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1
Monballyu, Jos. "Het uur van de vergelding. Vlaamse activisten voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger (23 januari tot 30 juni 1919). Deel 2." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 1 (March 24, 2011): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i1.12328.
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Indien men de geschiedenis van de strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaamse activisme na de Eerste Wereldoorlog ten gronde wil bestuderen, moet men niet alleen de parlementaire verklaringen, de gerechtelijke statistieken en de kranten omrent die repressie raadplegen, maar vooral de gerechtelijke archieven uitpluizen die deze repressie heeft nagelaten. In dit artikel wordt dit voor de eerste keer gedaan voor de Vlaamse activisten die door de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger werden veroordeeld. Die krijgsraad te velde kreeg tussen 19 november 1918 en 13 mei 1919 het monopolie van de bestraffing van zowel burgeractivisten als militaire activisten en behield dit monopolie tussen 14 mei 1919 en 30 september 1919 voor de militaire activisten. Na deze laatste datum werden de Vlaamse burgeractivisten vervolgd voor de provinciale Assisenhoven en de militaire activisten voor de provinciale krijgsraden.Het krijgsauditoraat van het Groot Hoofdkwartier vervolgde uiteindelijk 689 gewone burgers en 105 militairen voor (Vlaams en Waals) activisme (inbreuk op artikel 104, 115, lid 5 en 118bis van het Belgische strafwetboek). Hiervan moesten er zich uiteindelijk slechts drieëndertig Vlamingen (26 burgers en 7 militairen) verantwoorden voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier. Vier van hen werden vrijgesproken en negenentwintig tot een straf veroordeeld. De hoogste straf was een doodstraf, die in hoger beroep werd omgezet in een buitengewone hechtenis van twintig jaar. De laagste straf bestond uit een gevangenisstraf van twee jaar. Onder de veroordeelde burgers waren er twee die deel hadden uitgemaakt van de tweede Raad van Vlaanderen en twee die de Duitsers hadden benoemd in de door hen opgerichte Vlaamse administratie. Alle andere waren plaatselijke propagandisten van het Vlaamse activisme. De zeven militairen waren allen verdacht van activisme in het bezette België tijdens de zes laatste maanden van de oorlog. Drie van hen waren vanuit het Frontgebied naar het bezette gebied overgelopen en drie andere genoten van een vervroegde terugkeer uit een krijgsgevangenenkamp in Duitsland waar ze zich ook al maanden voor de Vlaamse zaak hadden ingezet.________The day of reckoning. Flemish activists court-martialled at the Main Headquarters of the Army (23 January until 30 June 1919)In order to carry out a thorough study of the history of the criminal repression of Flemish activism after the First World War, you need to consult not only the parliamentary declarations, the legal statistics and the newspapers on the subject, but more in particular research the court records reporting on that repression. This article is the first to study the Flemish activists who were sentenced by the court-martial at the Main Headquarters of the Army. From 19 November 1918 until 13 May 1919 that field court-martial was given the monopoly of prosecuting both civilian and military activists and it retained this monopoly for the prosecution of military activists between 14 May 1919 and 30 September 1919. After the latter date the Flemish civilian activists were prosecuted by the provincial Assize Courts and the military activists by the provincial court-martials. Eventually the military tribunal of the Main Headquarters prosecuted 689 civilians and 105 military on the basis of (Flemish and Walloon) activism (infringement of article 104, 115 paragraph 5 and 118bis of the Belgian Criminal Code). Finally only 33 Flemish (26 civilians and 7 military) had to account for their actions in front of the court-martial of the Main Headquarters. Four of them were acquitted and twenty-nine were sentenced. The most severe penalty was a death sentence, which was converted on appeal to an exceptional imprisonment of twenty years. The most lenient penalty was two years imprisonment. Two of the convicted civilians had been part of the Second Council of Flanders and two of them had been appointed by the Germans to be part of the Flemish administration they had established. All the others had been local propagandists of Flemish activism. The seven military had all been suspected of activism in occupied Belgium during the last six months of the war. Three of them had deserted from the Frontline to the occupied territory and three others had been granted an early return from a prisoner of war camp in Germany where they also had dedicated themselves for months to the Flemish cause.
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Di Giacomo, Domenico, and James W. Dewey. "The (Mythical) M 8.2 Off Coast of Peru Earthquake of 12 December 1908." Seismological Research Letters 91, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 488–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1785/0220190232.
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Abstract Global earthquake catalogs covering the early twentieth century differ in their listings of a large earthquake, or earthquakes, on 12 December 1908. Some catalogs list an M∼7 earthquake originating in northern Myanmar (Burma) at ∼12:55 UTC on that date. Other catalogs do not list the Myanmar origin but list an earthquake with magnitude 8.2 originating in or near Peru at 12:08 UTC on the date. Some catalogs list both origins, but sometimes with additional evidence suggesting that the 1908 M 8.2 Peru origin may be “mythical.” In a review of arrival times of phases reported in seismic bulletins of 1908, conducted specifically to identify data that might be consistent with the sometimes‐cataloged Peru origin, we do not find a coherent set of such data. Many bulletin arrival times reported for 12 December 1908, however, are mutually consistent with the cataloged Myanmar origin. Comparisons of seismograms recorded at the Seismological Observatory of Göttingen in Germany (station GTT) on 12 December 1908 with seismograms obtained on the same instruments for later large earthquakes that are reliably located in Myanmar and Peru, respectively, are consistent with the implication of the bulletin arrival‐time observations. We conclude that a major earthquake did indeed occur in or near northern Myanmar on 12 December 1908 but that there was not on that date a great earthquake near Peru that would correspond to the sometimes‐cataloged M 8.2 Peru origin.
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Moravek, A., T. Foken, and I. Trebs. "Application of a GC-ECD for measurements of biosphere–atmosphere exchange fluxes of peroxyacetyl nitrate using the relaxed eddy accumulation and gradient method." Atmospheric Measurement Techniques Discussions 7, no. 2 (February 26, 2014): 1917–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/amtd-7-1917-2014.
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Abstract. Peroxyacetyl nitrate (PAN) may constitute a significant fraction of reactive nitrogen in the atmosphere. Current knowledge about the biosphere–atmosphere exchange of PAN is limited and only few studies have investigated the deposition of PAN to terrestrial ecosystems. We developed a flux measurement system for the determination of biosphere–atmosphere exchange fluxes of PAN using both the hyperbolic relaxed eddy accumulation (HREA) method and the modified Bowen ratio (MBR) method. The system consists of a modified, commercially available gas chromatograph with electron capture detection (GC-ECD, Meteorologie Consult GmbH, Germany). Sampling was performed by trapping PAN onto two pre-concentration columns; during HREA operation one was used for updraft and one for downdraft events and during MBR operation the two columns allowed simultaneous sampling at two measurement heights. The performance of the PAN flux measurement system was tested at a natural grassland site, using fast response ozone (O3) measurements as a proxy for both methods. The measured PAN fluxes were comparatively small (daytime PAN deposition was on average −0.07 nmol m−2 s−1 and, thus, prone to significant uncertainties. A major challenge in the design of the system was the resolution of the small PAN mixing ratio differences. Consequently, the study focuses on the performance of the analytical unit and a detailed analysis of errors contributing to the overall uncertainty. The error of the PAN mixing ratio differences ranged from 4 to 15 ppt during the MBR and between 18 and 26 ppt during the HREA operation, while during daytime measured PAN mixing ratios were of similar magnitude. Choosing optimal settings for both the MBR and HREA method, the study shows that the HREA method did not have a significant advantage towards the MBR method under well mixed conditions as it was expected.
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Gross, W., and H. P. Schultze. "Zur Geschichte der Geowissenschaften im Museum für Naturkunde zu Berlin. Teil 6: Geschichte des Geologisch-Paläontologischen Instituts und Museums der Universität Berlin 1910–2004." Fossil Record 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/fr-7-5-2004.
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Die Entwicklung des Geologisch-Paläontologischen Instituts und Museums der Universität Berlin von einer Institution, die Geologie zusammen mit Paläontologie als eine Einheit vertrat, über eine Institution, die eine geotektonische Ausrichtung hatte, zu einer auf Paläontologie konzentrierten Institution wird nachvollzogen. Die beiden Institutsdirektoren am Anfang des 20sten Jahrhunderts waren Vertreter der allumfassenden Geologie des 19ten Jahrhunderts, während die beiden folgenden Direktoren eine Geologie ohne Paläontologie vertraten. Das führte zu einer Trennung der beiden Richtungen, und nach der III. Hochschulreform der DDR 1968 verblieb allein die sammlungsbezogene Paläontologie am Museum. Nach der Wiedervereinigung wurde ein Institut für Paläontologie mit biologischer Ausrichtung mit zwei Professuren, einer für Paläozoologie und einer für Paläobotanik, eingerichtet. <br><br> The development of the Geologisch-Paläontologisches Institut und Museum of the Museum für Naturkunde at the Humboldt University (formerly Friedrich-Wilhelm-Universität) in Berlin from a geology-paleontology institution to a pure paleontology institution is described. The first two directors of the department in the beginning of the 20th century, Prof, von Branca and Prof. Pompeckj, represented a 19th century concept of a geology, which included paleontology, even vertebrate paleontology as the crown jewel of geology. They fought sometimes vigorously against a separation of paleontology from geology. The next two directors. Prof. Stille and Prof, von Bubnoff, were the leading geologists in Germany; to be a student of Stille was a special trade mark in geology of Germany. They represented a geology centered on tectonics. The separation of paleontology as separate section was prepared. The destructions of the Second World War, the following restaurations and the division of Germany into two States influenced strongly their directorships. The education of geologists at the Museum für Naturkunde ended with the III. University Reform of the German Democratic Republik in 1968. Paleontology was represented by the international renown vertebrate paleontologist, Prof. Dr. W. Gross, up to 1961. Since 1969, paleobotany was strengthened by the inclusion of the paleobotany unit of the Akademie der Wissenschaften into the museum. After reunification of Germany n 1990, the department was rebuild as a Institut für Palaontologie with close connection to biology, a unique situation in Germany. Two professorships, one for paleozoology, Prof. Schultze. and one for paleobotany, Prof. Mai, were established. The number of curators increased to ten from one under the first director of the 20th century. <br><br> doi:<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mmng.20040070103" target="_blank">10.1002/mmng.20040070103</a>
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Bleaney, Brebis. "Edward Mills Purcell. 30 August 1912 — 7 March 1997." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 45 (January 1999): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1999.0029.
