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1
Matthee, Rudi. "OLIVIER BAST, Les Allemands en Perse pendant la première guerre mondiale d'après les sources diplomatiques françaises (Paris: Peeters and Institut d'études iraniennes, 1997). Pp. 208." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 292–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002385.
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Although the vicissitudes of the Ottoman Empire during World War I are well known, the fate of Iran during the same period remains relatively unappreciated. Officially neutral in the conflict, Iran in fact found itself overrun and occupied by various foreign powers. Following a 1907 accord with Britain that divided the country into two spheres of influence, Iran by 1911 found much of its northern half practically occupied by Russia. Intent on safeguarding its Indian possessions, Britain, meanwhile, controlled most of the south. With the outbreak of the Great War, these traditional rivals were joined by the Ottomans, who, supported by local tribes and Iranian nationalists loath to see half of the country controlled by Russians, invaded Azerbaijan in early 1915. Finally, there were the Germans, who, supported by an alliance with the Ottomans, infiltrated Iran later in 1915 as part of a grand strategy designed to destabilize the country by inciting its population against the British and eventually to forge a German–Iranian alliance.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.
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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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Flesch, Brigitte Katharina, Vanessa Scherer, Burkhard Just, Andreas Opitz, Oswin Ochmann, Anne Janson, Monika Steitz, and Thomas Zeiler. "Molecular Blood Group Screening in Donors from Arabian Countries and Iran Using High-Throughput MALDI-TOF Mass Spectrometry and PCR-SSP." Transfusion Medicine and Hemotherapy 47, no. 5 (2020): 396–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000505495.
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Background and Aims: Only little is known about blood groups other than ABO blood groups and Rhesus factors in Arabian countries and Iran. During the last years, increased migration to Central Europe has put a focus on the question how to guarantee blood supply for patients from these countries, particularly because hemoglobinopathies with the need of regular blood support are more frequent in patients from that region. Therefore, blood group allele frequencies should be determined in individuals from Arabian countries and Iran by molecular typing and compared to a German rare donor panel. Methods: 1,111 samples including 800 individuals from Syria, 147 from Iran, 123 from the Arabian Peninsula, and 41 from Northern African countries were included in a MALDI-TOF MS assay to detect polymorphisms coding for Kk, Fy(a/b), Fynull, Cw, Jk(a/b), Jo(a+/a–), Lu(a/b), Lu(8/14), Ss, Do(a/b), Co(a/b), In(a/b), Js(a/b), Kp(a/b), and variant alleles RHCE*c.697C>G and RHCE*c.733C>G. Yt(a/b), S–s–U–, Velnull, Conull, and RHCE*c.667G>T were tested by PCR-SSP. Results: Of the Arabian donors, 2% were homozygous for the FY*02.01N allele (Fynull), and 15.7% carried the heterozygous mutation. However, 0.8% of the German donors also carried 1 copy of the allele. 3.6% of all and 29.3% of Northern African donors were heterozygous for the RHCE*c.733C>G substitution, 0.4% of the Syrian probands were heterozygous for DO*01/DO*01.-05, a genotype that was lacking in German donors. Whereas the KEL*02.06 allele coding for the Js(a) phenotype was missing in Germans; 0.8% of the Syrian donors carried 1 copy of this allele. 1.8% of the Syrian but only 0.3% of the German donors were negative for YT*01. One donor from Northern Africa homozygously carried the GYPB*270+5g>tmutation, inducing the S–s–U+w phenotype, and in 2 German donors a GYPB*c.161G>A exchange, which induces the Mit+ phenotype, caused a GYPB*03 allele dropout in the MALDI assay. The overall failure rate of the Arabian panel was 0.4%. Conclusions: Some blood group alleles that are largely lacking in Europeans but had been described in African individuals are present in Arabian populations at a somewhat lower frequency. In single cases, it could be challenging to provide immunized Arabian patients with compatible blood.
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Мirzekhanov, V. S., and Ph O. Trunov. "Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?" MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 186–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-186-204.
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The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.
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Orishev, Alexander. "Iranian Intellectuals, Nationalism and Nazi Germany." INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.4.1.
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The article analyzes the situation in Iran before and during the Second World War, when the warring parties represented by England, Germany and the USSR tried to bring the Iranian intelligentsia to their side. The author shows that on the eve of the war, German propagandists achieved the greatest success in this field. The main issues that could become the basis for the rapprochement of Nazi Germany and the Shah’s Iran are shown: the propaganda of the «Aryan brotherhood» and the positioning of the Third Reich as a defender of Muslims. The channels of influence of Nazism on the Iranian intelligentsia are revealed. The main scientific result: the evolution of the national consciousness of the Iranian intelligentsia is shown, and the main reasons for the final collapse of the German ideological expansion into Iran are determined.
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Basov, F. "German Policy in Weapons of Mass Destruction and European Missile Defense System Issues." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-36-41.
