Relevant bibliographies by topics / Germans in Iran

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Academic literature on the topic 'Germans in Iran'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Matthee, Rudi. "OLIVIER BAST, Les Allemands en Perse pendant la première guerre mondiale d'après les sources diplomatiques françaises (Paris: Peeters and Institut d'études iraniennes, 1997). Pp. 208." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 292–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002385.

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Although the vicissitudes of the Ottoman Empire during World War I are well known, the fate of Iran during the same period remains relatively unappreciated. Officially neutral in the conflict, Iran in fact found itself overrun and occupied by various foreign powers. Following a 1907 accord with Britain that divided the country into two spheres of influence, Iran by 1911 found much of its northern half practically occupied by Russia. Intent on safeguarding its Indian possessions, Britain, meanwhile, controlled most of the south. With the outbreak of the Great War, these traditional rivals were joined by the Ottomans, who, supported by local tribes and Iranian nationalists loath to see half of the country controlled by Russians, invaded Azerbaijan in early 1915. Finally, there were the Germans, who, supported by an alliance with the Ottomans, infiltrated Iran later in 1915 as part of a grand strategy designed to destabilize the country by inciting its population against the British and eventually to forge a German–Iranian alliance.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.

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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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Flesch, Brigitte Katharina, Vanessa Scherer, Burkhard Just, Andreas Opitz, Oswin Ochmann, Anne Janson, Monika Steitz, and Thomas Zeiler. "Molecular Blood Group Screening in Donors from Arabian Countries and Iran Using High-Throughput MALDI-TOF Mass Spectrometry and PCR-SSP." Transfusion Medicine and Hemotherapy 47, no. 5 (2020): 396–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000505495.

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Background and Aims: Only little is known about blood groups other than ABO blood groups and Rhesus factors in Arabian countries and Iran. During the last years, increased migration to Central Europe has put a focus on the question how to guarantee blood supply for patients from these countries, particularly because hemoglobinopathies with the need of regular blood support are more frequent in patients from that region. Therefore, blood group allele frequencies should be determined in individuals from Arabian countries and Iran by molecular typing and compared to a German rare donor panel. Methods: 1,111 samples including 800 individuals from Syria, 147 from Iran, 123 from the Arabian Peninsula, and 41 from Northern African countries were included in a MALDI-TOF MS assay to detect polymorphisms coding for Kk, Fy(a/b), Fynull, Cw, Jk(a/b), Jo(a+/a–), Lu(a/b), Lu(8/14), Ss, Do(a/b), Co(a/b), In(a/b), Js(a/b), Kp(a/b), and variant alleles RHCE*c.697C>G and RHCE*c.733C>G. Yt(a/b), S–s–U–, Velnull, Conull, and RHCE*c.667G>T were tested by PCR-SSP. Results: Of the Arabian donors, 2% were homozygous for the FY*02.01N allele (Fynull), and 15.7% carried the heterozygous mutation. However, 0.8% of the German donors also carried 1 copy of the allele. 3.6% of all and 29.3% of Northern African donors were heterozygous for the RHCE*c.733C>G substitution, 0.4% of the Syrian probands were heterozygous for DO*01/DO*01.-05, a genotype that was lacking in German donors. Whereas the KEL*02.06 allele coding for the Js(a) phenotype was missing in Germans; 0.8% of the Syrian donors carried 1 copy of this allele. 1.8% of the Syrian but only 0.3% of the German donors were negative for YT*01. One donor from Northern Africa homo­zygously carried the GYPB*270+5g>tmutation, inducing the S–s–U+w phenotype, and in 2 German donors a GYPB*c.161G>A exchange, which induces the Mit+ phenotype, caused a GYPB*03 allele dropout in the MALDI assay. The overall failure rate of the Arabian panel was 0.4%. Conclusions: Some blood group alleles that are largely lacking in Europeans but had been described in African individuals are present in Arabian populations at a somewhat lower frequency. In single cases, it could be challenging to provide immunized Arabian patients with compatible blood.
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Мirzekhanov, V. S., and Ph O. Trunov. "Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?" MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 186–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-186-204.