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Professor Edward Purcell was a physicist of great distinction. With Felix Bloch he received the joint award of the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1952, for the developments respectively of nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) and nuclear induction. In 1951, H.L. Ewen and Purcell (21)* detected radiation at the hydrogen hyperfine frequency of 1421 MHz coming from interstellar space, which created a new branch of astronomy. The Smith–Purcell effect (28) is now regarded as a potentially powerful source of radiation in the far infrared region of the spectrum. These were further achievements of prize–winning quality. Edward Mills Purcell was born in Taylorville, Illinois, USA, the son of Edward A. Purcell and Mary Elizabeth Mills, both natives of Illinois. From public schools in Taylorville and Mattoon, Illinois, he won a scholarship to Purdue University, Indiana. He graduated in 1933 in electrical engineering and published two papers (1, 2) on thin films with Professor K. Lark–Horowitz. Realizing that Purcell's gifts and interests lay in mathematics and physics, Lark–Horowitz invited him to take part in a research project on electron diffraction while he was still an undergraduate, and then recommended him for an exchange studentship in Germany. Purcell spent a year studying physics at the Technische Hochschule in Karlsruhe, with Professor W. Wenzel. On his return he entered Harvard University to work under J.H. Van Vleck (For.Mem.R.S. 1967; Nobel Laureate in Physics 1981). With Malcolm Hebb, who later became Director of Research at the Laboratories of the General Electric Company in Schenectady, New York, he made a theoretical study (3) of the properties of paramagnetic salts below 1 K. This publication was widely used for the interpretation of magnetic cooling experiments in low–ndash;temperature physics, including my own thesis work in 1937–39. Later, when I mentioned it, Purcell, always a modest man, said, ‘that was all Hebb’.
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Sribnyak, I. "The Community of Ukrainian Prisoners of War “Independent Ukraine” at the Final Stage of the Existence of the Camp Rastatt, Germany (May – November 1918)." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-12.
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The article deals with the specifics of the functioning of the community of captured Ukrainian soldiers “Independent Ukraine” at the final stage of the camp Rastatt. The most important thing was that the Ukrainian community “Independent Ukraine” of the camp Rastatt trained a large number of nationally conscious Ukrainians, of whom, in February 1918, the first units of the national army were formed. At this time prisoners found them in a very difficult situation, which was caused by food shortage that Germany was going through at this time. Equally important was the work of liquidation committee and department “Help the Ukrainian Cultural Committee in Germany” in Rastatt, which on August 1, 1918 took over maintenance of the cultural and organizational work in the camp. Through the efforts of its members in the camp continued carrying out educational work, and the camp remained the center of Ukrainian life until its liquidation in November 1918.
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Monballyu, Jos. "The force of law of decree-laws in Belgium during and after the First World War." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p12.
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When Belgium was overrun by Germany in 1914 neither the Belgian constitutional legislator, nor the Belgian legislator had determined how the police powers of the civil authorities could be transferred to the military authorities in the case of a war. Article 130 of the Constitution determined that the Constitution and the constitutional rights and freedoms it provided could never be suspended wholly or in part. This created a problem. There were several statutes which provided merely a limited answer for some situations. When Belgian military authorities instead of civil authorities took measures which invaded upon constitutional rights, disputes arose. In order to avoid these, the Belgian King enacted the decree-law concerning the state of war and the state of siege on 11 October 1916. Many provisions of this decree-law had been taken from the French war laws of 9 August 1849 and 4 April 1878, but – contrary to these French laws – the Belgian decree-law was not based on a formal constitutional stipulation. This decree-law, which contravened the Belgian Constitution of 7 February 1831 and the fundamental rights and freedoms which were safeguarded by this Constitution in several respects, made it possible to take a number of measures during the state of war and the state of siege. As soon as these different provisions were applied, several citizens protested against them. Their protest was mainly aimed at the force of ‘law’ of the decree-law of 11 October 1916 and all of the other decree-laws. The rest of this contribution will detail when and why this protest took place, as well as how the Belgian administration of justice dealt with this protest.
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Britten, C. M., L. Mueller, A. Knights, and G. Pawelec. "Cancer Immunotherapy 2004: Mainz, Germany, 6?7 May 2004." Cancer Immunology, Immunotherapy 53, no. 12 (August 31, 2004): 1153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00262-004-0580-2.
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Schneider, Ivo. "Acceptance and criticism of science and technology in the German Empire and the Weimar Republic." European Review 7, no. 2 (May 1999): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004002.
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In the first years after World War I there was a strong reaction against science and technology in Germany that was backed by the Lebensphilosophie and Anthroposophie movements. This sudden change in public opinion was not the result of new concepts and convictions that did not exist before; rather, the spectrum of opinions in the Weimar Republic continued those of the Wilhelminian period. However, the strength of critical voices was increased substantially as a result of the defeat in the war and its consequences. It may be that the enfranchisement of women in Germany in 1918 at least indirectly influenced the substantial shift in opinion after 1918. The continuity of a critical attitude towards science and technology from 1870 to 1933 seems deeply rooted in the German educational system and among the leaders of society, stemming from the so-called Bildungsbürgertum.
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Morozova, Olga M. "1918: “Zero” German Armed Intervention of the Russian Don." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2021): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-1-141-155.
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The internal situation in the Don region in 1918, during the intervention of armed units of the Austrian and German armies, has been overshadowed in the scholarship by two key phenomena: fates of the Volunteer Movement and formation of the quasi-state, All-Great Don Host. It is important to reconstruct the events that took place in the Don towns and villages in May–November 1918. Historical sources are scattered throughout archives and libraries. The author has used fonds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Rostov Region, and the Center for Documentation on the Contemporary History of the Rostov Region. Austrian and German units that appeared on the borders of the Don region in early May 1918 engaged in combat only with the Red Army detachments. Cossacks and foreign troops fought together from the very beginning. In future, the German administration strove to organize uninterrupted supplies of industrial raw materials and products, food and fodder from the Don territory. In order to do this, the Germans occupied key control points and transport communications in the Western part of the region. A double government was introduced in the villages: alongside atamans there appeared German commandants. Re-election of Ataman P. N. Krasnov in August 1918 was ensured by the Germans; his most influential opponents were neutralized; censorship for the press was introduced. The Germans held a neutral position towards Russian officers and the Volunteer Army. The experience of intervention in the South of Russia influenced the fate of Germany, as German soldiers received a practical lesson in revolutionary action. Presence of the Central Powers’ troops in Russia forced the Entente countries to intervene more actively in the affairs of their former ally. Germany assumed that successful results of the armistice on the Eastern Front could be replicated on the Western Front.
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Scherer, Frank F. "UFA Orientalism. The “Orient” in Early German Film: Lubitsch and May." CINEJ Cinema Journal 1 (October 6, 2011): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2011.24.
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Fantastic images of the exotic pervade many early German films which resort to constructions of “Oriental” scenes. Stereotypical representations of China, India, Babylon, and Egypt dominate the Kino-screens of Weimar Germany. These films were produced in the UFA studios outside Berlin by directors such as Ernst Lubitsch (Sumurum/ One Arabian Night, 1920; Das Weib des Pharaos/The Love of Pharaoas 1922) and John May (Das Indische Grabmal/ The Indian Tomb, 1921). Yet, where recent observers resist the use of a postcolonial perspective it becomes difficult to assess the cinematographic exoticism of post-WWI Germany.This essay, therefore, offers both a discussion of Edward Said’s ‘Orientalism’and a psychoanalytical thesis on the concealment and supposed healing of post-1918 Germany’s national narcissistic wounds by emphasizing Eurocentric difference in its filmic representations of the Orient.
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Lindner, Hans J. "Proceedings of 11th Molecular Modelling Workshop Darmstadt, Germany May 6 - 7, 1997." Journal of Molecular Modeling 3, no. 8 (August 1, 1997): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s008940050042.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Marx’s Centenary (1918) in the Light of the Media and Socialist Thought." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 717–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i2.1036.