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This paper offers the analysis of German Policy towards the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and creating of the European Missile Defence System. Special attention is given to a dislocation of the US Tactical Nuclear Weapon (TNW) in Germany, its policy towards nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea, the evolution of German stand on the European Missile Defence project.
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Kuznetsov, A. A. "THE SUNNI-SHI'ITE RIVALRY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE GEOPOLITICAL SITUATION OF THE MIDDLE EAST." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-146-155.
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The article "The Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry and its influence on the geopolitical situation of the Middle East" is dedicated to the sectarian conflicts in the Middle East region in last 30 years. Author considers the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran as the point of departure of this conflict. Author of the article makes a difference between the Shi'ite Islamic revolutionary doctrine of Khomeini and the Salafi Islamic fundamentalism of Saudi Arabia. Author realizes the analysis of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-1988. This analysis is emphasized on the regional geopolitical situation and positions of the outside actors (Saudi Arabia, USA, France, Germany). Then it is covered the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its geopolitical consequences. To the author's mind this aggression and further empowerment of the Shi'ite majority reduced to the civil war in Iraq and exacerbation of the sectarian conflict. Author of the article considers these events as a part of the geopolitical rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia to unfold in the areas of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
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Hassoon, Muna Mohammed. "Hitler's Policy Towards Iraq 1933-1945." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 4794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1641.
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This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.
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Fomin, A. M. "British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941: Three Wars ‘East of Suez’." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.
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After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.
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Rohrschneider, Robert, and Dieter Fuchs. "It Used to Be the Economy: Issues and Party Support in the 2002 Election." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353583.
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Most explanations for the red-green victory in the 2002 electionrefer to two issues that emerged in the final months of the campaign:the Iraq crisis and the flood in eastern Germany. The surpriseannouncement by President Bush to dramatically increase pressureon Iraq, including a possible invasion, put this issue squarely into thecenter of the election campaign. This issue emerged at the onset ofthe hot campaign phase, taking parties and candidates by surprise.Chancellor Schröder quickly and emphatically ruled out the participationof German troops under any circumstances. His policy mayhave attracted a considerable number of voters who favored a moreconciliatory stance towards Iraq. For instance, eastern Germans,many of whom still remember the anti-American stances of thesocialist government, may have felt comfortable with an uncompromisingantiwar stance and thus supported the SPD in the end,despite this party’s failure to deliver on its economic promises. Andvoters who sympathize with the peace movement in postwar westernGermany may have become mobilized in support of the Greenparty. In turn, the largest flood in 500 years may have also providedChancellor Schröder with an opportunity to shore up his supportamong eastern voters. By all accounts, he met the leadership expectationsof voters by quickly promising financial aid to reconstructthose eastern regions devastated by the flood.
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Trunov, Philipp Olegovich. "Bilateral Relations between Germany and Saudi Arabia: Military-Political Dimension." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 663–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-663-674.
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Germany is an example of power, which is consistently trying to increase its role in global politics, including more active part in the solution of a wide range of military-political questions. At the same time Germany is facing the growing number of challenges for its own security, coming mostly from unstable Asian and African states. This makes Germany pay more attention on the Middle East in searching of new and strengthening traditional links with the regional partners. In this regard the article covers the dynamics, problems and perspectives of the bilateral interactions between Germany and Saudi Arabia in political-military sphere during the 2010s. Traditionally Saudi Arabia was one of the key partners of the ‘collective West’ in the Middle East and has had rather good relations with Germany. The key research method used in the article is the event-analysis. The research paper profoundly investigates the relations between Germany and Saudi Arabia during the first half of the 2010s. The article stresses the mutual interest in expanding and deepening cooperation in the context of the “Arab awakening”, including the solution of the Syrian problem. The key focus is paid to the growing discrepancies in positions of two parts regarding the Yemen conflict resolution in the context of confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The article also describes the dynamics of negotiations between Germany and Saudi Arabia on the highest and high levels in the middle 2010s. The paper points out the growing recession periods in German-Saudi relations in 2016-2017 (taken into account the execution of Shiite preachers in KSA; Qatar diplomatic crises and the assassination of J. Khashoggi). After the signature and implementation of the Iranian ‘nuclear deal’ Germany has been increasingly inclined towards the tactics of “balancing” between Iran and Saudi Arabia. And in this regard has emphasized the unacceptability of a direct military conflict between them. After Trump’s administration withdrawal from Iranian nuclear deal the article stresses the tougher German pressure on Saudi Arabia both in militarytechnical cooperation and political spheres in order to assure the withdrawal of Saudi Arabian military forces from Yemen. In the conclusion the author specifies the politicization of the bilateral military-technical cooperation and the sharp increase of the influence of Iranian factor over the German-Saudi relations. Three scenarios of future development of the confrontation between two states are proposed. Depending on each of them, the prospects for the development of German-Saudi relations are defined.
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Dhuwaib, Jamal Hashim Ahmad. "The Impact of Baghdad-Berlin Railway on Britain's Nautical and Commercial Interests in Iraq's Rivers." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i1.p242-251.