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The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.
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Orishev, Alexander. "Iranian Intellectuals, Nationalism and Nazi Germany." INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.4.1.

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The article analyzes the situation in Iran before and during the Second World War, when the warring parties represented by England, Germany and the USSR tried to bring the Iranian intelligentsia to their side. The author shows that on the eve of the war, German propagandists achieved the greatest success in this field. The main issues that could become the basis for the rapprochement of Nazi Germany and the Shah’s Iran are shown: the propaganda of the «Aryan brotherhood» and the positioning of the Third Reich as a defender of Muslims. The channels of influence of Nazism on the Iranian intelligentsia are revealed. The main scientific result: the evolution of the national consciousness of the Iranian intelligentsia is shown, and the main reasons for the final collapse of the German ideological expansion into Iran are determined.
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.

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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.

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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Basov, F. "German Policy in Weapons of Mass Destruction and European Missile Defense System Issues." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-36-41.

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This paper offers the analysis of German Policy towards the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and creating of the European Missile Defence System. Special attention is given to a dislocation of the US Tactical Nuclear Weapon (TNW) in Germany, its policy towards nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea, the evolution of German stand on the European Missile Defence project.
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Kuznetsov, A. A. "THE SUNNI-SHI'ITE RIVALRY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE GEOPOLITICAL SITUATION OF THE MIDDLE EAST." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-146-155.

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The article "The Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry and its influence on the geopolitical situation of the Middle East" is dedicated to the sectarian conflicts in the Middle East region in last 30 years. Author considers the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran as the point of departure of this conflict. Author of the article makes a difference between the Shi'ite Islamic revolutionary doctrine of Khomeini and the Salafi Islamic fundamentalism of Saudi Arabia. Author realizes the analysis of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-1988. This analysis is emphasized on the regional geopolitical situation and positions of the outside actors (Saudi Arabia, USA, France, Germany). Then it is covered the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its geopolitical consequences. To the author's mind this aggression and further empowerment of the Shi'ite majority reduced to the civil war in Iraq and exacerbation of the sectarian conflict. Author of the article considers these events as a part of the geopolitical rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia to unfold in the areas of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
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Hassoon, Muna Mohammed. "Hitler's Policy Towards Iraq 1933-1945." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 4794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1641.

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This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Amon, Hermann Kouamé. "Les coups d'État dans l'Empire romain de 235 à 284." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040077.

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Au cours du IIIe siècle, l’Empire romain est confronté aux attaques militaires de ses voisins aux niveaux de sa frontière orientale et occidentale. Ces attaques parfois simultanées engendrent une instabilité du pouvoir impérial, caractérisée par la multiplication de coups d’État. L’objectif de cette étude était d’analyser ce phénomène politique de 235 à 284. Les questions essentielles de l’analyse étaient : Qu’est-ce qu’un coup d’État dans le contexte politique de l’Empire romain ? Comment se présente le coup d’État au cours de la période concernée et quels sont ses conséquences dans l’Empire. Ainsi, nous avons démontré à travers une analyse théorique que le phénomène de coup d’État n’est pas spécifique au IIIe siècle de l’Empire mais qu’il est consubstantiel au régime impérial. Après, cette démonstration, nous avons analysé chaque coup d’État et mis en relief leur augmentation avec l’intensification des attaques des ennemis de l’Empire. Pour chaque coup d’État était présenté, le contexte de sa proclamation, son déroulement et l’analyse politique qu’on pouvait en faire. Au terme de toute cette analyse, nous avons présenté les conséquences de ce phénomène politique tant sur la structure politique et militaire mais aussi sur la vie économique, sociale et administrative de l’Empire
During the third century, the Roman Empire is faced with military attacks from its neighbors at its eastern and western borders. These simultaneous attacks generate instability for the imperial power, characterized by the increase of political coups. The objective of this study was to analyze this political phenomenon from 235 to 284. Critical analysis questions were: What is a coup in the political context of the Roman Empire? What is the process of a coup during the relevant period and what are its consequences for the Empire? We have shown through a theoretical analysis that the phenomenon of coups is not specific to the third century of the Empire, but it is consubstantial to the roman imperial regime. After this, we have analyzed each coup and highlighted the increase of their occurrence with the intensification of attacks by Rome’s enemies. For each coup analyzed, the context of its proclamation, its development and the political analysis was given. We have presented the consequences of this political phenomenon on both political and military structure and also on the economic and administrative life of the Empire
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Gerschoffer, Mark A. "Germany's Iran Policy : beyond "Critical Dialogue" /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA342251.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 1998.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 1998." Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-111). Also available online.
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Klusener, Edgar. "How did East Germany's Media represent Iran between 1949 and 1989?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/how-did-east-germanys-media-represent-iran-between-1949-and-1989(9b223332-bfc9-4f9e-a2db-10c760510c46).html.