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This article takes a historical view on Marx’s anniversary: It analyses how Marx’s centenary (5 May 1918) was reflected in the media and socialist thought. 1918 not just marked Marx’s 100th anniversary but was also the year in which the First World War ended. It was the year that saw the immediate aftermath of the Russian Revolution and the start of the Russian Civil War, the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire; the formation of the Weimar Republic, Austria’s First Republic, the Czech Republic, the Hungarian Republic, the Second Polish Republic; the founding of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), and the independence of Iceland from Denmark. The cultural forms, in which Marx’s centenary was reflected in 1918, included press articles, essays, speeches, rallies, demonstrations, music, and banners. The communists as well as left-wing socialists of the day saw themselves in the tradition of Marx, whereas revisionist social democrats based their politics on a criticism or revised reading of Marx. This difference resulted in different readings of Marx.
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Kreuzer, Marcus. "Parliamentarization and the Question of German Exceptionalism: 1867–1918." Central European History 36, no. 3 (September 2003): 327–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103771006034.
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In a contribution to this journal, Volker Berghahn regretted the fragmentation and lack of focus in the recent research on the German Empire. While he may have overstated his case, his criticism certainly applies to the historiography of Germany's parliamentarization. The dearth of research, especially of recent vintage, has left the debate about the exceptionalism of Germany's governing institutions indeed “fragmented and decentered.” Since Manfred Rauh's two volumes in the 1970s, little has been published. His thesis about Germany's silent parliamentarization has been attacked, it seems, more for the haughtiness of its footnotes than the substance of its argument. As a result, Rauh's provocative interpretation coexists far too quietly with other accounts, and thereby preempts the sort of dialogue and scholarly integration Berghahn so misses. In her response to Berghahn, Margaret Anderson points out that such a dialogue can be found in, without being confined to, the new work of Germany's electoral politics, that looked anew and more skeptically at the exceptional political development of Imperial Germany. Its findings indirectly raise questions about why the development of Germany's governing institutions — the Reichstag, the Bundersat, and the chancellor — continue to be interpreted in much more exceptionalist terms than the evolution of electoral politics.
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Maciejewski, Marek. "Prawne aspekty położenia mniejszości narodowych na Górnym Śląsku w latach 1918-1939." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 65, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2013.65.1.10.
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This paper discusses the legal situation of German and Polish ethnic minorities in Upper Silesia, which was divided between Germany and Poland in the wake of uprisings (1919-1921) and the plebiscite of March 1921. The discussion concentrates on the provisions of the Upper Silesia Convention (known also as the Geneva Convention) concluded by the German Reich and the Republic of Poland for fi fteen years under the auspices of the League of Nations in May 1922. Emphasis is laid on the main provisions, including the so-called fundamental rights of minorities (Art. 64-68), which were meant to ensure equal treatment and free development in the spheres of language, education, religion, etc. to ethnic minorities. The discussion also touches upon other issues – which were not fully regulated by the Convention – concerning the interpretation of the term ‘ethnic minority’ at the League of Nations and other organisations and institutions (Inter-Allied Mixed Commission for Upper Silesia), as well as in the prevailing legal opinions in Germany and Poland at that time. On the example of the views of such jurists as Bruns, Flachtbarth, Walz, Cybichowski, Kierski and Kostanecki, arguments and controversies are shown which surrounded the criteria for defi ning ethnic minorities. Over this matter two views clashed. The fi rst and more popular held a person to be member of an ethnic minority if he or she expressed their bona fi de will to be counted as one (subjective criterion). The second was based on the assumption of objective membership in an ethnic minority (criteria of language, religion, culture and tradition). In the author’s opinion, the Upper Silesia Convention contributed to the reduction of ethnic tensions in the area where it was enforced.
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Vallikivi, Hannes. "Kodanikuõiguste peatükk Eesti 1919. aasta ajutises põhiseaduses [Abstract: Civil Rights Chapter in Estonia’s 1919 Preliminary Constitution]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 3/4 (June 16, 2020): 293–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2019.3-4.01.
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Many of the new states that emerged or reconstituted themselves after the First World War used declarations of independence or preliminary constitutions, or both, as organic law until the adoption of a permanent constitution. The majority of those documents did not address the civil and political rights of citizens (e.g. Germany, Ireland) or did so very briefly (e.g. Austria, Czechoslovakia, Georgia, Latvia). Estonia stood out by having a whole chapter dedicated to civil rights in its preliminary constitution.
The Preliminary Constitution of Estonia (valitsemise ajutine kord) was adopted by the Constituent Assembly (Asutav Kogu) on 4 June 1919, only six weeks after the Assembly first convened on 23 April 1919. The Constituent Assembly was elected and worked on the Preliminary Constitution at the time of the War of Independence between Estonia and Soviet Russia. Strong left-wing sentiment in the country’s society was reflected in the composition of the Assembly: social democrats held 41 seats, the Labour Party (tööerakond) held 30 seats, and Socialist-Revolutionaries (esseerid) held seven seats, together accounting for 65 per cent of the total 120 seats. The centrist People’s Party (rahvaerakond) led by the journalist and renowned politician Jaan Tõnisson had 25 seats, the centre-right Rural League (maaliit) led by another prominent politician and lawyer Konstantin Päts had only seven seats, the Christian People’s Party had five seats, three seats belonged to representatives of the German minority, and one seat went to the Russian minority. Similar proportions were reflected in the 15-member Constitution Committee that was elected on 24 April 1919.
The first draft of the Preliminary Constitution, and of the Civil Rights Chapter as part of it, was allegedly prepared by a young legal scholar named Jüri Uluots. Uluots was a member of the Special Committee that was already convened by the Provisional Government in March of 1919 before the election of the Constituent Assembly. The Special Committee was composed of eight lawyers, each of whom was appointed by one of the major political parties. It was assigned the task to provide first drafts of the provisional and permanent constitutions. The Committee fulfilled only the first task. Due to disagreements in the Special Committee, the draft Preliminary Constitution was submitted to the Assembly without the Civil Rights Chapter.
The Constituent Assembly processed the Preliminary Constitution Bill very quickly. The Assembly and its committees worked six days a week. It took about three weeks for the Constitution Committee to modify the Bill and submit it to the plenary session of the Assembly on 18 May 1919. The plenary session read the Bill three times and adopted it on 4 June 1919. The Preliminary Constitution entered into force on 9 July 1919 and was in force until 21 December 1920, when Estonia’s first Constitution entered into full force.
The Committee spent considerable time on discussing the Civil Rights Chapter. Although concerns were expressed that the Committee was losing time with such discussions and suggestions were made to develop the chapter later as part of the permanent Constitution, the majority of the Committee deemed it important to also address civil rights in the Bill. Uluots, who had been elected to the Assembly as a candidate of the Rural League and was also a member of the Committee, submitted his draft Civil Rights Chapter to the Committee.
Four out of eight sections in the Uluots draft found their way into the Chapter. These included equality before the law, civil and political rights and freedoms, and extraordinary restrictions. Sections regarding the right to participate in politics and the duty to obey the law (including military duty and the duty to pay taxes) were rejected at the plenary session, and the section regarding the right to private property was already omitted by the Committee. Also, the Committee preferred the social security provision proposed by the leader of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the schoolmaster Hans Kruus, to the one included in the Uluots draft. The Committee added a new provision concerning education and rejected the right to choose occupations and engage in business proposed by a People’s Party member, the military officer Karl Einbund, and a provision entitling citizens to bring criminal charges against corrupt officials proposed by the social democrat, lawyer and journalist Johan Jans.
The first section of the Uluots draft declared all citizens equal before the law. Disputes arouse over the second sentence of the provision. Uluots had proposed that all property and other rights relating to social ranks (the privileges of the nobility) should be abolished. The social democrats (Jans, the writer Karl Ast and others) demanded that privileges and titles should be abolished immediately. Their more moderate opponents (Uluots, Tõnisson, Westholm and others) feared that this would create a legal vacuum in property, inheritance and matrimonial rights. The majority of the Assembly supported the more radical approach and declared that there are no privileges and titles relating to ranks in Estonia. The law implementing the abolition was adopted a year later, in June of 1920.
The school headmaster Jakob Westholm, a member of the People’s Party, and Villem Ernits, a social democrat, proposed that the Committee should include a provision concerning education. Their original proposal was scaled back by omitting the duration of mandatory elementary education and by deleting the right to free secondary and university education for talented students. The Preliminary Constitution eventually stipulated (§ 5) that education is compulsory for school age children and is free in elementary schools, and that every citizen is entitled to education in his/her mother tongue. The Committee combined civil and political rights, which were originally in two separate provisions in the Uluots draft, into one section (§ 6) stipulating that the inviolability of the person and home, secrecy of correspondence, freedom of conscience, religion, expression, language, press, assembly, association, and movement can only be restricted in accordance with the law. There were no disputes over the provision in the Committee or at the plenary session.
