to global racial capitalist orders but participate in sustaining a colonial project of Europe, whiteness and labour. The article argues for the importance of articulating postcoloniality of Eastern Europe vis-a-vis the West together with race to show the complicity of semi-peripheries with the global structures of racial capitalism.
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Ayanbode, Felix. "Revolution in Uwe Timm’s Morenga: Towards a Comparative Analysis of the Herero and the German Democratic Republic Revolutions." Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, May 2, 2022, 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v1i05.21.
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The intersection of history and memory makes us understand that history is a product of memory and memory cannot exist without history. Although scholarship has not given much attention to it as it has to the Holocaust, Germany’s colonial past in Africa is something worth talking about. Coming in late in the colonial game, Germany still managed to acquire four colonies in Africa, namely: Cameroun, Togo, German East Africa (including present-day Burundi, Rwanda, and the mainland part of Tanzania); German South-West Africa (present-day Namibia). However, another Holocaust took place in German South-West Africa, which Germans tried to sweep under the carpet, a Holocaust that should have gotten the same attention the Holocaust against the Jews got. The Herero genocide or Holocaust came as a popular revolution against the colonial masters. There are several reasons that led to that popular revolt which led to the genocide of 85% of the Herero population. A comparative analysis of the 1989 revolution in East Germany and the Herero revolution shows many similarities and differences.This paper seeks to answer the following questions: How similar or different are the contexts of the GDR and German South-West Africa revolutions? What and how have the power dynamics led to different outcomes? What role did race play in the outcome of the two revolutions? What role did memory play in the two revolutions? Using Uwe Timm’s fictional work Morenga, which is a colonial account of Germany’s colonial past from a contemporary German, this paper argues that the Herero revolution and the GDR revolution had a common purpose: liberty but a different outcome. Within the memory and postcolonial theory framework, I show the role race played in the different outcomes.
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"Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 32, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320405.
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Rebecca Pates and Maximilian Schochow, ed., Der “Ossi:” Mikropolitische Studien über einen symbolischen Ausländer (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2013)Reviewed by René WolfstellerLisa Pine, Education in Nazi Germany (Oxford; New York: Berg, 2010)Reviewed by Gregory BaldiStephen J. Silvia, Holding the Shop Together: German Industrial Relations in the Postwar Era (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013)Reviewed by Volker BerghahnEgbert Klautke, The Mind of the Nation: Völkerpsychologie in Germany, 1851-1955 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2013)Reviewed by David FreisDamani J. Partridge, Hypersexuality and Headscarves: Race, Sex and Citizenship in the New Germany (Bloomington: Indiana Universtiy Press, 2012)Reviewed by Myra Marx FerreeMoshe Zimmermann, Deutsche gegen Deutsche: Das Schicksal der Juden, 1938-1945 (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 2008; Hebrew trans., Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2013)Reviewed by Noga WolffZara Steiner, The Triumph of the Dark: European International History, 1933-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011)Reviewed by Volker ProttStefan Berger and Norman La Porte, Friendly Enemies: Britain and the GDR, 1949-1990 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010)Reviewed by Meredith Heiser-Duron
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Retter, Hein. "The Centenary of William H. Kilpatrick’s “Project Method“: A Landmark in Progressive Education Against the Background of American-German Relations After World War I." International Dialogues on Education Journal 5, no. 2 (November 27, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.53308/ide.v5i2.69.
Full textAbstract:
In 1935 a book was published in Germany with essays by John Dewey, the most famous American philosopher, and his equally internationally-renowned pupil, William H. Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick’s essay, “The Project Method”, published in 1918 (September), had triggered a storm of enthusiasm in the USA to convert the curriculum of public schools to the project method, which, however, in principle, had been used decades earlier in manual training schools. The article is the starting point of a larger investigation which shows how Kilpatrick’s Project Method came to Germany when its popularity had already evaporated and criticism dominated. This attempt at historical construction is based on previously unpublished letters by Kilpatrick 1931-34. To do this, we must describe the contemporary background, in particular the relations between American and German specialists in education, which were institutionally fostered by the Teachers College of Columbia University, New York City, and the Zentralinstitut für Erziehung und Unterricht (Central Institute for Education and Teaching), in Berlin. Both institutions were engaged in an exchange of educational experience through study trips until 1932. The different attitude and the ambivalence of Kilpatrick and Dewey with regard to the race question in the USA will also be mentioned. Claims of the more recent German Dewey reception that there was no interest in Dewey, Kilpatrick and American education in Germany between 1918-1932 are given critical examination.