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This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.
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Banedj-Schafii, Mandana. "System transferability of public hospital facility management between Germany and Iran." Karlsruhe KIT Scientific Publ, 2009. http://d-nb.info/100219606X/04.

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Khatib-Shahidi, Rashid Armin. "German foreign policy towards Iran : the case of the National Bank of Persia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55dd46e5-2eef-46f6-be8b-ca7bb177a518.

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The objective of this thesis is to show that after World War I, the National Bank of Persia emerged as an ideal accessory to Germany's desire to establish a foothold in Iran. It argues that the main motive behind Germany's involvement in the National Bank was to utilise the bank as a vehicle for extending German national interest into Iran. However, although Germany's main interest was to thereby gain economic influence in Iran, the National Bank provided Germany with a tool that furthered its desire for political participation and the establishing of authority within the spheres of interest of Britain and Russia. The objective of this thesis is not to establish a comprehensive and complete overview of German foreign policy toward Iran and its interactions with the National Bank of Persia. It aims rather at highlighting a number of events that are significant for an examination of Germany's policy toward Iran and its evolution up until the outset of World War II. In pursuit of this task, emphasis is given to the opinion expressed at the time, as reflected in German sources, rather than the historical reality behind those sources. German foreign policy towards Iran in the first half of the twentieth century can be divided into three distinct phases. The first phase, which was initiated before Word War I, collapsed as a consequence of the war and the Versailles Treaty, achieving little success. The second, more significant, phase began around 1924, and was marked by the creation of the National Bank of Persia in 1927, the appointment of the German national Lindenblatt as its director, the appointment of his compatriot Schniewind as financial advisor to the Persian government, the contracts granted to German companies and consortiums for the construction of the Trans Iranian Railway, the reestablishment of trade relations between Germany and Iran, and the wide-ranging flight concessions granted by the Iranian government to the German company Junkers. The third phase of Germany's involvement with Iran came about with the achievements that resulted from the trade agreements of 1935. From a German perspective after 1933 diplomacy started to replace the role of the National Bank, as the prime agent of Germany's relations with Iran. This phase lasted until the British-Russian invasion of Iran in 1941, and saw Germany lose almost its entire influence over the National Bank, while its influence over trade with Iran had progressively increased. Germany's foreign political success during the inter-war period resulted in an expansion of its commercial relations, which elevated Germany from a country with almost no trade relations with Iran to its largest trading partner.
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Amrollahi, Byouki Mojgan [Verfasser], and Hans-Jörg [Akademischer Betreuer] Albrecht. "An international and national evaluation of child abuse in Iran and Germany." Freiburg : Universität, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1119452325/34.

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Taheri, Mohammad Reza. "Para psychic beliefs in Iran and Germany gender and age differences in two countries /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2003. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=972570365.