The Committee preferred the proposal made by Kruus as the basis for further discussions on social security: “Every citizen will be guaranteed a decent standard of living according to which every citizen will have the right to receive the goods and support necessary for the satisfaction of his/her basic needs before less urgent needs of other citizens are satisfied. For that purpose, citizens must be guaranteed the obtaining of employment, the protection of motherhood and work safety, and necessary state support in the case of youth, old age, work disability and accidents.” While the last part of Kruus’ proposal was similar to Uluots’ draft and the term “decent standard of living” resembled the German menschenwürdiges Dasein (later adopted in Article 151 of the Weimar Constitution), the origin of the middle part of the provision remains unclear. The social security provision was by far the most extensively debated provision of the Chapter. The main issue was the state’s ability to fulfil its promises and whether social security should take the form of direct allowances or mandatory insurance.Views diverged even within the same parliamentary groups. The Committee replaced “will be guaranteed” with the less imperative “must be guaranteed in accordance with the law”. As a compromise, it deleted the middle part guaranteeing satisfaction of basic needs since it was deemed ‘too communist’ for many members. The plenary session supported adding the right to acquire land for cultivation and dwelling in the second sentence of the provision (§ 7) just before the adoption of the Bill.
The last section in the Chapter (§ 8) provided that extraordinary restrictions of the rights and freedoms of citizens and the imposition of burdens come into force in the event of the proclamation of a state of emergency on the basis and within the limits of the corresponding laws. In the course of the discussions led by the lawyer and member of the Labour Party, Lui Olesk, the Committee turned the original general limitations clause into an emergency powers clause resembling similar provisions in the Russian Constitution of 1906 (Article 83) and the Austrian Basic Law on the General Rights of Nationals of 1867 (Article 20).
Uluots urged the Committee to include protection of private property in the Bill as a safeguard against tyranny. The provision caused long and heated debates on the limits to nationalisation of private property, especially the principle of fair compensation. The provision was rejected by the majority of both the Committee and the plenary session. In anticipation of land reform, the deputies did not want to narrow down legal options for the expropriation of large estates owned mostly by the German nobility. After their defeat on the protection of private property, the right-wing members wished to protect freedom to choose an occupation and engage in business, trade, industry and agriculture. The majority refused again, arguing that during the war, there had been too much profiteering, and speculators do not deserve protection, and also that the government should have free hands to regulate industry.
Without any long deliberations, the Committee also rejected the proposal to allow citizens to sue civil servants in criminal courts. Jans defended his proposal by pointing out the high level of corruption among officials and the need to provide the people with a means for self-defence. His opponents argued that Estonia had already set up administrative courts in February of 1919, providing citizens with an avenue for challenging the corrupt practices of officials.
Committee and Assembly members also discussed the legal nature of the fundamental rights and freedoms included in the Bill. Some social democrats deemed it important to craft the provisions as guarantees that citizens can enforce against the state (Jans), but the majority deemed the provisions as political guidance for the legislator. Supporters of the latter view were afraid that direct enforceability of the Civil Rights Chapter would saddle the government with an unsurmountable economic burden. The state’s only directly binding obligation was probably the right to free elementary education.
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Young, John W. "The Foreign Office, the French and the post-war division of Germany 1945–46." Review of International Studies 12, no. 3 (July 1986): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113944.
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When, in May 1945, the Allies finally defeated Nazi Germany and began their military occupation, no-one expected that within five years the country would be divided into two political halves, one tied to the West and the other to the Soviet Union. Germany, despite its defeat in 1918, had remained the most powerful state in central Europe and had been an undoubted great power since 1870. If anything, the fear was that Germany would revive quickly and become a menace to the peace again. That it did become divided between East and West was of course due to the start of the ‘Cold War’ after 1945, with the Americans and British on the one side and the Russians on the other seeing, not Germany, but each other as the post-war ‘enemy’. In 1946 Winston Churchill was already able to speak of an ‘iron curtain’ stretching from Trieste, on the Adriatic, to Stettin, on the Baltic. By 1949 each side had established control of its own bloc—the Russians predominating in the Eastern European ‘People's Republics’, the Americans drawing the West Europeans together with the Marshall Aid Programme and the North Atlantic Treaty.
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Reid, Ann H., Thomas G. Fanning, Thomas A. Janczewski, Sherman McCall, and Jeffery K. Taubenberger. "Characterization of the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Virus Matrix Gene Segment." Journal of Virology 76, no. 21 (November 1, 2002): 10717–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jvi.76.21.10717-10723.2002.
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ABSTRACT The coding region of influenza A virus RNA segment 7 from the 1918 pandemic virus, consisting of the open reading frames of the two matrix genes M1 and M2, has been sequenced. While this segment is highly conserved among influenza virus strains, the 1918 sequence does not match any previously sequenced influenza virus strains. The 1918 sequence matches the consensus over the M1 RNA-binding domains and nuclear localization signal and the highly conserved transmembrane domain of M2. Amino acid changes that correlate with high yield and pathogenicity in animal models were not found in the 1918 strain. Phylogenetic analyses suggest that both genes were mammalian adapted and that the 1918 sequence is very similar to the common ancestor of all subsequent human and classical swine matrix segments. The 1918 sequence matches other mammalian strains at 4 amino acids in the extracellular domain of M2 that differ consistently between avian and mammalian strains, suggesting that the matrix segment may have been circulating in human strains for at least several years before 1918.
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Klimek, Ludger, Thomas Werfel, Christian Vogelberg, and Kirsten Jung. "Authorised allergen products for intracutaneous testing may no longer be available in Germany." Allergo Journal International 24, no. 3 (May 2015): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40629-015-0051-7.
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Meister, Tegtmeyer, Brüggemann, Sieme, Feige, Todt, Stang, Cavalleri, and Steinmann. "Characterization of Equine Parvovirus in Thoroughbred Breeding Horses from Germany." Viruses 11, no. 10 (October 18, 2019): 965. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/v11100965.
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An equine parvovirus-hepatitis (EqPV-H) has been recently identified in association with equine serum hepatitis, also known as Theiler’s disease. The disease was first described by Arnold Theiler in 1918 and is often observed with parenteral use of blood products in equines. However, natural ways of viral circulation and potential risk factors for transmission still remain unknown. In this study, we investigated the occurrence of EqPV-H infections in Thoroughbred horses in northern and western Germany and aimed to identify potential risk factors associated with viral infections. A total of 392 Thoroughbreds broodmares and stallions were evaluated cross-sectionally for the presence of anti-EqPV-H antibodies and EqPV-H DNA using a luciferase immunoprecipitation assay (LIPS) and a quantitative PCR, respectively. In addition, data regarding age, stud farm, breeding history, and international transportation history of each horse were collected and analysed. An occurrence of 7% EqPV-H DNA positive and 35% seropositive horses was observed in this study cohort. The systematic analysis of risk factors revealed that age, especially in the group of 11–15-year-old horses, and breeding history were potential risk factors that can influence the rate of EqPV-H infections. Subsequent phylogenetic analysis showed a high similarity on nucleotide level within the sequenced Thoroughbred samples. In conclusion, this study demonstrates circulating EqPV-H infections in Thoroughbred horses from central Europe and revealed age and breeding history as risk factors for EqPV-H infections.
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Lurie, Jonathan. "“Heaven, Hell, or Hoboken:” Anti-German Sentiment in Hoboken, 1917-1918, Some Examples." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 4, no. 1 (February 2, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v4i1.101.
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In the early 20th century, urban centers in New Jersey, especially locations such as Newark, Hoboken, and Camden, were home to many immigrants from Europe. Hoboken stands out amongst these as it was the major port of embarkation for American troops en route to the World War I. The city saw American immigrants supporting the war effort in varying ways. Irish immigrants, for example, may well have looked at American support for Great Britain in a different light than native-born American citizens. Similarly, German-Americans, especially between 1914 and 1917, were ambivalent as American “neutrality” towards Germany shifted towards outright hostility. What can local newspapers, some of which catered to ethnic interests, tell us about the tensions between ethnic loyalties and the call for patriotic support for the Allies as the United States went to war? This paper focuses in part on editorial comments on the need for “loyalty,” and/or “patriotism” once war was declared in April, 1917. It was originally presented as a paper at the NJ Historical Commission’s 2017 conference, “New Jersey and The Great War,” held November 3-4, 2017 at Rowan College at Burlington County and Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst.
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Vinokurov, V. "Once again about the capitulation of nazi Germany." Diplomatic Service, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2002-05.
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The article analyzes the situation in Europe at the final stage of the great Patriotic war. The situation around two German surrender ceremonies is described in detail: the preliminary one on 7 may 1945 before the allied forces in Reims and the full, unconditional one in Karlshorst on 8 may 1945.
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Beaver, Daniel R., and Stephen E. Ambrose. "Citizen Soliders: The U.S. Army from the Normandy Beaches to the Surrender of Germany, June 7, 1944-May 7, 1945." Journal of Military History 62, no. 2 (April 1998): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120771.
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Kalvoda, Josef. "National Minorities Under Communism: The Case of Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 1 (1988): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408065.
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After its establishment in 1918–1919, Czechoslovakia was a multinational state and some of its minorities protested against their being included into it. The nationality problem was related to the collapse of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 and the loss of some of its territories to Germany, Poland, and Hungary. It may be pointed out that the 1920 Constitution did not recognize a separate Slovak national identity and that the Czechs and Slovaks were termed “Czechoslovaks.” The post-Munich Second Republic recognized a separate Slovak nationality; however, the state came to its end in March 1939. In 1945, after its reestablishment as a national state of the Czechs and Slovaks, the country's government attempted to liquidate the national minorities' problem in a drastic manner by transfer (expulsion) of Germans and Hungarians.
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Siegel, Mona, and Kirsten Harjes. "Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.
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On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.