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With the beginning of 20th century, Germany emerged as a strong state after the unification of Germany in 1871. It found itself behind the major powers in the field of colonialism. After the accession of Emperor William II the rule, he looked forward to gaining colonies and to get the ranks of major countries such as Britain and France. Germany has found in railway projects the means to achieve its ambitions. It has turned its attention to Iraq and the Arabian Gulf because of the enormous wealth that was there in Iraq. It also wanted to use it as a market for its products. Since Iraq and the Arabian Gulf were under the authority of Britain that had many interests in, as the road to India, it stood against the German penetration. As these areas were monopolized by Britain alone, it opposed the extension of the rail into Iraq and the Arabian Gulf.
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Aminipour, Shima, Ali Asgari, Elaheh Hejazi, and Hans-Günther Roßbach. "Home Learning Environments: A Cross-Cultural Study Between Germany and Iran." Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment 38, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734282918778465.
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The home learning environment (HLE) index is composed of seven questions regarding educational parent–child interactions. To compare the psychometric characteristics of the six items of HLE index between the two different contexts of Germany and Iran, a sample including 468 preschool children from the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS), Germany, and 465 preschool children from the Longitudinal Study of Iranian Children (LSIC; Growing Up in Iran) were examined. Rasch analysis supports the fitness of the five items of HLE into the model in both countries. However, differential item functioning (DIF) results revealed significant differences between items functioning across the two samples. According to the item difficulty maps, reading to children was the most reported item in the German families, while Iranian parents tended to paint and draw with their children more. While findings support the construct validity and reliability of five of the six items in both samples, different Rasch results may reveal the effects of the cultural dimensions of each country on HLE items.
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Ashrafi, Ali. "The educational Evolution in Iran and Germany: the case of primary education (Grundschule)." Journal of Education Culture and Society 10, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 234–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20191.234.247.
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Aim. In recent decades, according to the enormous transformation in educational systems, the importance of educational spaces in the developed world has been increasingly sought after by educators and due to think of all the more attractive these spaces, they have thought differently. The present study was conducted to study the evolution of the educational environment of primary schools in Iran and Germany and compare them with each other.Methods. This research is descriptive research based on the comparative method. The study has also the standards criteria for designing primary schools in Iran and Germany.Results. The results of the research point to various differences between schools in Iran and Germany and then justify the differences similarities between the organization of primary education, description of the primary education system, selecting and training teacher education and similarity how to select and educate the teacher.Conclusion. The study showed In Iran, a major factor in the development of education is religion. In the pre-Islamic period, Zoroastrianism has been a factor in the philosophy and principles of education. After Islam, education has benefited from the philosophy and principles of Islam and has fully influenced primary education. But in the primary period of the German educational system, politics, ideology and the opinion of educators have played an important role in the transformation of education and, as such, in primary education.
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Rathbun, Brian C. "The Myth of German Pacifism." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681885.
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Germany's behavior during the lead-up to the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003 seemed to confirm that the country is marked by a strategic culture of pacifism and multilateralism. However, a closer look at German actions and pattern of participation in military operations reveals that German pacifism is a myth. There was no cross party consensus on German foreign policy in the 1990s around a principled opposition to the use of force. Even in the early years after the Cold War, the Christian Democrats began very quickly, albeit deliberatively and often secretively, to break down legal and psychological barriers to the deployment of German forces abroad. Pacifism persisted on the left of the political spectrum but gave way following a genuine ideological transformation brought about by the experience of the Yugoslav wars. The nature of Germany's objection to the Iraq invasion, which unlike previous debates did not make ubiquitous references to German history, revealed how much it has changed since the end of the Cold War. Had the election in 2002 gone differently, Germany might even have supported the actions of the U.S. and there would be little talk today of a transatlantic crisis. It is now possible to treat Germany as a "normal" European power.
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Colasacco, Marina Anna. "A cognitive approach to teaching deictic motion verbs to German and Italian students of Spanish." International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching 57, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iral-2018-2007.
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AbstractIn this study we compare two instruction approaches (cognitive and traditional) to the teaching of Spanish deictic motion verbs –ir, venir, llevarandtraer– to German and Italian learners. We also analyse whether the students’ first language (Italian or German) influences the results of the cognitive methodology we applied. The Cognitive Instruction combined the basic principles of Cognitive Grammar with those of Processing Instruction for activities in which students practice both comprehension and production. We carried out a survey of 274 university students who were learning Spanish (Level B1) at universities in Italy and Germany. Students carried out a test prior to receiving the instruction and three tests subsequently, one immediately afterwards, the second a week later and the third, a month later. The cognitive methodology proved to be beneficial and positive. The students who received cognitive instruction made better form-meaning connections and showed higher performances in the use of deictic motion verbs than those who received traditional instruction. The learners’ L1 did not appear to influence the results of the groups that received the cognitive method of instruction.
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Halverscheid, Susanne, and Erich H. Witte. "Justification of War and Terrorism." Social Psychology 39, no. 1 (January 2008): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.39.1.26.