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Rothehueser, Patrick O. "The President and the Chancellor German-American relations, the 2002-2003 Iraq crisis, and the role of personality is statecraft." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483546.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Yost, David S. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 27, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-121). Also available in print.
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Lötzsch, Gesine. "Vom Sprechen und Schweigen." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4722/.

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Eberle, Jakub. "Logics of foreign policy : discourse, fantasy and Germany's policies in the Iraq crisis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/87905/.

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The thesis develops a discourse-theoretical framework for foreign policy analysis and utilises it to account for Germany’s policies in the Iraq crisis of 2002/2003. Germany’s response was deeply contradictory, as it included rhetorical opposition to the war and diplomatic activities aiming at blocking it, but also tacit and indirect cooperation with the United States that made the war possible. Intriguingly, such policies were pursued against the background of an existential and emotional discourse, which portrayed Germany’s very identities as at stake. This intersection of affectivity and contradictoriness presents the research problem of the thesis. To address it, the dissertation revisits the concepts of discourse, subjectivity and foreign policy. Building on poststructuralist and psychoanalytical impulses, it argues that the focus on discursivity should be complemented with a deeper analysis of affect. The subject is reconceptualised as incomplete and split; not only between her different identities, but also between her discursive and affective sides. Foreign policy is then understood as an articulatory practice through which subjects attempt to recapture their identity, a process that is strongly affective and ultimately futile. These arguments are operationalised with the help of three sets of logics: social logics, which capture sedimented aspects of social reality; political logics, which focus on contestation of orders and symbolic reconstruction of political spaces; and the logic of fantasy, which accounts for the subjects’ attachment to sociopolitical orders. After discussing methodological problems, the dissertation turns to the empirical study of Germany’s policies in the Iraq crises, which is structured around the three types of logics. The key conclusion is that Germany’s policymakers operated in a discursively and affectively disordered terrain, in which their own subjectivities were split between different identities, principles and expectations. They were unable to resolve these dilemmas, because, at the same time, multiple of the contradictory identities and policy options were underpinned by strong affective investment, which made it virtually impossible to choose an unequivocal course of action. This inability also functioned as a reminder of the failure to secure a stable and complete identity, further fueling the desire for it that was manifested in the perpetuation of the existential and emotional discourse.
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Books on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Clavell, James. James Clavell's whrilwind. New York: W. Morrow, 1986.

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Clavell, James. James Clavell's Whirlwind. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986.

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Clavell, James. James Clavell's Whirlwind. London: Book Club Associates, 1987.

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Clavell, James. Whirlwind. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1986.

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Clavell, James. James Clavell's whirlwind. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1986.

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James Clavell's Whirlwind.: Volume One: Books One and Two. New York: W. Morrow, 1986.

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Clavell, James. James Clavell's whirlwind. New York: W. Morrow, 1986.

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Persien oder Iran?: Die Deutschen entdecken das Land Zarathustras. Darmstadt: Philipp von Zabern, 2012.

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Möller, Harald. Waffen für Iran und Irak: Deutsche Rüstungsexporte und ihre Querverbindungen zu den ABC-Waffenprogrammen beider Länder ; Ursachen, Hintergründe, Folgen. Berlin: Köster, 2006.

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Germany says "No": The Iraq War and the future of German foreign and security policy. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Schlichting-Artur, Simone. "The Germans Protest: Still a Country of Pacifists?" In Leading to the 2003 Iraq War, 149–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403977311_10.

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Davis, John R. "Britain and the Iron Tariffs." In Britain and the German Zollverein, 1848–66, 98–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25691-4_5.

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Szabo, Stephen F. "Parting Ways: The German-American Relationship after Iraq." In Germany's Uncertain Power, 122–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504189_9.

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Wright, Nicholas. "Countering Proliferation: The Iran Nuclear Negotiations (2002–15)." In The EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy in Germany and the UK, 195–223. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93470-9_8.

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Milbradt, Georg. "The Prospects of Christian Democracy in Contemporary Europe: Experiences from Germany." In Christian Democracy Across the Iron Curtain, 439–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64087-7_17.