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Desnitskaya, Evgeniya A. "Inclusivism as a Сonceptual Means in the Works by Paul Hacker and Gerhard Oberhammer." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 7 (2021): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-7-191-200.
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The concept of inclusivism was introduced by German indologist Paul Hacker (1913–1979) to designate a specific polemical strategy characteristic to Indian religious teachings. Inclusivism is described as adoptiong the views of alien religious groups and including them in the own doctrine at a hierarchically subordinate place. In Hacker’s view, inclusivism is an intellectual practice widely used in the rivalry between different religious traditions in India, and as such it should be distinguished from European tolerance. In recent forty years the concept of inclusivism has been widely discussed and criticized. Gerhard Oberhammer, in particular, objected against interpreting inclusivism as a social strategy. In the context of his doctrine of transcendental hermeneutics, he considered inclusivism to be a normative way in which many Indian religious traditions developed their canons of scripture. In this paper I analyze the concept of inclusivism in the works of Hacker and Oberhammer and discuss its’ outlook in contemporary indological studies. A broad interpretation of inclusivism as an implicit textual strategy characteristic to intellectual traditions at different periods of Indian history makes this concept a promising tool for a study of Indian philosophy and Indian culture.
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Grigaravičiūtė, Sandra. "Who represented the Council of Lithuania in Sweden?" Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXIII (August 16, 2021): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2021.23.045.
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The research reveals who and when was authorized to represent the Council of Lithuania in Swe-den, and how the German Government and the military leadership reacted to the documents published by the Lithuanians on the 3rd and the 6th January, 1918 in Stockholm, which were published in the Swedish and Danish press. After the research, we can state that until May 27th, 1918, the Council of Lithuania was unrepresented in Sweden. However, the nation of Lithuania was represented. This function was carried out by the representatives of the Lithuanian Society who have received Charges d`Affaires certificates. They were under the supervision of the Russian Imperial diplomatic service. Neither Jurgis Savickis, nor Ignas Šeinius, nor Jonas Aukštuolis had the authorization from the Council of Lithuania to represent the Council of Lithuania in Sweden. They were correspondents of the Lithuanian Information Bureau (LIB), meaning that they supplied information to the bureau under the leadership of J. Gabrys. After May 27, 1918, the representation of the Council of Lithuania could have been (however it does not mean that it actually was) a component of the representation of the Council of Lithuania in Germany. The reaction of the German government and the German military authorities to the demands set by the Lithuanian Conference in January 3, 1918, in Swedish and Danish press, was very unfavourable, and they have sought for ways to convince the Lithuanians in Stockholm of the „correct way of thinking”. Immediately they have sent J. Šaulys there from Berlin. Until the 6th of January, 1918 – the declaration of independence from Russia as announced in the Swedish press, the German government and the German military authorities were not seen to have a reaction. The research on the representation of the Council of Lithuania in Sweden was carried out on the basis of published (press, published documents) and unpublished sources (from the Lithuanian Central State Archives, the fund of the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office (RZ 201), and the Manu-scripts Department of the Vilnius University Library (F. 155–366)). The research resorted to the methods of qualitative analysis and synthesis (the new material of the sources was supplemented with the infor-mation circulating in historiography), the comparative method (the facts found in Lithuanian and German archives and the press are compared), and the descriptive method. To process the primary sources in Lith-uanian and German languages, the logical–analytical method was applied (the notional content and infor-mation analysis was conducted).
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Connelly, John. "Poles and Jews in the Second World War: the Revisions of Jan T. Gross." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 641–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004071.
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Jan T. Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 261 pp., ISBN 0-691-08667-2.Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Żydzi i Polacy 1918–1955: Współistnienie – zagłada – komunizm (Warsaw: Biblioteka Frondy, 2000), 731 pp., ISBN 8-391-25418-6.Leo Cooper, In the Shadow of the Polish Eagle: The Poles, the Holocaust, and Beyond (Houndmills and New York: Palgrave, 2000), 255 pp., ISBN 0-333-75265-1.Martin Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941–44 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), ISBN 0-312-22056-1.Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman, and Abraham Margaliot, eds., Documents on the Holocaust: Selected Sources on the Destruction of the Jews of Germany and Austria, Poland, and the Soviet Union, 8th edn (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press and Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1999), 508 pp., ISBN 0-803-21050-7.
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Makar, Vitaliy, Yuriy Makar, Vitaly Semenko, and Andriy Stetsyuk. "Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 Their Importance and Historical Background (Part 2)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 207–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.207-243.
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The editorial board continues to publish the most significant documents, which characterize the status and progress of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, its vision in other countries in the early 20th century. The documents from the first book «Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 their importance and historical background» were published in Volume 39 of the Scientific journal. We publish the papers from the second book in current volume. We have selected 10 documents that chronologically cover the period from January 17 to May 9, 1918, and reproduce the vision of the Ukrainian problem by the ruling circles of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany, as well as the efforts of Ukrainian public-political figures aimed at the election of Ukraineʼs independence, reproduce the atmosphere of negotiations in Brest-Litovsk. The Austrian drafts of the imperial manifesto on the occasion of the peace treaty with Ukraine and the protocols of meetings of the German, Austrian and Ukrainian delegations during the preparation of the peace treaty are presented as the first 4 documents. The text of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty signed on 9February, 1918 is the fifth document. The following five documents characterize the attitude of Soviet Russia and Poland to the provisions of the Treaty, as well as Germany’s attitude to the state affiliation of the Kholmshchyna. These documents will be useful for both students and researchers of international relations and history of Ukraine in the early 20th century. Whereas we have selected documents from different parts of the book, we stored their serial numbers. Page numbers are shown in square brackets after the text. The language, style of the headings and captions, cursive and text selection are all preserved. Also, for convenience of possible use by interested persons, we submit to them a list of abbreviations from the second book in the original.
Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire, Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, Galicia, Germany, Ukraine, The Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, Ukrainian national movement, Ukrainians, Kholmshchyna.
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N.M., Syromlia. "EXPLICATION OF THE IMAGE OF FIRE IN THE LYRICS OF A. BELY (1890–1910)." South archive (philological sciences), no. 85 (April 12, 2021): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32999/ksu2663-2691/2021-85-7.
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Purpose. The article is dedicated to a linguistic approach to analysis of symbolic meanings of the element of Fire in the poetry of Russian symbolist A. Bely.Methods. Symbolism of the element of Fire is studied from linguistic and linguoculturological points of view. The descriptive method was used to select and describe citation material, linguistic and statistical analysis allowed to determine the most frequent constructions, comparative analysis of symbolism of fire was used to identify the author's symbolic meanings on the background of traditional ones.Results. On the one hand the subject of the studying is traditional symbolism of the element of fire conditioned by German-Scandinavian mythology and by binary archetypical oppositions. On the other hand, we defined new author’s symbolism conditioned by the author’s poetic worldview.Archetypes are represented with binary oppositions actualizing the semantics of vertical direction, ambivalence, animism and anthropomorphism. The main traditional meanings of the culturological symbol “Fire” are as follows: a living, mobile element, a symbol of divine energy, the myth world of divine essences, a substitute for God on Earth, characterized by the properties of ambivalence – a symbol of creation and destruction, life and death, also a symbol of fertility, a symbol of passion, strong feelings and desires, a symbol of transformation, rebirth, interaction of the elements, a symbol of purification and healing, light, masculinity, a symbol of creativity, inspiration. The author’s symbolic meanings are expressed according to his rethinking of the myths and archetypes and explication of the meaning in the nearest surrounding of the concept Fire in the texts. So, A. Bely’s individual semantics of the element of fire is: symbol «Fire» is interpreted as a retribution, a challenge, correlates with the symbolist visionary “experience”, fabric, celestial phenomena – “dawns” and “sunsets” as the embodiment of information of a subtle world, the human body and his mental world, artifacts, precious stones on the basis of shades of red and yellow colours and the properties of transparency, “earthly” fire symbolizes physical-vital experiences, “heavenly” fire – “the ignition of a spiritual man”.Conclusions. Thus, the use of the mythologeme Thor, the author’s understanding of archetypal oppositions in the semantic circle of the image of fire led to the expression of traditional and individual-author interpretations of the symbolism of fire in the lyrics of A. Bely.Key words: Russian symbolism, poetry, element of Fire, A. Bely, traditional and author’s semantics. Мета статті – дослідити експлікацію символічних значень образу вогню в поезії російського символіста А. Бєлого.Методи дослідження. В даній студії символізм стихії вогню вивчається з лінгвістичної та лінгвокультурологічної точок зору. За допомогою прийомів описового методу відібраний та описаний цитатний матеріал, лінгвостатистичний аналіз дав змогу визначити найбільш частотні конструкції, порівняльно-зіставний аналіз символіки стихій використовувся для виявлення авторських символічних значень стихії вогню на тлі традиційних, які були знайдені у культурологічних словниках, енциклопедіях.Результати дослідження. Виявлені та описані механізми, що дозволяють експлікувати традиційні та індивідуально-авторські символічні значення образу вогню в ліриці А. Бєлого: це є взаємодія міфологем та архетипів, виявлених у най-ближчому оточенні образу, експлікованого лексемою «вогонь». З одного боку, предметом вивчення є традиційна символіка стихії вогню, зумовлена німецько-скандинавською міфологією та бінарними архетипічними опозиціями, визначеними у поетичному мовленні автора. З іншого боку, проаналізовано індивідуально-авторську символіку, зумовлену поетичним світогля-дом поета-символіста. Архетипи представлені бінарними опозиціями, що актуалізують семантику вертикального напрямку, амбівалентності, анімізму та антропоморфізму. Основні традиційні значення культурологічного символу «Вогонь» пред-ставлені у словниках та енциклопедіях символів, міфологій: живий, рухливий елемент, символ божественної енергії, світ божественних сутностей, субститут Бога на Землі, що характеризується властивостями амбівалентності – символ створення і руйнування, життя і смерті, символ родючості, символ пристрасті, сильних почуттів і бажань, символ перетворення, від-родження, взаємодії стихій, символ очищення і зцілення, світла, мужності, символ творчості, натхнення. Індивідуально-авторські символічні значення формуються відповідно до його переосмислення міфів та архетипів. Отже, індивідуально-авторські символічні значення стихії вогню А. Бєлого такі: символ «Вогонь» трактується як відплата, виклик, він корелює із символістичним візіонерським «переживанням», тканиною, небесними явищами – «світанками» та «заходами сонця» як втілення інформації тонкого світу, людського тіла та його психічного світу, артефактів, дорогоцінних каменів на основі від-тінків червоного та жовтого кольорів та властивостей прозорості, «земний» вогонь символізує фізично-життєві переживання, «небесний» – «займання духовної людини».Висновки. Таким чином, використання міфологеми Тор, авторське осмислення архетипних опозицій у семантичному колі образу вогню зумовило вираження традиційних і індивідуально-авторських інтерпретацій символіки вогню в ліриці А. Бєлого досліджуваного періоду.Ключові слова: російський символізм, поезія, стихія вогню, А. Бєлий, традиційна та авторська символіка.