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Abstract. In this study, examples of war and terrorism from both Western and Arab countries were examined with respect to the underlying ethical positions of justifications that have been publicized. In a rating process, we analyzed speeches and explanations of (1) the American government justifying the military strikes in Afghanistan (2001-) and the war in Iraq (2003-), (2) the Red Army Faction justifying terrorist attacks they perpetrated in Germany (1972-1984), (3) the former President of Iraq justifying the war against Iran (1980-1988), and (4) members of Al Qaeda justifying terrorist acts (2001-2004). The ethical justification patterns are presented, compared, and discussed with respect to the influences of culture and type of political violence. The results reveal significant differences between the kinds of aggression as well as between Western and Arab countries, with the cultural factor proving to be more essential.
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Dudaiti, Albert K. "Problems of the formation of Soviet-Iranian relations in the interwar period (1918 – 1939)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-28-35.
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The article examines the complex process of the formation of bilateral relations between the RSFSR / USSR and Iran in the period between the two World Wars. The desire of the parties to establish bilateral relations on an equal, mutually beneficial basis-in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Moscow Treaty of 1921 – is revealed. There are permanent difficulties on the way of rapprochement between the two countries, caused, among other things, by the undisguised interference of England in the internal affairs of Iran. The article reveals the colonial essence of the British policy in Iran, reflected in the Anglo-Iranian treaty of 1921. The Iranian people showed growing dissatisfaction with the British dominance, demanded that the authorities put an end to it, and at the same time called on them to strengthen good-neighborly relations with the RSFSR. The paper traces the main milestones in the development of Soviet-Iranian relations after the state transition in Iran in 1921, and states positive results in bilateral cooperation in political, trade, economic and other spheres. Separately, the anti-Soviet foreign policy of the Shah’s regime at the turn of the 20-30s is traced, which caused great damage to the relations of the RSFSR with Iran. When analyzing the process of Iran’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany, it is emphasized that the pro-German course of Reza Shah Pahlavi not only created problems for the safe existence of Iran, but also, in general, threatened peace and stability in the Middle East.
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Miglus, Peter A., Ulrike Bürger, Rafał A. Fetner, Simone Mühl, and Alexander Sollee. "Excavation at Bakr Awa 2010 and 2011." Iraq 75 (2013): 43–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000413.
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The site of Bakr Awa is situated in north-eastern Iraq, in the Plain of Shahrizor. Excavations were undertaken in 1960/61by the Iraqi Department of Antiquities and 2010/11 by the University of Heidelberg/Germany. Occupation layers from the beginning of the Early Bronze Age tothe Ottoman period were uncoveredin the lower city and on the citadel. Archaeological evidence from the secondmillennium B.C. shows the most intensive settlement activities and apparent prosperity at Bakr Awa. Several forms of pottery, small finds and architecture reflect dynamic processes of cultural and political transformation at this site located in an area of transition between northern and southern Mesopotamia and western Iran.
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Seyyed Hosseini, Saeid. "A Comparative Inspection of Pious Foundation in Iran and Germany Law." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 5 (October 8, 2019): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i5.1036.
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Pious foundation in Iran and Germany has lots of similarities. In Germany, foundations have the very same function as endowment has in Iran. Conceptually, endowment refers to a property which is designated for a specific purpose by the proprietor in a way that the main property must be preserved and its benefit must be spent. In both countries it is approved that endowment has its own autonomous legal personality and it can possess its own assets. In Germany, establishing a foundation with a legal personality, requires recognition by the competent public authority; whereas in Iran, based on Shia jurisprudence, a property is enough to be endowed by the proprietor for endowment so that the legal personality has been created. In Germany, any alteration or reformation in endowment is accomplished by the recognition of the competent public authority while in Iran, it is law by which the cases of alteration or reformation in endowment is determined. The essential difference between the management system of endowment in these two countries is that in Iran there is a centralized and confined construction by which the issues related to endowment is assigned to The Organization of Endowment and Charitable Affairs, whereas in Germany, this confinement and centralization cannot be seen because the supervision on pious foundations and charities is accomplished by the supervisory authorities of other organizations.
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Molaee, Vahid, Vahid Otarod, Darab Abdollahi, and Gesine Lühken. "Lentivirus Susceptibility in Iranian and German Sheep Assessed by Determination of TMEM154 E35K." Animals 9, no. 9 (September 15, 2019): 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani9090685.
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Small ruminant lentiviruses (SRLVs) cause maedi-visna disease in sheep and are prevalent in Iran and Germany. The association of the transmembrane protein 154 (TMEM154) variants with SRLV infection has been previously identified by a genome-wide association (GWAS) approach and subsequent analyses, and validated in some US, German, and Turkish sheep flocks. We aimed at evaluating these findings for the first time in Iranian, and in some more German sheep flocks/breeds. Also, we aimed at comparing the SRLV susceptibility in Iranian and German sheep based on the frequency of the TMEM154 E35 allele. About 800 blood samples were collected from 21 Iranian and German sheep flocks/breeds for different purposes: (1) The association of TMEM154 E35K with SRLV infection status was tested in four sheep breeds and found to be significant in Kermani, Merinoland, and Brown Hair. (2) The usefulness of the TMEM154 E35 frequency for predicting SRLV susceptibility was evaluated by regression analysis, combining data from this study and some already published data. Results showed a significant association between E35 frequency and SRLV prevalence. (3) SRLV susceptibility was compared based on E35 frequency in Iranian and German sheep. Altogether, findings of this study provide valuable information on SRLV susceptibility, using TMEM154 E35, in Iranian and German sheep.