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Fisher, Cathleen S. "Shattered Consensus: U.S.-German Relations after the Iraq War." In In Search of a New Relationship, 129–50. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80673-4_10.

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Eckert, Astrid M. "“Greetings from the Zonal Border”." In West Germany and the Iron Curtain, 85–124. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190690052.003.0004.

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This chapter considers tourism to the Iron Curtain as a means by which West Germans and their visitors sought to make sense of the global Cold War through local activity. As early as the 1950s, the Iron Curtain attracted curiosity seekers and eventually turned into a well-developed tourist attraction. An elaborate tourist infrastructure emerged on the western side that allowed visitors to peek into socialist East Germany. The Iron Curtain was put on display in a way that prompted East German authorities to make efforts to render such visits less attractive for western tourists. Especially during the 1950s and 1960s, border tourism offered an outlet for West German anti-Communism and was frequently framed as a demand for German unity. The chapter reads border tourism as a skewed form of communication between West and East that stabilized the political and territorial status quo and helped West Germans become accustomed to partition.
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Eckert, Astrid M. "Salts, Sewage, and Sulfurous Air." In West Germany and the Iron Curtain, 125–58. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190690052.003.0005.

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This chapter addresses a typical borderland environmental problem—transboundary air and water pollution. During the 1970s and 1980s, rivers carried eastern industrial waste and sewage into West Germany; the wind blew sulfur dioxide both ways. Their environmental interdependency forced both German states to the negotiating table, eventually producing the ineffectual Environmental Accords of 1987. The western encounter with eastern pollution through the interface of the inter-German border confronted West German authorities with early signs of East Germany’s dissolution. While they failed to grasp the message, their experience with East German pollution and the futile diplomatic efforts to curb it nonetheless generated the knowledge about the nature and extent of the GDR’s environmental problems that became the prerequisite for the post-1990 ecological restoration of East Germany.
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Eckert, Astrid M. "Conclusion." In West Germany and the Iron Curtain, 245–52. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190690052.003.0008.

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The conclusion argues that the “zonal borderlands” along the Iron Curtain constituted West Germany’s most sensitive geographical space. Each issue that arose in these borderlands—from economic deficiencies to border tourism, environmental pollution, landscape change, and the siting decision for a nuclear facility—was magnified by the presence of the most militarized border of its day. Over the course of the 1990s, European integration afforded Germans the privilege of thinking in terms of a borderless Europe. The refugee “crisis” of 2015 marks the moment when the significance of borders returned to German consciousness. In this context, historicizing the Iron Curtain is more important than ever.
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"Challenges to Iran–Germany relations." In Iran-Europe Relations, 69–101. Routledge, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203928899-9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Çeviker, Abdullatif, H. Murat Mutlu, and İsmail Taş. "Turkey's Trade with Central Asian Countries: A Comperative Analysis with Iran and Germany." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00135.

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In this study, composition and volume of goods traded will be analyzed by using proportions and trends, to determine the level of commercial partnership of Turkey, Iran and Germany with central Asian countries. Moreover, Turkey's relative position against Iran and Germany will be determined and introduced by using technological structure of export and import data. In the study covering the years of 1999-2008, data for the foreign trade at the level of the SITC 2 was collected from COMTRADE. According to the findings, approximately 70% of Turkey’s exports to Central Asia occur lower and middle technology product groups but Germany's exports consist of medium and high technology product groups. Iran’s exports from the region include primary, source based and low-tech product group. Turkey and Germany's import from the region is dominated by raw material product groups. Iran’s structure of import is similar with export structure.
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"A comparison analysis of policies, goals and organization of exceptional education system of Iran with Germany and Japan." In International Conference on Medicine, Public Health and Biological Sciences. CASRP Publishing Company, Ltd. Uk, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18869/mphbs.2016.30.