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Wixforth, Harald. "The Economic Consequences of the First World War." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003090.
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Arthur Turner, The Cost of War: British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998), 272pp., £45.00 (hb), ISBN 1-898723-37-0.Patricia Clavin, The Great Depression in Europe, 1929–1939 (Basingstoke: Macmillan/Palgrave 2000) 244pp., £13.99 (pb), ISBN 0-333-60681-7.Karl Mayer, Zwischen Krise und Krieg. Frankreich in der Außenpolitik der United States zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Zweitem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 275pp., DM 84.00, ISBN 3-515-07373-6.Christoph Buchheim and Redvers Garside, eds., After the Slump. Industry and Politics in 1930s Britain and Germany (New York and Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 235pp., DM 69.00. ISBN 3-631-34912-2.Philipp Heyde, Das Ende der Reparationen. Deutschland, Frankreich und der Youngplan 1929–1932. Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998), 506 pp., DM 134.00 ISBN 3-506-77507-3.Monika Rosengarten, Die Internationale Handelskammer. Wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen in der Zeit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929–1939 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), 360 pp., DM 148.00, ISBN 3-428-10411-0.
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Jr., Eric T. Dean, Stephen E. Ambrose, and Gerald F. Linderman. "Citizen Soldiers: The U.S. Army from the Normandy Beaches to the Bulge to the Surrender of Germany, June 7, 1944-May 7, 1945." Journal of American History 86, no. 1 (June 1999): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567524.
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Cuddihy, Robert, and Gerard Reach. "2nd Annual Symposium on Self Monitoring of Blood Glucose (SMBG) Applications and Beyond, May 7–10, 2009, Berlin, Germany." Diabetes Technology & Therapeutics 11, no. 9 (September 2009): 539–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/dia.2009.0101.
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Meguro, Kentaro, Ryota Kakizaki, Takuya Hashimoto, Tomoyoshi Yanagisawa, Toshimi Koitabashi, Tadashi Kitamura, and Junya Ako. "Early Safety and Efficacy of Sapien 3 20 mm Transcatheter Heart Valve Implantation in Small Japanese Body Size." Heart Surgery Forum 21, no. 5 (August 14, 2018): E341—E344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1532/hsf.1918.
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Background: Transcatheter aortic valve implantation (TAVI) is effective in treating severe aortic stenosis in inoperable or high-risk surgical patients, however, the little is known about outcomes after Sapien 3 20 mm transcatheter heart valve (THV) implantation. The purpose of this study was to investigate the short term outcomes of Sapien 3 20 mm THV implantation in Japanese people with a small body size.
Methods: We retrospectively collected the hospital records of consecutive patients who underwent TAVI using the Sapien 3 20 mm THV between October 2016 and March 2017. Clinical and echocardiographic data from before and one week after TAVI were collected.
Results: Six Japanese patients (all female, mean age 89 ± 5 years, body surface area [BSA] 1.29 ± 0.16m2) received a Sapien 3 20 mm THV. All the procedures were feasible and successful, and the 30-day mortality rate was 0%. The functional class and the echocardiographic findings significantly improved (aortic valve area, 0.5 ± 0.1 cm2 to 0.8 ± 0.1cm2; mean pressure gradient, 55 ± 15 mmHg to 19 ± 7 mmHg; P = .043, respectively). However, the values of the indexed effective orifice area in all patients after Sapien 3 20 mm THV implantation were less than 0.85 cm2/m2, suggesting prosthesis-patient mismatch (PPM).
Conclusions: The implantation of a Sapien 3 20 mm THV was safe and effective in high surgical risk elderly Japanese patients with a small body size. PPM after Sapien 3 20mm THV may be prevalent among Asians with small body sizes. Careful clinical follow-up will be necessary after Sapien 3 20 mm THV implantation.
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Kloke, Björn-Philipp, Andrea Mahr, Robert A. Jabulowsky, Sarah Kutscher, Richard Rae, and Cedrik M. Britten. "Cancer immunotherapy achieves breakthrough status: 12th annual meeting of the association for cancer immunotherapy (CIMT), Mainz, Germany, May 6–8, 2014." Cancer Immunology, Immunotherapy 64, no. 7 (December 30, 2014): 923–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00262-014-1643-7.
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Davis, Stacy. "Unapologetic Apologetics: Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 21, 2021): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080560.
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Julius Wellhausen (1844–1918) is in many ways the ancestor of modern Hebrew Bible scholarship. His Prolegomena to the History of Israel condensed decades of source critical work on the Torah into a documentary hypothesis that is still taught today in almost all Hebrew Bible courses in some form. What is not taught as frequently is the anti-Judaism that underpins his hypothesis. This is in part due to unapologetic apologetics regarding Wellhausen’s bias, combined with the insistence that a nineteenth-century scholar cannot be judged by twenty-first century standards. These calls for compassion are made exclusively by white male scholars, leaving Jewish scholars the solitary task of pointing out Wellhausen’s clear anti-Judaism. In a discipline that is already overwhelmingly white, male and Christian, the minimizing of Wellhausen’s racism suggests two things. First, those who may criticize contextual biblical studies done by women and scholars of color have no problem pleading for a contextual understanding of Wellhausen while downplaying the growing anti-Judaism and nationalism that was a part of nineteenth-century Germany. Second, recent calls for inclusion in the Society of Biblical Literature may be well intentioned but ultimately useless if the guild cannot simply call one of its most brilliant founders the biased man that he was.
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Lichocka, Halina. "Akademia Umiejętności (1872–1918) i jej czescy członkowie." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 14 (May 27, 2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23921749pkhn_pau.16.003.5259.
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The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.
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Agostini, Hansjürgen T., Alison Deckhut, David V. Jobes, Rosina Girones, Günther Schlunck, Marcin G. Prost, Carolina Frias, E. Pérez-Trallero, Caroline F. Ryschkewitsch, and Gerald L. Stoner. "Genotypes of JC virus in East, Central and Southwest Europe." Journal of General Virology 82, no. 5 (May 1, 2001): 1221–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/0022-1317-82-5-1221.
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Distinctive genotypes of JC virus have been described for the major continental landmasses. Studies on European-Americans and small cohorts in Europe showed predominantly Type 1. Types 2 and 7 are found in Asia, and Types 3 and 6 in Africa. These genotypes differ in sequence by about 1–3%. Each genotype may have several subtypes which differ from each other by about 0·5–1%. The genotypes can be defined by a distinctive pattern of nucleotides in a typing region of the VP1 gene. This genotyping approach has been confirmed by phylogenetic reconstruction using the entire genome exclusive of the rearranging regulatory region. In this first large European study, we report on the urinary excretion of JCV DNA of 350 individuals from Poland, Hungary, Germany and Spain. We included Gypsy cohorts in Hungary (Roma), Germany (Sinti), and Spain (Gitano), as well as Basques in Spain. We show that while Type 1 predominates in Europe, the proportions of Type 1A and 1B may differ from East to Southwest Europe. Type 4, closely related to the Type 1 sequence (only ∼1% difference) was a minor genotype in Germany, Poland and Spain, but represented the majority in Basques. The Gitanos in Spain showed a variant Type 4 sequence termed ‘Rom-1’. Interestingly, neither the Gitanos in Spain, nor Sinti or Roma in Germany or Hungary showed the Type 2 or Type 7 genotype that might be expected if their origins were in an Asian population.
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Warhurst, Geoffrey, Graham Dunn, Paul Chadwick, Bronagh Blackwood, Daniel McAuley, Gavin D. Perkins, Ronan McMullan, et al. "Rapid detection of health-care-associated bloodstream infection in critical care using multipathogen real-time polymerase chain reaction technology: a diagnostic accuracy study and systematic review." Health Technology Assessment 19, no. 35 (May 2015): 1–142. http://dx.doi.org/10.3310/hta19350.