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El Khalfi, Mohamad Amine. "AGREEMENT ON THE JOINT COMPREHENSIVE PLAN OF ACTION (JCPOA) BETWEEN IRAN AND THE UNITED STATES." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 7, no. 2 (August 30, 2020): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v7i2.11296.
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Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is the result of diplomatic negotiations reached by the United States, Britain, France, Russia, China, Germany and Iran in 2015 regarding the Iran Nuclear Agreement. The emergence of this agreement was due to Iran's actions abusing its nuclear development to serve as a weapon of mass destruction in 2011. In response to this, Western countries imposed economic sanctions on Iran in the hope of weakening Iran's position so that it does not have the ability to continue its nuclear weapons program. In fact, these sanctions succeeded in weakening the Iranian economy but were not politically effective enough because the Iranian government remained strong, this led to Iran being still involved in various conflicts in the region and still insisting on developing its uranium enrichment. Iran's tough stance made Western countries choose to bring Iran into the negotiations by making offers that could attract Iran's attention. During the Obama administration, the United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the negotiations. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020. The United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the talks. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020. The United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the negotiations. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020.
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Koybaev, Boris G. "The Allied Powers in Iran during World War II: the fight against German agents." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-44-49.
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On the eve of the Second World War, Iran’s relations with Germany in the field of political, trade, economic, military and cultural relations significantly increased. At the same time, Iran’s relations with the Soviet Union and Britain were deteriorating. Many attempts to enter Iran, especially to gain access to Iranian oil, have also been made by the United States. They were actively opposed by the USSR and Great Britain, and the latter acted more decisively and persistently, which caused the anger of Washington. All this prompted Tehran to search for a “third force” that could protect Iran from the encroachment of the USSR and Great Britain on its interests. And such a” third force “ Iran found in the person of Germany, which after Hitler came to power began to develop intensively in military and economic terms. Reza Shah was impressed by Hitler, who, in turn, expressed interest in cooperation with Iran, as a large state in the Middle East, which occupied an important place in the plans of Nazi Germany to conquer world domination. As you know, the fascist leadership after the implementation of the Barbarossa plan intended to defeat Great Britain, but first to capture its pearl-British India. Berlin hoped to implement these plans in alliance with Iran, using its territory for subversive and aggressive actions against India. It was also intended to seize the AIOC oil fields, because the Axis powers did not have their own sources of oil.
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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.
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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
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Haghani, Nader, and Mostafa Maleki. "“L2 Motivational Self System” and Learning German in Iran." Journal of Education and Learning 7, no. 4 (May 15, 2018): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v7n4p136.
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Examining the reasons for the increasing number of Iranians learning German and creating of a first theoretical basis for that is the subject of this paper. In this regard, 370 Iranian learners of German from the German Language Institute in Tehran were questioned and their motivations were studied mainly based on the theory of “L2 Motivational Self System” (L2MSS). Investigating this research related to the psychological concept of “possible selves” and comparing it with the results of research conducted in the learning of English indicates that the motivation for learning German has a significant relationship with the components of the L2MSS, namely, L2 Ideal Self, L2 Ought-to Self, and L2 Learning Experiences. The achievement of this research can be effective in adopting foreign language policies in formal and informal educational areas in Iranian learning context.
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Schmidt, Dorothea. "Die deutsche Rüstungsexportpolitik." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 183 (June 1, 2016): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i183.113.
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The laws regulating the exports of arms are relatively strong in Germany. But in practice, until today all German governments, irrespective of their political affiliation, have only made weak efforts to enforce the compliance of laws and regulations and hardly any attempts to close loopholes like the uncontrolled licensed production in other countries. This is why German arms, especially small arms like machine guns from Heckler & Koch, are not only used by government agencies to which they have been officially delivered, but also, often as a result of a blowback effect, by their opponents, e.g. ISIS militia groups. The article retraces the transfer of arms to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria in the last decades and argues that this has contributed to the prolongation and brutalization of the wars in these countries. Hence, the German export of arms must also be seen as a major factor for the ongoing migration of refugees to Europe. Finally, this raises the question, if there are tendencies to stop or at least to reduce the fatal exports.
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Dr. Faiz Muhammad Shaikh, Ali Raza Memon, and Kashaf Shaikh. "Impact of COVID-19 caronavirus on poverty in Pakistan: a case study of Sindh." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i6.415.