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Scholtysik, Grzegorz, Olaf Dellwig, Helge Wolfgang Arz, Tobias Goldhammer, and Michael Hupfer. "Vivianite Formation and Geochemical Focusing of Manganese and Iron in Lake Arendsee (NE-Germany)." In Goldschmidt2020. Geochemical Society, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46427/gold2020.2313.

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Komann, Steffen, Yusuf Kiyak, Frank Wille, Uwe Zerbst, Mike Weber, and Dietmar Klingbeil. "Assessment of Ductile Cast Iron Fracture Mechanics Analysis Within Licensing of German Transport Packages." In ASME 2012 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2012-78213.

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In recent years BAM was involved in several licensing procedures of new package designs for the transport of radioactive material, where the cask body was made of Ductile Cast Iron (DCI). According to IAEA regulations type B(U) packages must withstand the defined accident conditions of transport. For the cask material DCI, it is necessary to determine the brittle fracture behaviour. Due to the complex structure of the cask body and the dynamic loading a fracture mechanical assessment in an analytical way is not always possible. Numerical calculations are necessary to determine the fracture mechanical load in the component. At the first step a numerical analysis has to be done to identify the loading state at the cask body. Secondly an analysis of a detail of the cask body is made considering the boundary conditions of the global model. An artificial flaw is considered in this detailed model to calculate the fracture mechanical loading state. The size of the artificial flaw is characterized by the ultrasonic inspection used for the quality assurance of the package. The applicant developed additional analysis tools for calculation of stress intensity factor and/or J-Integral. The paper describes the authority assessment approach for the DCI fracture mechanics analysis.
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Wincup, C., C. Parnell, S. Cleanthous, S. O’Neill, M. Nguyen, T. Richards, and A. Rahman. "S7D:7 Identifying the links between functional iron deficiency and fatigue in systemic lupus erythematosus." In 11th European Lupus Meeting, Düsseldorf, Germany, 21–24 March 2018, Abstract presentations. Lupus Foundation of America, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/lupus-2018-abstract.49.

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Wincup, C., and A. Rahman. "PS8:157 Identifying the rates of iron deficiency and anaemia in patients with systemic lupus erythematosus." In 11th European Lupus Meeting, Düsseldorf, Germany, 21–24 March 2018, Abstract presentations. Lupus Foundation of America, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/lupus-2018-abstract.200.

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Foit, Jerzy Jan. "MCCI of a Metal and Oxide Melt With Reinforced Siliceous Concrete in MOCKA Experiments." In 2014 22nd International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone22-30200.

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Within the framework of large-scale MOCKA (KIT, Germany) experiments, a series of experiments have been performed to study the interaction of a simulant oxide (Al2O3, ZrO2, CaO) and metal melt (Fe) in a stratified configuration. To allow for a longer-term interaction, additional heating was provided by alternating additions of thermite and Zr metal to the melt. Since the heat generated by the thermite reaction and the exothermal oxidation reaction of Zr is mainly deposited in the oxide phase, prototypic heating of both melt phases is achieved. This allows the investigation of concrete erosion by metal melt as well as by the oxide which was not possible in all former experiments. Current tests in the MOCKA (KIT, Germany) program are focused on assessing the influence of concrete reinforcement (rebars) on the cavity erosion behaviour using a simulant oxide-iron melt in a stratified configuration. The experiments are performed in siliceous concrete crucibles with an inner diameter of 25 cm containing 12 wt.% reinforcement. In these experiments, the overall downward erosion by the metal melt was of the same order as the sideward one. In addition, the lateral erosion in the overlaid oxide melt region was about the same as in the metal melt region. The former experiments (BETA, COMET-L) and MOCKA tests on siliceous concrete without reinforcement have produced results with pronounced downward erosion by the metal phase. This pronounced downward erosion of the siliceous concrete without rebars seems to be inherent for melts containing a significant fraction of iron.
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Kyselka, Mojmir. "Regional Plan of Integration of South Moravian and Lower Austrian Border Regions." In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.15.