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BackgroundThere is growing interest in the potential utility of real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) in diagnosing bloodstream infection by detecting pathogen deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) in blood samples within a few hours. SeptiFast (Roche Diagnostics GmBH, Mannheim, Germany) is a multipathogen probe-based system targeting ribosomal DNA sequences of bacteria and fungi. It detects and identifies the commonest pathogens causing bloodstream infection. As background to this study, we report a systematic review of Phase III diagnostic accuracy studies of SeptiFast, which reveals uncertainty about its likely clinical utility based on widespread evidence of deficiencies in study design and reporting with a high risk of bias.ObjectiveDetermine the accuracy of SeptiFast real-time PCR for the detection of health-care-associated bloodstream infection, against standard microbiological culture.DesignProspective multicentre Phase III clinical diagnostic accuracy study using the standards for the reporting of diagnostic accuracy studies criteria.SettingCritical care departments within NHS hospitals in the north-west of England.ParticipantsAdult patients requiring blood culture (BC) when developing new signs of systemic inflammation.Main outcome measuresSeptiFast real-time PCR results at species/genus level compared with microbiological culture in association with independent adjudication of infection. Metrics of diagnostic accuracy were derived including sensitivity, specificity, likelihood ratios and predictive values, with their 95% confidence intervals (CIs). Latent class analysis was used to explore the diagnostic performance of culture as a reference standard.ResultsOf 1006 new patient episodes of systemic inflammation in 853 patients, 922 (92%) met the inclusion criteria and provided sufficient information for analysis. Index test assay failure occurred on 69 (7%) occasions. Adult patients had been exposed to a median of 8 days (interquartile range 4–16 days) of hospital care, had high levels of organ support activities and recent antibiotic exposure. SeptiFast real-time PCR, when compared with culture-proven bloodstream infection at species/genus level, had better specificity (85.8%, 95% CI 83.3% to 88.1%) than sensitivity (50%, 95% CI 39.1% to 60.8%). When compared with pooled diagnostic metrics derived from our systematic review, our clinical study revealed lower test accuracy of SeptiFast real-time PCR, mainly as a result of low diagnostic sensitivity. There was a low prevalence of BC-proven pathogens in these patients (9.2%, 95% CI 7.4% to 11.2%) such that the post-test probabilities of both a positive (26.3%, 95% CI 19.8% to 33.7%) and a negative SeptiFast test (5.6%, 95% CI 4.1% to 7.4%) indicate the potential limitations of this technology in the diagnosis of bloodstream infection. However, latent class analysis indicates that BC has a low sensitivity, questioning its relevance as a reference test in this setting. Using this analysis approach, the sensitivity of the SeptiFast test was low but also appeared significantly better than BC. Blood samples identified as positive by either culture or SeptiFast real-time PCR were associated with a high probability (> 95%) of infection, indicating higher diagnostic rule-in utility than was apparent using conventional analyses of diagnostic accuracy.ConclusionSeptiFast real-time PCR on blood samples may have rapid rule-in utility for the diagnosis of health-care-associated bloodstream infection but the lack of sensitivity is a significant limiting factor. Innovations aimed at improved diagnostic sensitivity of real-time PCR in this setting are urgently required. Future work recommendations include technology developments to improve the efficiency of pathogen DNA extraction and the capacity to detect a much broader range of pathogens and drug resistance genes and the application of new statistical approaches able to more reliably assess test performance in situation where the reference standard (e.g. blood culture in the setting of high antimicrobial use) is prone to error.Study registrationThe systematic review is registered as PROSPERO CRD42011001289.FundingThe National Institute for Health Research Health Technology Assessment programme. Professor Daniel McAuley and Professor Gavin D Perkins contributed to the systematic review through their funded roles as codirectors of the Intensive Care Foundation (UK).
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Scheuch, Erwin. "The Structure of the German Elites across Regime Changes." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 91–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418717.
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AbstractGermany is an especially apt case to analyze the relationship between regime change and elite continuity. Its political history between 1860 and 1960 is marked by an unusual degree of turmoil. While the first level of leadership in politics, and to a lesser degree in business and administration, was affected by the various regime changes, the levels two and three much less so. The notable characteristic of Germany's social structure is the pervasiveness of corporatism, and this is especially pronounced in levels two and three of the leadership. We concentrated on the periods before 1914, the halfway revolution of 1918-1920, the Weimar Republic in its closing days, the ascent to power of the nazi leadership, the post-1945 attempts of denazification, and finally on the composition and the modus operandi of leadership groups in the 1990s. During all these changes the elites in Germany retained their segmentalized character, with the economic leaders, the bureaucrats, and politicians at the center, the politicians deriving their influence from their function as linking agents in a segmentalized structure. There are indications, however, that an establishment may be in the making.
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Lin, Y. S., V. B. Heuer, T. G. Ferdelman, and K. U. Hinrichs. "Microbial conversion of inorganic carbon to dimethyl sulfide in anoxic lake sediment (Plußsee, Germany)." Biogeosciences Discussions 7, no. 2 (April 8, 2010): 2569–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bgd-7-2569-2010.
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Abstract. In anoxic environments, volatile methylated sulfides including methanethiol (MT) and dimethyl sulfide (DMS) link the pools of inorganic and organic carbon with the sulfur cycle. However, direct formation of methylated sulfides from reduction of dissolved inorganic carbon has previously not been demonstrated. During examination of the hydrogenotrophic microbial activity at different temperatures in the anoxic sediment from Lake Plußsee, DMS formation was detected at 55 °C and was enhanced when bicarbonate was supplemented. Addition of both bicarbonate and H2 resulted in the strongest stimulation of DMS production, and MT levels declined slightly. Addition of methyl-group donors such as methanol and syringic acid or methyl-group acceptors such as hydrogen sulfide did not enhance further accumulation of DMS and MT. The addition of 2-bromoethanesulfonate inhibited DMS formation and caused a slight MT accumulation. MT and DMS had average δ13C values of −55‰ and −62‰, respectively. Labeling with NaH13CO3 showed that incorporation of bicarbonate into DMS occurred through methylation of MT. H235S labeling demonstrated a microbially-mediated, but slow, process of hydrogen sulfide methylation that accounted for <10% of the accumulation rates of DMS. Our data suggest: (1) methanogens are involved in DMS formation from bicarbonate, and (2) the major source of the 13C-depleted MT is neither bicarbonate nor methoxylated aromatic compounds. Other possibilities for isotopically light MT, such as demethylation of 13C-depleted DMS or other organic precursors such as methionine, are discussed. This DMS-forming pathway may be relevant for anoxic environments, such as hydrothermally influenced sediments and fluids and sulfate-methane transition zones in marine sediments.
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Blankenbach, Kira, Nicholas Schwab, Benjamin Hofner, Ortwin Adams, Brigitte Keller-Stanislawski, and Clemens Warnke. "Natalizumab-associated progressive multifocal leukoencephalopathy in Germany." Neurology 92, no. 19 (April 5, 2019): e2232-e2239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000007451.
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ObjectiveTo evaluate characteristics relevant to diagnosis of JC polyomavirus-associated progressive multifocal leukoencephalopathy (PML), and PML risk stratification in a large national cohort of patients with multiple sclerosis during therapy with natalizumab.MethodsAnalysis of 292 adverse drug reaction forms on suspected cases of PML reported to the German national competent authority until July 2017. Patients not fulfilling PML diagnostic criteria or with insufficient information available were excluded.ResultsOf the 142 confirmed patients with PML, 72.3% (95% confidence interval [CI] 64.4%–79.1%) were women, and the median age was 43 years (range 19–69). Of these patients, 7.7% (95% CI 4.3%–13.5%) were clinically asymptomatic at time of PML diagnosis. PML was fatal in 9.1% (95% CI 5.3%–15.1%) of the patients. Infratentorial lesions on imaging were reported in 40% (95% CI 32.0%–48.6%) of the patients. JC polyomavirus DNA in CSF was undetectable at time of first analysis in 23.8% (95% CI 17.3%–31.9%) of the patients. Three patients tested negative for anti-JC polyomavirus antibodies within 6 to 18 months before PML diagnosis, with seroconversion confirmed 5.5 months, 7 months (in a post hoc analysis only), or at time of PML diagnosis.ConclusionsJC polyomavirus DNA detection in CSF has limited sensitivity in early PML, and clinical and imaging presentation may be atypical. Thus, critical revision of current PML diagnostic criteria is warranted. Negative anti-JC polyomavirus antibodies in sera do not preclude the later development of PML. This emphasizes the need for close and regular serologic, imaging, and clinical monitoring in patients treated with natalizumab.
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Lamberti, Marjorie. "The Surplus Woman: Unmarried in Imperial Germany, 1871–1918. By Catherine L. Dollard. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2009. Pp. viii + 272. Cloth $95.00. ISBN 978-1-84545-480-7." Central European History 43, no. 4 (December 2010): 701–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000907.
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Lin, Y. S., V. B. Heuer, T. G. Ferdelman, and K. U. Hinrichs. "Microbial conversion of inorganic carbon to dimethyl sulfide in anoxic lake sediment (Plußsee, Germany)." Biogeosciences 7, no. 8 (August 16, 2010): 2433–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bg-7-2433-2010.