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The current research investigated the COVID-19 is spread vigorously in China, USA, France, Italy, Germany, and European countries and Iran Pakistan being as a neighbor country of china & IranOne was for the incoming Pakistani from various countries, such as Iran, China, Afghanistan, and India. The other was arranged inside various hospitals for COVID-19 positive cases. As hundreds and thousands of Pakistani were in Iran for religious purposes, they were. Most of the students and businessmen, inside China, were not allowed to come back. Handling of large scale influx from Iran was the main problem. Out of the total COVID-19 cases, 78 percent of cases were reported from visitors coming from Iran. Pakistan announced the closure of all schools, colleges & universities with a partial lockdown across the country for major cities.
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Trunov, Philipp Olegovich. "Military-Political Peculiarities of Germany’s Participation in Resolute Support Operation, 2015-2021." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 555–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-555-570.
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The Afghan direction is rather important for German foreign policy, given the scale and duration (nearly two decades) of German military presence in this Central Asian country. It remains to continue one of the directions of Bundeswehrs usage outside the NATO zone of responsibility. The article tries to explore the specifics of the German military and political-diplomatic tools used in the course of Resolute Support operation. The key research methods are comparative and event-analysis. The paper evaluates the characteristics and the results of the German participation in ISAF activity by the mid-2010s. In this regard it is shown that to a large extent the efforts of the Bundeswehr contingent in Resolute Support were aimed at completing unfinished tasks during the ISAF mission. The new (since 2015) tasks of the German military personal, their determinism, and the peculiarities of their implementation are defined. The article traces the ascending dynamics of the German military presence in Afghanistan. In comparison with Syria and Iraq, taking into account the scale of threats projected from their territory to the Euro-Atlantic community in the mid-2010s, the peculiarities of forms and amounts of the Bundeswehrs use in Afghanistan are demonstrated. The author examines Berlins attempts to maintain its military presence in Afghanistan in conditions when US President Trumps administration and the Taliban (banned in Russia) signed an agreement on the withdrawal of US troops on February 29, 2020. The range of factors that could affect the revision of the White Houses position in the second half of 2020 and early 2021 is defined. During this period, Germany has been trying to keep its military presence in Afghanistan. But after the final decision of the Biden administration on the withdrawal of troops, official Berlin was forced to accelerate the evacuation of its contingent (by July 1, 2021), which largely crossed out the previously declared results of the strategy in Afghanistan. The article concludes by presenting the consequences of the military drawdown in Afghanistan for the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany as a whole.
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Küntzel, Matthias. "Hidden Diplomacy: The German–American Dispute over Iran." American Foreign Policy Interests 36, no. 4 (July 2014): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2014.947873.
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Vaez, Hamid, Amin Salehi-Abargouei, and Farzad Khademi. "Systematic review and meta-analysis of imipenem-resistant Pseudomonas aeruginosa prevalence in Iran." GERMS 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18683/germs.2017.1113.
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Arfaatabar, Maryam, Farzaneh Aminharati, Ghasem Azimi, Abbas Ashtari, Seyed Ali Pourbakhsh, Ensieh Masoorian, and Mohammad Reza Pourmand. "High frequency of Mycoplasma pneumoniae among patients with atypical pneumonia in Tehran, Iran." Germs 8, no. 3 (September 3, 2018): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18683/germs.2018.1139.
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Fragner, Bert G. "Islamic‐Iranian studies and studies concerning Iran in the Islamic period in German‐speaking countries: federal republic of Germany, German democratic republic, Austria, and Switzerland." Iranian Studies 20, no. 2-4 (January 1987): 53–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210868708701697.
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Nejad, Ahmad Fazli, Abdol Rasul Kheir Andish, and Abed Akbari. "Cultural Relations between Germany and Iran and its Impacts on Intellectual Movement in Iran." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 6 (December 23, 2017): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1322.
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Shahbazov, Tahir. "ON SOME ASPECTS OF ETHNO-DEMOGRAPIHICPROCESSES IN NORTH AZERBAIJAN IN THE 19th CENTURY." BULLETIN Series Historical and socio-political sciences 69, no. 2 (June 25, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-2.1728-5461.08.
Full textAbstract:
After the agreements signed between tsarist Russia and Iran and Turkey in the 19th century (The Gulustan Peace Treaty of 1813, Turkmenchay Peace Treaty of 1828 and Edirne Peace Treaty (The Treaty of Adrianople) of 1829), very serious political processes took place in NorthAzerbaijan. As a result of the tsarism’s resettlement policy, which served the plan to Russify and Christianize the region, a large number of Germans, Russians, Armenians, Poles, Greeks and other ethnic groups were resettled in the region. New settlements and villages were built for some of them, and some of them were settled on lands, villages and settlements belonging to local people. This, in turn, led to the migration of the local population, leaving their ancestral lands. Bazing on sources and literature is made attempts in the article to analyze these political events that have a significant impact on the ethno-demographic structure of North Azerbaijan.
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Gries, Thomas, Margarete Redlin, and Moonum Zehra. "Educational Assimilation of First-Generation and Second-Generation Immigrants in Germany." Journal of International Migration and Integration, July 12, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-021-00863-9.