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This transborder regional plan represents the final result of the collaboration of three universities: Faculty of Architecture, Technical University of Bmo – Czech Republic, Institutes of Regional and Landscape Planning TU Vienna – Austria and the Institute of Regional and Environmental Planning, University of Kaiserslautern – Germany. All the participants, students and teachers, architects, urban and regional planners enjoyed the four common workshops – both on the Czech and on the Austrian territory, which was divided till 1989 by the “iron curtain”. They compared the differences of the local culture in architecture, urban and landscape structure, but found the majority of similar ways of life. This was what created the idea of the transborder zone.
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Golka, K., D. Ovsiannikov, E. Krech, M. Blaszkewicz, O. Moormann, MC Truss, MW Haenel, JG Hengstler, and S. Selinski. "364 Urinary bladder cancer in a former area of coal, iron and steel industries in germany." In 32nd Triennial Congress of the International Commission on Occupational Health (ICOH), Dublin, Ireland, 29th April to 4th May 2018. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2018-icohabstracts.1148.

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Quade, Ulrich. "Radiological Characterization of Steel Scrap Recycling by Melting." In ASME 2001 8th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2001-1139.

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Abstract Recycling of slightly radioactively contaminated steel scrap from nuclear installations to waste containers, shieldings or any other components for the nuclear cycle is practice in Germany since the early 90ies. To qualify the process, characterization of the radiological inventories in metal, slag and filter dust as well as metallurgical analysis is necessary. Therefore samples from the melt, slag and filter dust are taken to be analyzed by gammaspectroscopy. Alpha and beta emitting radionuclide inventories are calculated based on the typical nuclide ratio of the nuclear facility where the scrap results from. Activity distribution factors for each radio element are empirical values based on the melting of about 10,000 t of steel scrap with various nuclide ratios. High decontamination of the metal can be achieved for uranium, thorium, plutonium, cesium and strontium, which allows free release of the metal in most cases. For Co60 — the main radionuclide in reactor scrap — the decontamination by melting is limited and in most cases the strong criteria for free release can not be yielded. Such metal can be used for manufacturing cast iron components like containers or shieldings. To manage the expected large amount of metallic waste resulting from the decommissioning of nuclear facilities recycling is well developed and accepted in Germany. By the high cost of intermediate and final storage of nuclear waste recycling is a very economical alternative (3, 4).
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Reports on the topic "Germans in Iran"

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Reese, James C. Lighting the Eclipse: Comparing the Planning for the Occupations of Germany and Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada611425.

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Walters, Wally Z. The Doctrinal Challenge of Winning the Peace Against Rogue States: How Lessons from Post-World War II Germany May Inform Operations Against Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada402031.

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Veland, Siri, and Christine Merk. Lay person perceptions of marine carbon dioxide removal (CDR) – Working paper. OceanNETs, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3289/oceannets_d3.3.

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This working paper presents first insights on lay public perceptions of marine carbon dioxide removal (CDR) approaches. In seven focus groups, three in Germany and four in Norway (including one pilot) the researchers asked members of the lay public to share their views of the ocean and the effects of climate change, four CDR approaches, as well as their reflections on responsible research and innovation (RRI) of marine CDR. The four CDR methods were ocean iron fertilization, ocean alkalinity enhancement, artificial upwelling, and blue carbon management through restoration of coastal and marine ecosystems. In addition, respondents were asked to compare the four approaches. Our findings indicate that the public will be very supportive of blue carbon management irrespective of its actual carbon sequestration potential, due in part to the perceived bad state of marine ecosystems worldwide. Participants were skeptical whether any of the CDR approaches could have relevant effect on carbon sequestration and long-term storage; they reasoned about issues such as the ability to scale up treatments in time and space, unforeseen or unforeseeable effects on ecosystems in time and space, and the role of industry in the implementation process. They argued that despite the potential availability of marine CDR, industry and the general public should stop polluting behaviors and practices. Nevertheless, the participants universally agreed that further research on all four CDR methods should be pursued to better understand effects on climate, ecosystems, local communities, and the economy.
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