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Abstract. In anoxic environments, volatile methylated sulfides like methanethiol (MT) and dimethyl sulfide (DMS) link the pools of inorganic and organic carbon with the sulfur cycle. However, direct formation of methylated sulfides from reduction of dissolved inorganic carbon has previously not been demonstrated. When studying the effect of temperature on hydrogenotrophic microbial activity, we observed formation of DMS in anoxic sediment of Lake Plußsee at 55 °C. Subsequent experiments strongly suggested that the formation of DMS involves fixation of bicarbonate via a reductive pathway in analogy to methanogenesis and engages methylation of MT. DMS formation was enhanced by addition of bicarbonate and further increased when both bicarbonate and H2 were supplemented. Inhibition of DMS formation by 2-bromoethanesulfonate points to the involvement of methanogens. Compared to the accumulation of DMS, MT showed the opposite trend but there was no apparent 1:1 stoichiometric ratio between both compounds. Both DMS and MT had negative δ13C values of −62‰ and −55‰, respectively. Labeling with NaH13CO3 showed more rapid incorporation of bicarbonate into DMS than into MT. The stable carbon isotopic evidence implies that bicarbonate was fixed via a reductive pathway of methanogenesis, and the generated methyl coenzyme M became the methyl donor for MT methylation. Neither DMS nor MT accumulation were stimulated by addition of the methyl-group donors methanol and syringic acid or by the methyl-group acceptor hydrogen sulphide. The source of MT was further investigated in a H235S labeling experiment, which demonstrated a microbially-mediated process of hydrogen sulfide methylation to MT that accounted for only <10% of the accumulation rates of DMS. Therefore, the major source of the 13C-depleted MT was neither bicarbonate nor methoxylated aromatic compounds. Other possibilities for isotopically depleted MT, such as other organic precursors like methionine, are discussed. This DMS-forming pathway may be relevant for anoxic environments such as hydrothermally influenced sediments and fluids and sulfate-methane transition zones in marine sediments.
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BREMER, V., K. LEITMEYER, E. JENSEN, U. METZEL, H. MECZULAT, E. WEISE, D. WERBER, et al. "Outbreak of Salmonella Goldcoast infections linked to consumption of fermented sausage, Germany 2001." Epidemiology and Infection 132, no. 5 (October 2004): 881–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268804002699.
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Salmonella Goldcoast (SGC), an uncommon serotype in Germany, was identified in 25 isolates between 1 April and 7 May 2001. To determine the cause of the outbreak, we conducted a matched case-control study including 24 cases and 51 controls. In a multivariable regression model, only consumption of a raw fermented sausage manufactured by a local company remained significant (adjusted odds ratio 20·0, 95% confidence interval 2·7–302·5). SGC isolated from case-patients shared an indistinguishable pulsed-field gel electrophoresis pattern. A part of the produced raw fermented sausage was sold after only 4 days of fermentation. Samples from the premises and products of the company were negative for SGC. However, short-time raw fermented sausage is more likely to contain pathogens. Irradiation of raw ingredients is not accepted by German consumers, thus strict adherence to good manufacturing practices, the use of HACCP programmes as well as on-farm programmes remain crucial to reduce Salmonella.
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Smith, J. S. "Weimar Colonialism: Discourses and Legacies of Post-Imperialism in Germany after 1918. Edited by Florian Krobb and Elaine Martin. Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 2014. 263 pages + 9 b/w and 7 color illustrations. 34,80." Monatshefte 107, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 694–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/m.107.4.694.
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Fateh-Moghadam, Bijan. "Criminalizing male circumcision? Case Note: Landgericht Cologne, Judgment of 7 May 2012 – No. 151 Ns 169/11." German Law Journal 13, no. 9 (September 1, 2012): 1131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018083.
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On Thursday 19th of July 2012, just prior to the parliamentary summer holidays, the Deutscher Bundestag (German Parliament) passed a resolution based on a rather irritating motivation. The parliament intended to guarantee that “Jewish and Muslim religious life will be further possible in Germany.” The resolution itself consisted in only one sentence: The German Government is requested to provide until fall 2012 – in due consideration of the constitutionally protected legal positions of the well-being of the child, the right to bodily integrity, the right to religious freedom and the parental rights in education – draft legislation in order to safeguard that professionally performed male circumcision, without unnecessary pain, is generally lawful under German law. What had happened to provoke such extraordinary political action in defense of religious freedom? The resolution responds directly to a decision of the Landgericht (Court of Appeal) Cologne from 7 May 2012 which declared that male circumcision in children amounts to criminal battery, even if performed lege artis and with the consent of the parents unless there is a medical indication for the procedure. In doing so, the court followed a restrictive position within the German criminal law literature that has been advocating the criminalization of male
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Schlickeiser, Reinhard, and Frank Schlickeiser. "A Gaussian Model for the Time Development of the Sars-Cov-2 Corona Pandemic Disease. Predictions for Germany Made on 30 March 2020." Physics 2, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/physics2020010.
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For Germany, it is predicted that the first wave of the corona pandemic disease reaches its maximum of new infections on 11 April 2020 − 3.4 + 5.4 days with 90% confidence. With a delay of about 7 days the maximum demand on breathing machines in hospitals occurs on 18 April 2020 − 3.4 + 5.4 days. The first pandemic wave ends in Germany end of May 2020. The predictions are based on the assumption of a Gaussian time evolution well justified by the central limit theorem of statistics. The width and the maximum time and thus the duration of this Gaussian distribution are determined from a statistical χ 2 -fit to the observed doubling times before 28 March 2020.
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Peichl, Michael, Stephan Thober, Volker Meyer, and Luis Samaniego. "The effect of soil moisture anomalies on maize yield in Germany." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 18, no. 3 (March 20, 2018): 889–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-18-889-2018.
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Abstract. Crop models routinely use meteorological variations to estimate crop yield. Soil moisture, however, is the primary source of water for plant growth. The aim of this study is to investigate the intraseasonal predictability of soil moisture to estimate silage maize yield in Germany. We also evaluate how approaches considering soil moisture perform compare to those using only meteorological variables. Silage maize is one of the most widely cultivated crops in Germany because it is used as a main biomass supplier for energy production in the course of the German Energiewende (energy transition). Reduced form fixed effect panel models are employed to investigate the relationships in this study. These models are estimated for each month of the growing season to gain insights into the time-varying effects of soil moisture and meteorological variables. Temperature, precipitation, and potential evapotranspiration are used as meteorological variables. Soil moisture is transformed into anomalies which provide a measure for the interannual variation within each month. The main result of this study is that soil moisture anomalies have predictive skills which vary in magnitude and direction depending on the month. For instance, dry soil moisture anomalies in August and September reduce silage maize yield more than 10 %, other factors being equal. In contrast, dry anomalies in May increase crop yield up to 7 % because absolute soil water content is higher in May compared to August due to its seasonality. With respect to the meteorological terms, models using both temperature and precipitation have higher predictability than models using only one meteorological variable. Also, models employing only temperature exhibit elevated effects.
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Baldermann, A., G. H. Grathoff, and C. Nickel. "Micromilieu-controlled glauconitization in fecal pellets at Oker (Central Germany)." Clay Minerals 47, no. 4 (December 2012): 513–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/claymin.2012.047.4.09.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAlthough numerous models for the formation of glauconite have been presented, the precise process and micro-environment of glauconitization are still poorly constrained. We characterize the special micromilieu of glauconitization developed during early diagenesis and present a model for glauconite formation in fecal pellets.Glauconitization at Oker (Central Germany) occurred predominantly in fecal pellets deposited in a shallow marine-lagoonal environment during the Kimmeridgian. Within the fecal pellets, rapid oxidation of organic matter provides the post-depositional, physicochemical conditions favourable for glauconitization. Replacements of matrix calcite, dissolution of detrital quartz, K-feldspar, and clay minerals, and Fe redox reactions were observed within the early micro-environment, followed by the precipitation of euhedral pyrite, matrix-replacive dolomite, and megaquartz accompanied by I-S formation as thin section analyses and SEM observations show. Carbonate geochemical compositions based on ICP-OES and stable oxygen and carbon isotope signatures demonstrate that glauconite formation started in a suboxic environment at a pH of 7–8 and a temperature of 22±3°C to 37±2°C at maximum.TEM-EDX-SAED and XRD analyses on separated glauconite fecal pellets and on the <2 μm clay mineral fraction reveal the predominance of authigenic 1Md-glauconite, 1Md-glauconite-smectite, and 1Mdcis-vacant I-S, besides accessory detrital 2M1-illite and montmorillonite. Kinetic modelling of the glauconite (93–94% Fe-illite layers and 6–7% Fe-smectite layers, R3) and of I-S (66–68% Al-illite layers and 32–34% Al-smectite layers, R1) leads us to conclude that the I-S formed solely by slow burial diagenesis, whereas the glauconite formed close to the seafloor, suggesting significantly faster kinetics of the glauconitization reaction compared with smectite-illitization related to burial diagenesis. Thermodynamically, the substitution of octahedral Al3+ for Fe3+ and Mg2+ during the Fe-Mg-smectite to glauconite reaction via the formation of glauconite-smectite mixed-layered clay minerals may have resulted in a higher reaction rate for this low-temperature glauconitization process.