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AbstractUsing data from the German Socio-Economic Panel for 1984–2018, we analyze the intergenerational education mobility of immigrants in Germany by identifying the determinants of differences in educational stocks for first- and second-generation immigrants in comparison to individuals without a migration background. Our results show that on average, first-generation immigrants have fewer years of schooling than native-born Germans and have a disproportionate share of lower educational qualifications. This gap is strongly driven by age at immigration, with immigration age and education revealing a nonlinear relationship. While the gap is relatively small among individuals who migrate at a young age, integrating in the school system at secondary school age leads to large disadvantages. Examining the educational mobility of immigrants in Germany, we identify an inter-generational catch-up in education. The gap in education between immigrants and natives is reduced for the second generation. Finally, we find that country of origin differences can account for much of the education gap. While immigrants with an ethnic background closer to the German language and culture show the best education outcomes, immigrants from Turkey, Italy, and other southern European countries and especially the group of war refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq and other MENA countries, have the lowest educational attainment.
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"Sitona humeralis. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Pests, June (August 1, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpp/20056600536.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Sitona humeralis Stephens Coleoptera: Curculionidae. Attacks lucerne, Onobrychis viciifolia(sainfoin) Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Austria, Bulgaria, Corsica, Czechoslovakia, Cyprus, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Norway, Poland, Romania, Sardinia, Sicily, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, Yugoslavia, CIS (formerly USSR), Estonia, Latvia, Uzbekistan, RUSSIA, Stavropol, ASIA, Iraq, Iran, Syria.
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"Cladosporium variabile. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 1) (August 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20056500694.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Cladosporium variabile (Cooke) G.A. de Vries. Hosts: spinach (Spinacea oleracea). Information is given on the geographical distribution in AFRICA, Morocco, ASIA, China, Shaanxi, Xinjiang, India, Rajasthan, Jammu & Kashmir, Iran, Iraq, Korea, Pakistan, Turkey, EUROPE, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Sardinia, Netherlands, Romania, Spain, UK, England, Wales, Scotland, former Yugoslavia Montenegro, NORTH AMERICA, Canada, USA.
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Cannon, P. F. "Puccinia lojkaiana. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 188 (August 1, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20113331043.
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Abstract A description is provided for P. lojkaiana. Information on the transmission of the disease caused by the pathogen is included, along with details on geographical distribution (Canary Islands, Spain; Iran; Iraq; Turkey; Austria; Bulgaria; Germany; Greece; Hungary; Italy; Poland; Romania; Slovakia; and Catalonia, Spain) and host plants (including Ornithogalum arcuatum, O. boucheanum [O. nutans], O. gussonei, O. narbonense, O. nutans, O. persicum, O. pyramidale and O. umbellatum).
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Cannon, P. F. "Diachora onobrychidis. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 91 (August 1, 1986). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20056400901.
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Abstract A description is provided for Diachora onobrychidis. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Known from species of Onobrychis, Hedysarum, Lathyrus and Vicia. DISEASE: Attacks living leaves and stems of Leguminosae. The anamorph matures at various times of the year, presumably dependent on climatic conditions. Collections of mature conidiomata made from Rhodes, Malta and Iraq in April to May, and from Germany in September, have been seen. The ascomata develop from the same stromata after overwintering. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: Known from many places in the north temperate zone. Reported from Asia; Iraq, Iran. Europe: Germany, Greece, Italy, Malta, USSR. North America: Canada. TRANSMISSION: This has not been studied in detail, but it almost certainly occurs through air dispersal of ascospores which directly infect the leaves and stems. The mode of dispersal of conidia is unknown.
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Brayford, D. "Fusarium oxysporum f. sp. melonis. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 112 (July 1, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20056401118.
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Abstract A description is provided for Fusarium oxysporum f. sp. melonis. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Cucumis melo (Muskmelon, Cantaloupe). DISEASE: Vascular wilt. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: IMI Distribution Map 496. Africa: Morocco, Zimbabwe. Asia: India, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Japan, Korea, Lebanon, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, USSR. Australasia: Australia. Europe: Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Netherlands, Turkey. America: Canada, USA. TRANSMISSION: The fungus is soil borne and may be tramsmitted by seed.
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"Chromaphis juglandicola. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Pests, No.December (August 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpp/20153006589.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Chromaphis juglandicola (Kaltenbach). Hemiptera: Aphididae. Hosts: walnut (Juglans regia). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Moldova, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Azores, Serbia, Slovakia, Spain, Canary Islands and Switzerland), Asia (Armenia, China, Hebei, Liaoning, Shanxi, Xinjiang, Republic of Georgia, India, Jammu and Kashmir, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey), Africa (Algeria and Tunisia), North America (USA, California) and South America (Argentina and Chile).
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"Mycosphaerella mori. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 1) (August 1, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20056500656.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Mycosphaerella mori (Fuckel) Lindau. Hosts: white and black mulberry (Morus alba, Hosts: M. nigra). Information is given on the geographical distribution in AFRICA, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Morocco, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, ASIA, Afghanistan, China, India, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, Kashmir, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Iran, Iraq, Israel,? Jordan, Kampuchea, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, Armenia, Turkey, AUSTRALASIA & OCEANIA, Australia, New Zealand, EUROPE, Austria, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Moravia, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Malta, Poland, Romania, UK, Yugoslavia, Croatia, NORTH AMERICA, USA, SOUTH AMERICA, Brazil.
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"Plasmopara halstedii. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 5) (August 1, 1988). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500286.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Plasmopara halstedii (Farl.) Berl. & de Toni. Hosts: Sunflower (Helianthus annuus) and other Compositae. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Asia, India, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Taiwan, Turkey, USSR, S.W. Caspian, Siberia, central Asia, Europe, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, German Federal Republic, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain, Switzerland, USSR, Leningrad, Estonia, Krasnodar, N. Caucasus, Ukraine, Yugoslavia, North America, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec, Saskatchewan, USA, Central America & West Indies, Dominican Republic, South America, Argentina, Brazil, Sao Paulo, Chile, Uruguay.
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"Pseudomonas syringae pv. savastanoi. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 4) (August 1, 1987). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500135.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Pseudomonas syringae pv. savastanoi (E.F. Smith) Young, Dye & Wilkie. Hosts: Olive (Olea europea) and oleander (Nerium oleander). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Algeria, Libya, Morocco, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, Asia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Turkey, USSR, Georgia, Australasia & Oceania, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania, New Zealand, Europe, Austria, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Greece, Crete, Italy, Sicily, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, England, Scotland, Yugoslavia, North America, Mexico, USA, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Texas, South America, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Uruguay.
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"Rosellinia necatrix. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 4) (August 1, 1987). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500306.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Rosellinia necatrix Prill. Hosts: Various. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya, Morocco, Mozambique, South Africa, Zaire, Asia, China, India, Himachal Pradesh, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Japan, Korea, Lebanon, Philippines, Taiwan, Turkey, USSR, Caucasus, Crimea, Georgia, Middle Asia, Australasia & Oceania, New Zealand, Europe, Austria, Britain, Bulgaria, Cyprus, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Azores, Romania, Spain, Switzerland, Yugoslavia, North America, Mexico, USA, Alabama, California, Indiana, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Central America & West Indies, Dominican Republic, South America, Argentina, Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul, Sao Paulo, Colombia, Uruguay.
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Cannon, P. F. "Puccinia liliacearum. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 188 (August 1, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20113331042.
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Abstract A description is provided for P. liliacearum. Information on the transmission of the disease caused by the pathogen is included, along with details on geographical distribution (Alberta, Canada; New York and Pennsylvania, USA; Iran; Iraq; Austria; Belgium; Bulgaria; Czech Republic; Denmark; Finland; France; Germany; Hungary; Italy; Norway; Poland; Romania; mainland and Balearic Islands, Spain; Sweden; Switzerland; Ukraine; and England and Scotland, UK) and host range (Ornithogalum species, including O. amphibolum, O. collinum, O. fimbriatum, O. gussonei, O. montanum, O. narbonense, O. nutans, O. orthophyllum subsp. kochii, O. ponticum, O. pyramidale, O. pyrenaicum, O. refractum, O. sigmoideum and O. umbellatum).
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"Broad bean wilt virus. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 1) (August 1, 2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20066500925.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Broad bean wilt virus Virus: Comoviridae: Fabavirus Hosts: Vicia faba, Pisum sativum, Tropaeolum majus, Petunia hybrida and many other herbaceous hosts. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, UK, Yugoslavia (former), ASIA, Bangladesh, China, Anhui, Hebei, Hubei, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Zhejiang, India, Maharashtra, Iran, Iraq, Japan, Hokkaido, Honshu, Shikoku, Jordan, North Korea, Korea Republic, Philippines, Singapore, Syria, Taiwan, Turkey, AFRICA, Egypt, Ethiopia, Morocco, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, NORTH AMERICA, USA, Florida, Minnesota, New York, Ohio, South Carolina, Vermont, Wisconsin, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina, OCEANIA, Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria.
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"Puccinia antirrhini. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 6) (August 1, 1986). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20056500040.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Puccinia antirrhini Dietel & Holway. Hosts: Antirrhinum majus. Information is given on the geographical distribution in AFRICA, Algeria, Canary Islands, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zimbabwe, ASIA, Afghanistan, India (Kashmir), Iran, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Turkey, USSR, AUSTRALASIA & OCEANIA, Australia, Hawaii, New Caledonia, New Zealand, EUROPE, Austria, Belgium, Britain & Northern Ireland, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Irish Republic, Italy, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal (Madeira), (Azores), Romania, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, USSR, Yugoslavia, NORTH AMERICA, Bermuda, Canada, USA, CENTRAL AMERICA & WEST INDIES, Guatemala, Puerto Rico, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina.