Journal articles on the topic 'Germans – history'
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1
Casteel, James E. "The Russian Germans in the Interwar German National Imaginary." Central European History 40, no. 3 (August 20, 2007): 429–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000799.
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In September 1929, a group of Russian German farmers who were dissatisfied with conditions under Soviet rule traveled to the suburbs of Moscow and demanded that they be allowed to emigrate. The gathering of ethnic Germans, most of whom were Mennonites, grew rapidly and numbered more than 13,000 people at its height. Their demands were widely reported in the German press and brought the subject of Soviet collectivization into the public eye in Germany. The effect of this event on German-Soviet diplomatic relations, which became increasingly strained as Stalinism took hold, is well known. Although studies of the gathering mention the public outcry in the press, they have generally assumed that the German public's identification with the Russian Germans was self-evident and not in need of explanation. In fact, public interest in and government concern for the Russian Germans was a relatively recent phenomenon. In the post-World War I era, Germans came to understand the Russian Germans as emblematic of Germany's fate—as innocent, hard-working farmers who were loyal to Germanness and who worked tirelessly to expand German culture in the world. The Russian Germans also came to represent the larger crisis of legitimacy that affected the Weimar Republic in which parliamentary government was increasingly perceived as not being able to protect the German people and its interests, whether in Germany or abroad.
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Bahturina, Alexandra. "The Test of Patriotism: Germany in the Perception of the Baltic Germans during the First World War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020240-2.
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The article examines the attitude of the Baltic Germans towards Germany during the Great War. With the outbreak of the war, the Baltic Germans were forced to define their position towards their ethnic homeland, which had gone into war with the Russian Empire. The Baltic Germans' perception of Germany is reflected in a wide variety of sources, resulting in diametrically opposite assessments. The aim of the article is to provide a comparative analysis of official documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Council of Ministers, ego-sources, and applications for Russian citizenship from “enemy subjects”, to identify different attitudes towards Germany among the Baltic Germans, which were shaped by a variety of factors, including the anti-German activities of the Tsarist government, general imperial measures prompted by the war, and emotional assessment of what was happening. Previous studies have examined the views of the Baltic Germans mainly on the basis of Russian periodicals and the writings of nationalist publicists. This has left the complex process of searching for the boundary between loyalty to the Russian Empire and attitudes towards Germany, the country of their culture and mother tongue, among the Baltic Germans, outside the realm of research interest. This article aims to fill this gap. The study suggests that the patriotism of the Baltic Germans did not extend so far as to actively and publicly demonstrate rejection of their historic homeland. A considerable proportion of the Baltic Germans sought to strike an acceptable balance between their Russian citizenship and their German background, while attitudes towards Germany among them varied, depending on social background, degree of attachment to Russia and other factors.
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Saryaeva, Rayma G. "Немцы Калмыкии: вехи истории — вехи судьбы." Oriental studies 15, no. 4 (November 15, 2022): 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-61-4-708-730.
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Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
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Saryaeva, Rayma G. "Немцы Калмыкии: вехи истории — вехи судьбы." Oriental studies 15, no. 4 (November 15, 2022): 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-62-4-708-730.
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Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Foreign Relations: Where Germans Sell." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891800016x.
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By now there is not much resistance to the notion that historians of modern Germany should pay heed to events outside the borders of the Reich or nation-state (though, even now, Austria and Switzerland often remain an afterthought). At the 2006 annual conference of the German Studies Association in Pittsburgh, Michael Geyer spoke of transnational history as “the new consensus.” His keynote address bore the title “Where Germans Dwell”—a clear indication that the subject matter of German history must include transplants such as Jürgen Klinsmann and Arnold Schwarzenegger, as well as the German diaspora of prior centuries. In keeping with this agenda, H. Glenn Penny has played a significant role in organizing scholarship on Germans abroad, whereas Kira Thurman is exploring how African Americans experienced German musical culture. The scope of transnational German history remains vast.
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Dubinin, S. I. "Review of the monograph: Bonwetsch B. Mit und ohne Russland. Eine familiengeschichtliche Spurensuche. Essen: Klartext-Verlag, 2017. 168 S. ISBN 978-3-8375-1770-5 = Bonwetsch B. With and without Russia / translated from German by L. Bashkina. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo «IstLit», 2019, 240 p. ISBN 978-5-6042416-0-8." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 29, no. 1 (April 21, 2023): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2023-29-1-210-213.
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This review considers the last lifetime monograph of the famous German historian Bernd Bonwetsch (19402017) With and without Russia, dedicated to a multifaceted study of the history of his family and its kindred clans in the context of German-Russian relations of the XIXXX centuries. This research is marked by unique fragments on the history of a group of Russian Germans (the so-called imperial Germans) in the Middle Volga region and in the Samara region in particular. B. Bonwetsch's historical and memoir book, subtitled family history research, combines a number of chronological essays marked by interesting personalities and analytics of social, gender and confessional groups of Russian Germans and their ethnic subcultures. The research of Professor Bonwetsch, integral in its design, based on unique memoirs, summarizes the complexity and diversity of relations between Germany and Russia at the turning points of modern history.
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Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.
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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
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Balfour, M. "Germany and the Germans." German History 7, no. 2 (April 1, 1989): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/7.2.291.
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NACHUM, IRIS, and SAGI SCHAEFER. "The Semantics of Political Integration: Public Debates about the Term ‘Expellees’ in Post-War Western Germany." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731700042x.
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In the immediate period following the Second World War the Western occupation zones of Germany received eight million ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe. Initially these newcomers were lumped in Western German discourse under the term ‘refugees’. Yet, within less than a decade, the term ‘expellees’ emerged as a more popular denotation. Scholarship has offered two explanations for this semantic change, emphasising the political influence of both the Allies and the ‘expellee’ leadership. This article presents a complementary reason for this discursive shift. We argue that ‘expellees’ marked the symbolic weight that the ethnic Germans offered as expulsion victims in order to balance out German guilt for Nazi crimes.
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Krawczyk-Onyibe, Judyta. "Historia Afroeuropejczyków." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 3–4 (January 31, 2016): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2015.012.
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History of Afro-GermansThe purpose of article History of Afro-Germans is to shad more light on the history of Afro-Germans of the last eight decades. I raise here issues like: social inclusion and exclusion, national affiliation, acceptance, self-identification and social categorization, stigmatization, discrimination based on racial background. I describe how this group has been perceived by the White majority of Germans, and activities of Afro-Germans that influenced change of their status and image in Germany. Based on a theoretical analysis, the following results reflect an incremental development in the recognition of Afro-Germans in Germany. Whereas the first generation of the 1940’s had been labelled as “occupation kids” not recognized by the majority of German society as member of it, rather as unwanted souvenir of Allies soldiers, the youngest generation in the meantime enjoys almost all rights included in being a German citizen. Historia AfroeuropejczykówHistoria Afroeuropejczyków to artykuł, którego celem jest rzucić światło na historię Afroniemców na przestrzeni ostatnich ośmiu dekad. Poruszam w nim takie zagadnienia, jak: inkluzja i ekskluzja społeczna, przynależność narodowa, akceptacja, autoidentyfikacja i kategoryzacja społeczna oraz stygmatyzacja i dyskryminacja na tle rasowym. Opisuję sposób postrzegania Afroniemców przez białą większość Niemców, jak i działania samej mniejszości wpływające na zmianę jej statusu i wizerunku w Niemczech. Na podstawie teoretycznej analizy dostępnych materiałów stwierdzam, iż doszło do stopniowego postępu w kwestii akceptacji Afroniemców. Mam na uwadze, że pierwsza generacja nazywana „dziećmi okupacji” nie była uznawana za część społeczeństwa niemieckiego, raczej za niechcianą „pamiątkę” po alianckich żołnierzach, tymczasem najmłodsza generacja cieszy się prawie pełnią praw, jakie przysługują niemieckiemu obywatelowi.
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Hartenian, Larry. "The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany: United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949." Central European History 20, no. 2 (June 1987): 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
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The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
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Waddington, Keir. "“We Don't Want Any German Sausages Here!” Food, Fear, and the German Nation in Victorian and Edwardian Britain." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 4 (October 2013): 1017–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.178.
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AbstractThis essay brings together aspects of the history of science, food, and culture, and applies them to the study of Anglo-German relations and perceptions by examining how between 1850 and 1914 the German sausage was used as a metaphor for the German nation. The essay shows how the concerns that became attached to German sausages not only provide a way of understanding Britain's interaction with Germany but also reveal further dimensions to popular anti-German sentiment. Alarm about what went into German sausages formed part of a growing strand of popular opposition to Germany, which drew on increasing insecurity about Britain's position on the world stage and the perceived economic threat that Germany and German immigrants presented. Such sentiment was translated into how Germans were caricatured and onto material objects—in this case, the “deadly mysteries” that were feared to go into German sausages. Cultural and gastronomic stereotypes overlapped in a discourse that linked Germany and Germans to their national diet and aggressive nature, as well as associated German sausages with fears about diseased meat, adulteration, and the risks that eating them entailed. The result was that the German sausage was used as a staple for satirical comic representations of Germany, as representative of dishonesty in food production, and as a xenophobic slur. Around the German sausage, anti-German sentiment and questions of food safety merged and became mutually reinforcing.
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Elizabeth A., Drummond. "In and Out of the Ostmark Migration, Settlement, and Demographics in Poznania, 1871–1918." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000417.
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Historians have often viewed the history of the German empire with Berlin firmly in the centre of the lens, thus privileging the nation-state to the neglect of both the local and the transnational. Zooming out to include transnational processes such as migration and to globalise German history enables us to complicate the dominant narratives of the German nation-state. The movements of Germans overseas—whether as migrants, missionaries, or merchants—helped to forge a global presence for the German empire, but also entailed complex negotiations both among Germans and between Germans and their various “others,” thus revealing the ways in which German nationalist and colonial discourses and practices adapted to local conditions. While the German empire sought to establish itself as a colonial power abroad only in the late nineteenth century, Prussia-Germany was already a colonial power at home, in its eastern provinces. Zooming back in from the global to the local, and refocusing from Berlin to the borderlands, further complicates our understandings of the German empire, by revealing the ways in which local conditions in the eastern borderlands, themselves influenced by transnational phenomena such as international migration, informed the development of German nationalism there. Most notably, the demographics of the Prussian eastern provinces—and the movements of Jews, Germans, Poles, and Ruthenians/Ukrainians in and out of the region—required German nationalists to integrate greater flexibility into their discourse.
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Hanshew, Karrin. "Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism." Central European History 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.
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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
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Ritchie, Chris, and James Harris. "No Laughing Matter?A Short History of German Comedy." Scenario: A Journal of Performative Teaching, Learning, Research I, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/scenario.1.2.6.
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This article is the first stage of research for the book “No Laughing Matter: A Short History of German Comedy’ by Chris Ritchie and James Harris which will look at some key moments in German comedy, representations of Germans in English language comedy and ’and also take a look at the current Berlin comedy scene. It begins with an example of how the British, or particularly the English, represent the ‘comedy German’, and is followed by an overview of some key moments in the history of German comedy, in particular the work of Hans Sachs and the development of 20th century cabaret. The second section then looks at how the Germans view English comedy through an analysis of the sketch Dinner for One and Monty Python’s German-language episode. This article is the first stage of research for the book “No Laughing Matter: A Short History of German Comedy’ by Chris Ritchie and James Harris which will look at some key moments in German comedy, representations of Germans in English language comedy and ’and also take a look at the current Berlin comedy scene. It begins with an example of how the British, or particularly the English, represent the ‘comedy German’, and is followed by an overview of some key moments in the history of German comedy, in particular the work of Hans Sachs and the development of 20th century cabaret. The second section then looks at how the Germans view English comedy through an analysis of the sketch Dinner for One and Monty Python’s German-language episode.
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Cordell, Karl. "Memory, Identity and Poland's German Minority." German Politics and Society 27, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270401.
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This paper seeks to offer an assessment of the nature of identity among Poland's German minority and to investigate why since 1950 large numbers of that minority have migrated to Germany. It does so by examining the nature of identity in the historic Polish-German borderlands, by recounting the experiences of those Germans who remained behind in Poland after the post World War Two expulsion process was completed in 1949, and by examining the continued salience of negative stereotypes of Germans and Germany among elements of Polish society. The paper highlights a number of salient factors of importance for members of the minority in deciding whether or not to stay in Poland or to migrate to Germany.
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Kabalek, Kobi. "Commemorating Failure: Unsuccessful Rescue of Jews in German Film and Literature, 1945–1960*." German History 38, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz021.
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Abstract Scholars have so far interpreted postwar depictions of Germans saving Jews from Nazi persecution mainly as apologetic references that allowed Germans to avoid addressing problematic aspects of their history. Yet although such portrayals appear in many postwar German accounts, depictions of successful rescues of Jews are relatively rare in literary and filmic works produced between 1945 and the early 1960s. This article argues that in presenting failed rescue of Jews, several German authors aimed to contribute to the re-education and moral transformation of the German population. The article’s first part shows that narratives of failed rescue were considered particularly useful for arousing Germans’ empathy with the Nazis’ Jewish victims. The article’s second part examines those works that went further and tailored stories of unsuccessful rescue to criticize Germans for not doing more to resist the regime. Although these works presented Germans as victims, as was common in many contemporaneous depictions, it would be misleading to view them merely as apologetic accounts. Rather, the widespread reluctance to commemorate the persecution of Jews urged several authors to retain the common image of Germans as victims in order to avoid alienating their audience. At the same time, using narratives of failed rescue, these writers and filmmakers explored new ways to allow Germans to speak about the Holocaust and reflect on their conduct. Attempts to both arouse a moral debate and avoid directly speaking about Germans’ collective responsibility might seem irreconcilable from today’s perspective, but not for Germans of the 1940s and 1950s.
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Anderson, Colleen. "Youth Space Education and the Future of the GDR." Central European History 53, no. 1 (March 2020): 146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000980.
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AbstractHistorians of East Germany often see the state as future-looking, but questions remain about the kinds of futures that East Germans expected. Youth space education provides one example of how East Germans thought about the future. Across the country, spaceflight formed an important part of youth education through books, the Jugendweihe, and places like cosmonaut clubs. Although these activities show how East German adults taught children about space travel, they also illuminate expectations for the future of spaceflight and the future of East Germany's children. In a state that continually proclaimed the imminent future of everyday spaceflight, East German adults, even party members, adopted a particular vision of the future. They taught children that the ideas of space travel would be important for their lives on Earth, while simultaneously questioning the state's optimistic vision for everyday spaceflight.
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SYLWESTRZAK, Bartosz, and Rafał NIEDZIELA. "POLAND AND ITS RESIDENTS IN THE EYES OF GERMAN SOLDIERS DURING POLISH CAMPAIGN OF 1939." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 162, no. 4 (October 1, 2011): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3225.
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The authors present the circumstances related to the German invasion of Poland during the campaign in September 1939, with special emphasis put on the attitude of Germans towards Poland and Polish people. This is presented on the basis of the letters from Poland to soldiers’ families in Germany and reports in company or battalion chronicles.The moment when German soldiers entered Polish towns and villages was a terrible experience for their residents. The behaviour of the invaders was crude and rough: not only was it caused by war, but also by the attitude of Germans towards Poland and Polish people. Poles were perceived as a lower category of people, without any right to defend themselves. Each part of their life was criticised and damaged. Germans’ irritation was intensified by Jews living in Poland. The article can be useful for supporting lessons on military history.
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Lubecka, Joanna. "Wokół Polen-Denkmal. Rozbieżności w polskiej i niemieckiej pamięci o ofiarach II wojny światowej." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 31 (November 30, 2023): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2023.31.04.
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On 15 November 2017, the Bundestag received an appeal to erect a monument in honour of Poles, commemorating Polish victims of the German occupation in 1939–1945. The initiative triggered a serious debate in Germany on the importance of Polish victims and their possible uniqueness. The article aims to analyse the arguments used in the discussion about Polen-Denkmal and to look at the significant differences in the perception of the history of World War II by Poles and Germans. The discrepancies result not only from the victim–perpetrator dichotomy, but also from their different approaches to the role of history, the nation-state and additionally to the state of knowledge. The article is based on an analysis of arguments in the intra-German and Polish-German debates, as well as data concerning research on the knowledge of Germans about the victims of World War II.
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Braun, Sebastian, and Toman Omar Mahmoud. "The Employment Effects of Immigration: Evidence from the Mass Arrival of German Expellees in Postwar Germany." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 1 (February 24, 2014): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000035.
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This article studies the employment effects of one of the largest forced population movements in history, the influx of millions of German expellees to West Germany after World War II. This episode of forced mass migration provides a unique setting to study the causal effects of immigration. Expellees were not selected on the basis of skills or labor market prospects and, as ethnic Germans, were close substitutes to native West Germans. Expellee inflows substantially reduced native employment. The displacement effect was, however, highly nonlinear and limited to labor market segments with very high inflow rates.
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Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.
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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.
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Zimmer, Oliver. "One Clock Fits All? Time and Imagined Communities in Nineteenth-Century Germany." Central European History 53, no. 1 (March 2020): 48–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000955.
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AbstractMany Germans defended local time well beyond 1893, when Germany adopted a time standard bearing on the life of the entire nation. Yet the defining feature of Germany's temporal landscape was its multilayered nature, with North and South adopting different temporal regimes and undergoing different experiences. Focusing on the spread of (railway-induced) standard time and the responses it provoked, this article offers an investigation of German time culture in the nineteenth century. Out of curiosity and because their lives depended on it, Germans took an interest in obtaining the right time from the frequently contradictory horological landscapes they inhabited. Yet their shared curiosity did not breed conformity. The inspectors of the station clocks concerned with accuracy and synchronicity; the townsfolk in southern Germany who fast-forwarded their favorite public clock in order to get to the station in time; the Prussian scientists and villagers who opposed railway time becoming public time—they all, in their own way, contributed to putting time back in its place.
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Tyszka, Sylwia. "Niemcy Odessy: od uprzywilejowania do upodlenia." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 37 (February 18, 2022): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.024.
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Germans of Odessa: From a Privileged Status to HumiliationThis article presents the history of German minority in the Ukrainian city of Odessa from the beginning of the 18th century till the present times. An important aspect of this work is to show the two dimensions of German colonization of Ukrainian territories which were concurrently inhabited by representatives of German intelligentsia and entrepreneurs in the cities, as well as by German peasants in the country. As this work shows, the history of Germans in Ukraine began with being granted a privileged status and finished with losing it and being dispossessed during the First and Second World Wars.The paper starts with a brief description of the German nation and its expansion to the East. Then the history of the German colonization of Odessa is presented, including the religious life of this group and the role Germans played in the economy of the city and its surroundings. After that attention is focused on the damage inflicted on the community during two world wars, which led to Germans being deprived of their rights and marginalized. The last section concentrates on the present situation of German minority in Odessa.
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Kehoe, Thomas J., and Elizabeth M. Greenhalgh. "Bias in the Treatment of Non-Germans in the British and American Military Government Courts in Occupied Germany, 1945–46." Social Science History 44, no. 4 (2020): 641–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.25.
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AbstractNon-Germans—particularly “displaced persons”—were routinely blamed for crime in occupied western Germany. The Allied and German fixation on foreign gangs, violent criminals, and organized crime syndicates is well documented in contemporary reports, observations, and the press. An abundance of such data has long shaped provocative historical narratives of foreign-perpetrated criminality ranging from extensive disorder through to near uncontrolled anarchy. Such accounts complement assertions of a broader and more generalized crime wave. Over the last 30 years, however, a literature has emerged that casts doubt on the actual extent of lawlessness during the occupation of the west and, in turn, on the level non-German participation in crime. It may be that extensive reporting of non-German criminality at the time reflected the preexisting bigotries of Germans and the Allies, which when combined with anxieties about social and societal integrity became focused on the most marginalized groups in postwar society. This process of “group criminalization” is common and can have different motivations. Regardless of its cause, it was clearly evident in postwar western Germany and we hypothesized that it should have created harsher outcomes for non-German versus German criminal defendants when facing the Allied criminal justice system, such as greater rates of conviction and harsher punishments. This hypothesis was tested using newly collected military government court data from 1945 to 1946. Contrary to expectations, we found a more subtle bias against non-Germans than expected, which we argue reveals important characteristics about the US and British military government criminal justice system.
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Peters, Edward. "More Trouble With Henry: The Historiography of Medieval Germany in the Angloliterate World, 1888–1995." Central European History 28, no. 1 (March 1995): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011249.
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HorstFuhrmann's recent survey of medieval hostility toward Germans and their political structures, chiefly the Empire, has a subtitle (Origins of German Imperialism), that might very well be applied to the fate of the historiography of medieval Germany in the English-speaking world from its considerable prominence up to the eve of the First World War to its low point in the aftermath of the second.
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Croy, B. Payson. "Tethered to Socialism: The Cultural Work of the German Minority in the Czech Lands around the Time of the Prague Spring, 1968–70." Austrian History Yearbook 49 (April 2018): 238–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000176.
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The German national community living in the Czech lands enjoyed a prosperous history throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, one that, despite some tensions with the majority Czech population, featured cross-cultural cooperation in the economic, political, and social arenas. The Nazi German occupation and World War II, as well as the postwar expulsion of the Germans, turned neighbors into enemies and divided ethnic communities across the Czech lands. The expulsion of three million Germans in 1945–46 bore consequences not only for those who were subject to expulsion, but also for those who received permission from the Czechoslovak state to remain behind. The status and stature of this remnant minority group shifted throughout the postwar period, but its significance as a bearer of German cultural life never waned. The state's immediate reaction to the quarter million Germans who remained behind was one of forced assimilation. Many thousands of Germans succumbed to the pressures of forced assimilation in the late 1940s and 1950s when the Czechoslovak state presented them with no other option than to become Czechs. Methods of forced assimilation included the stripping away of minority rights, such as linguistic and educational rights and the right to form independent cultural organizations, as well as the collective conferral of Czechoslovak citizenship upon the entire German population in 1953. Despite these pressures, a significant cohort of Germans who steadfastly clung to German national identification found means to resist the state's assimilative methods and succeeded in supporting German cultural life and identity into the 1960s.
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Zywert, Aleksandra. "Ludzie w zawieszeniu (Siergiej Lebiediew, Dzieci Kronosa)." Rusycystyczne Studia Literaturoznawcze 30 (December 29, 2020): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rsl.2020.30.01.
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In the novel The Goose Fritz, Sergei Lebedev puts the spotlight on the still-relevant problem of the history of Russian Germans, a question which adds depth to discussion about the complex past of the country. Russian Germans, as the author portrays them, live in a state of suspension, bearing a mark of foreignness in both Russia and Germany. Functioning almost from the very beginning between two totalitarian regimes (tsarist and then Soviet regimes on one side, and on the other, fascism), each of which forces people to divest themselves of their own past in favor of an identity aligned with the more “correct” politics of the time and place, Russian Germans have lost the memory of generations and remain “an uprooted people”. In this context, Lebedev’s story concerns human nature as such, as well as a problem of great importance for contemporary Russia: the status of the German minority and the prospect of their migration to Germany.
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Hanshew, Karrin. "Cohesive Difference: Germans and Italians in a Postwar Europe." Central European History 52, no. 1 (March 2019): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000050.
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AbstractThis article makes a case for rupturing the national framework used in traditional narratives of the Federal Republic, and it does so by revisiting the Italo-German relationship in particular. The state of Europe—and of Germans’ place in it—are in flux in the wake of the recent Eurozone crisis and “Brexit.” A study of German-Italian entanglements cannot offer definite answers about whether Germans or Italians feel “European,” but it does demonstrate, on the one hand, that perceptions of national difference do not preclude collaboration and closer relations, and, on the other, that the construction and deployment of difference can actually help create and maintain bonds between populations. Making a case for the importance of a history of German-Italian entanglements, the article offers evidence for how perceived national differences have brought Germans and Italians together, from the beginning of the Federal Republic to roughly the present, with a focus on Germans’ (and Italians’) recent turn to an apolitical or even anti-political lifestyle politics, and on the uncertain consequences that this has for the European project as a whole.
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Böick, M., and O. Nymoen. "The Talk about the History of the Treuhandanstalt. Interview with Markus Böick. Part 1." Discourse 9, no. 3 (June 20, 2023): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2023-9-3-44-59.
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The readers are presented with the first part of the translation of an interview that was taken in October 2020 from the German historian Dr. Markus Böick. The interview is devoted to the history of such an organization as Treuhandanstalt, through which the privatization of East German enterprises was carried out after the liquidation of the GDR as a state structure. The first part of the interview talks about what Treuhandanstalt was originally created for, what it later turned into, as well as what problems East Germans faced in the new united Germany.
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Sinn, Andrea A. "Returning to Stay? Jews in East and West Germany after the Holocaust." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000163.
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ABSTRACTTo better understand the position of Jews within Germany after the end of World War II, this article analyzes the rebuilding of Jewish communities in East and West Germany from a Jewish perspective. This approach highlights the peculiarities and sometimes sharply contrasting developments within the Jewish communities in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, from the immediate postwar months to the official East-West separation of these increasingly politically divided communities in the early 1960s. Central to the study are the policies of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, which exemplify the process of gradual divergence in the relations between East and West German Jewish communities, that, as this article demonstrates, paralleled and mirrored the relations between non-Jewish Germans in the two countries.
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von Donat, Marcell. "Neutralism in Germany." Government and Opposition 21, no. 4 (October 1, 1986): 406–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00029.x.
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IN 1986, THE FRENCH PRESIDENT FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND reminded us that neutralism in Germany was not just a simple reaction to political facts but a very complex constant in recent German history. Is the idea of a neutral Germany or of two neutral German states of any political importance today? Are there still supporters for neutrality in Central Europe? Would it not be normal for some people to think in those terms?In today's relatively tension-free period of East-West relations, the fact may be overlooked that the German situation remains exceptional and that the Germans have a burden to carry which other nations do not have. The Federal Republic of Germany does not have full freedom of choice like for instance, Norway, which is a member of NATO without being a member of the EC, or Ireland which is an EC-member without belonging to NATO. What is considered as a normal option for any other nation might not be permitted for the Germans. Thus the frontline state at the frontier of the two world ideologies cannot claim normal freedom of action.
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Luttrell, Anthony. "The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order." Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 26 (November 9, 2021): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2021.014.
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This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers’ mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.
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Häkkilä, Laura, Michael Pfeifer, and Timo Toikko. "Does the Immigration Issue Divide German Attitudes toward Social Welfare?" German Politics and Society 41, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410304.
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Abstract This article explores the association of German attitudes toward social welfare and immigration, and how regional and political factors affect that relationship. The data was retrieved from Round 8 of the European Social Survey, which includes 2,852 German participants. Quantitative methodology was used to study the hypotheses. Analyses demonstrate that attitudes on immigration and social welfare are associated. However, the regional factor of Eastern and Western Germany and political self-placement shape the population concerning the relationship between social welfare and immigration. The immigration issue diverges the views of both the leftists and Western Germans to social welfare more than the rightists and Eastern Germans. In this respect, the immigration issue shapes the view of the German welfare state.
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Gengler, Peter N. "“New Citizens” or “Community of Fate”? Early Discourses and Policies on “Flight and Expulsion” in the Two Postwar Germanys." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 314–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000126.
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AbstractThe historiography of the postwar Germanys often examined the Nazi legacy and the remarkable efforts needed for economic and social recovery after 1945. In both the FRG and GDR, the consequences of the war and resulting “flight and expulsion” featured prominently in public discourse and were among the most pressing challenges in the early postwar years. Examining how the competing regimes in East and West Germany attempted to solve the humanitarian crisis caused by the forced migration of 10 to 12 million German refugees in the first years after World War II reveals that the discourses and policies started from common points of departure yet diverged into competing narratives underpinning the states’ political and social agendas. Reconstructing the evolution of how the forced migrations were discussed and leveraged in the neglected period immediately after the war opens new perspectives on how Germans shouldered the burdens of dictatorship and defeat.
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Gerlach, David. "Working with the Enemy: Labor Politics in the Czech Borderlands, 1945–48." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021482.
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In the first issue of Settlement (Osidlování), the weekly paper of the Czechoslovak Settlement Office, an article entitled, “So That It Is Not Forgotten,” explained the reasons for the Czech hatred of Germans: “[I]t is hatred as the reaction for the most ruthless attack which was undertaken by Germans against humanity and not least against us.” After invoking the authority of Jan Hus, the fifteenth-century religious reformer and longtime Czech national icon, the author concluded: “It is the spontaneous wish of the entire nation that we completely get rid of the Germans with final certainty, even at the price of clear material loss. It is up to us to prove that all Germans are replaceable, and that we not only have the ability, but especially enough good will and self-sacrifice to prove this in deed.” This column became a regular series that provided different examples of Germans betraying the Czech nation and thereby helped to justify the need to expel them from the country. Coming as it did in the spring of 1946, when the pace of the Allied-sponsored “population transfer” began to accelerate, the column seems somewhat out of place. Hundreds of thousands of Sudeten Germans had previously been expelled in 1945; with current Allied support there was no apparent need to justify the policy further. Yet the attempts to rekindle the atmosphere of hatred spawned by the war came at a time when some Czechs sought to retain Sudeten Germans for labor needs, especially in the borderland regions where the vast majority of these German speakers lived and worked. The “spontaneous wish of the nation” to expel every last German needed some prodding.
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Kisser, T. S. "Social movement of Ural Germans in 1989–2019 (ethnic projects and leaders)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 1(48) (March 2, 2020): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-48-1-13.
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The present article considers the history of the social movement of Russian Germans in the Urals, as well as the factors in its formation, on the basis of previously unknown sources (archival and field materials obtained by the author). The Germans of the Urals formed as a single community in the second half of the 20th century, as a result of deportation, labour mobilisation (1942–1946) and a special settlement regime (1948–1955). The author concludes that the modern social movement contributes to the ethnocultural development of the German popula-tion in Russia through various projects aimed at the preservation of history, memory, language and culture. As a result of the activists' activities in the Urals, a network of German associations has formed: centres of German culture, meeting centres, national-cultural autonomies, «Rebirth» society, Russian-German houses, etc. The so-cial movement of Ural Germans plays a key role in ethnocultural development. It emerged in the setting of the mass emigration of Germans to their homeland, both ‘from below’ at the initiative of Germans themselves aiming to preserve the history and culture of their people, and ‘from above’ with the aim of unifying and controlling the mood of the German population. Currently, German organisations initiate their ethnocultural projects directed at the preservation of historical memory, culture, language, as well as other foundations for ethnocultural heritage. For example, creative groups have become a place where ethnicity is updated, where Germans feel like Ger-mans, using their native language and preserving folk traditions. In all projects, a significant, if not decisive, role is played by the personal position of leaders. To some extent, ethnic leaders devote themselves to their people and find self-fulfilment in the field of ethnicity, complementing and revitalising it with their initiatives. Our studies show that the ethnocultural potential of Ural Germans is most effectively realised if ethnic leaders, both socio-political and in the cultural sphere, are active, which helps preserve the cultural heritage of the community. The socio-political leaders of Ural Germans represented by E.A. Grib and O.F. Shtraler emerged at the height of the ethnic movement and the establishment of self-organisation of Russian Germans in the late 1990s — early 2000s. The areas and motives of their activities, on the one hand, were associated with personal self-realisation and, on the other, were explained by the desire to preserve the ethnocultural heritage of Germans whose number reduced sharply due to mass emigration. Their activities are reflected in numerous projects whose success contributes to the formation of the regional identity of the Germans in the Urals through a system of self-organisation.
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Langenbacher, Eric. "Twenty-first Century Memory Regimes in Germany and Poland: An Analysis of Elite Discourses and Public Opinion." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260404.
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One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases.
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Shindel, S. V. "NATIONAL IDENTITY PHENOMENON REPRESENTED IN THE VOLGA GERMANS’ VISUAL COMMUNICATION." Izvestiya of the Samara Science Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Social, Humanitarian, Medicobiological Sciences 25, no. 89 (2023): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2413-9645-2023-25-89-100-110.
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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of the Volga Germans’ national identity which is represented in the visual communication in the context of historical realities in the period of the end of the XIX and the beginning of the XX centuries. The symbolic space of preserved in Saratov Regional Local History Museum funds photos of propaganda posters, notes, streamers and labels’ patterns reflects not only the ethnical German traditional culture peculiarity but also marks famous historical events in the identified period. The comparative analysis of the elements and objects in the visual communication has led to the showing convergences both in their content and design. The semiotic method has revealed symbols and determined the semantics of the studied elements in the visual communication. The collected material has been divided into two groups, each of them having its clear explicit semantic load. The results obtained let us make virtual transfer into the ethnical German cultural space, set the geographical location and reconstruct some historical events typical of Russian Germans in the Volga Region. Preserved to this day not only the elements but also the objects of the visual communication are of historical value, fix ethnical German flavor, give an idea of the formation and representation of the Volga Germans’ identity. Preservation of the authenticity as well as biological survival was of the utter importance for the Russian Germans: the first settlers developed the wasteland in the adverse climate conditions, lived isolated, their dialects were the main means of communication; the Volga Germans equated themselves with the ethnical Germans inhabited their historical motherland – Germany. The concept idea of order typical of German ethnical culture ontologically with its value guidelines, traditions and customs is relevant in the present research.
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D'ERIZANS, ALEX. "SECURING THE GARDEN AND LONGINGS FORHEIMATIN POST-WAR HANOVER, 1945–1948." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 183–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000272.
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ABSTRACTZeroing in on private garden plots, the article discusses the manner in which Germans portrayed themselves in relation to displaced persons (DPs) – former foreign workers, Allied prisoners-of-war (POWs), and concentration camp inmates – in immediate post-Second World War Hanover. Challenging the notion that a coherent narrative of German victimization truly emerged only in the 1950s, the article reveals how German gardeners already articulated loudly a discourse through which they sought to depict themselves as decent, hard-working sufferers, while portraying displaced persons as immoral and dangerous perpetrators. The plots of garden owners, as foci of German yearnings forHeimat, came particularly under threat. Germans cherished such sites, not only because they provided the opportunity for procuring additional sustenance amidst a post-war world of scarcity, but because they symbolized longings to inhabit a peaceful, productive, and beautiful space into which the most turbulent history could not enter, and upon which a stable future could be constructed. Only with the removal of DPs could Germans claim for themselves the status of victims, while branding DPs perpetrators, and reaffirm past patterns of superiority and inferiority in both ethical and racial terms. In so doing, Germans could realize the innocence integral for achievingHeimatand establish democratic stability after 1945.
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Kalinovsky, V. V., and A. S. Puchenkov. "“German Issue” in Crimea during the First World War." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 4 (2021): 844–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.401.
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The article describes the specifics of the campaign that unfolded during World War I to combat “German dominance” in Crimea. Special attention is paid to the ideological component of this process, which, in particular, manifested itself in the confrontation between the newspaper Yuzhnoye Slovo, which was close to the provincial administration, and the newspaper Yuzhnye Vedomosti, which defended the pro-German position of the local zemstvo (county council). From the first days of the war, two concepts were actively used in the Crimean press: the unification of all peoples of the region in the face of danger, and Germany as the main culprit of the war. The latter inevitably gave rise to a negative attitude towards the German community in Crimea. Examples of intolerance towards the Germans and discussions on the “German issue” that developed on the pages of the press are provided. The anti-German campaign resulted in the renaming of settlements. Examples of loyalty to Russia by Crimean Germans are considered. Measures taken in the Taurida province to eliminate German land tenure are analyzed. The local zemstvo organized a deputation to Petrograd, which was supposed to achieve a softening or abolition of the liquidation legislation. At the same time, the right-wing circles saw the liquidation as a tool for the forced Russification of Crimea and the strengthening of state positions in the multinational border region. In fact, the struggle against “Germanism” led to a socio-economic crisis in the Taurida province.
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GOESCHEL, CHRISTIAN. "STAGING FRIENDSHIP: MUSSOLINI AND HITLER IN GERMANY IN 1937." Historical Journal 60, no. 1 (July 15, 2016): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000540.
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ABSTRACTIn September 1937, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler met in Germany. Millions of ostensibly enthusiastic Germans welcomed the Duce. Here were the world's first two fascist dictators, purportedly united in solidarity, representing the ‘115 million’ Germans and Italians against the Western powers and Bolshevism. Most historians have dismissed the 1937 dictators’ encounter as insignificant because no concrete political decisions were made. In contrast, I explore this meeting in terms of the confluence of culture and politics and argue that the meeting was highly significant. Its choreography combined rituals of traditional state visits with a new emphasis on the personality of both leaders and their alleged ‘friendship’, emblematic of the ‘friendship’ between the Italian and German peoples. Seen through this lens, the meeting pioneered a new style of face-to-face diplomacy, which challenged the culture of liberal internationalism and represented the aim of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to create a New Order in Europe. At the same time, analysis of this meeting reveals some deep-seated tensions between both regimes, an observation that has significant implications for the study of fascist international collaboration.
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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K., Matthew Hines, Thomas Klikauer, Norman Simms, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder, Robert Nyenhuis, and Randall Newnham. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 39, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390306.
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John Kampfner, Why the Germans Do it Better: Notes from a Grown-Up Country (London: Atlantic Books, 2020).Karen Hagemann, Donna Harsch, and Friederike Brühöfener, eds., Gendering Post-1945 German History: Entanglements (New York: Berghahn Books, 2019).Daniel Marwecki, Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2020).Robert Gellately, Hitler’s True Believers: How Ordinary People Became Nazis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2020).Thomas Fleischman, Communist Pigs: An Animal History of East Germany’s Rise and Fall (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2020).Joanne Miyang Cho, ed., Transnational Encounters between Germany and East Asia since 1900 (New York: Routledge, 2018).
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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K., Matthew Hines, Thomas Klikauer, Norman Simms, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder, Robert Nyenhuis, and Randall Newnham. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 39, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390306.
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John Kampfner, Why the Germans Do it Better: Notes from a Grown-Up Country (London: Atlantic Books, 2020).Karen Hagemann, Donna Harsch, and Friederike Brühöfener, eds., Gendering Post-1945 German History: Entanglements (New York: Berghahn Books, 2019).Daniel Marwecki, Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2020).Robert Gellately, Hitler’s True Believers: How Ordinary People Became Nazis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2020).Thomas Fleischman, Communist Pigs: An Animal History of East Germany’s Rise and Fall (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2020).Joanne Miyang Cho, ed., Transnational Encounters between Germany and East Asia since 1900 (New York: Routledge, 2018).
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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Peter Watson, The German Genius: Europe's Third Renaissance, the Second Scientific Revolution, and the Twentieth Century." ICR Journal 3, no. 1 (October 15, 2011): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i1.594.
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Before Hitler, Nobel Prize ceremonies were in large part a German affair. For over a century Germany led the world through its scientific, educational and cultural achievements. The German Genius reminds English-speaking readers that the world we live in today in so many ways is a creation of German technology and culture. While, on a purely geopolitical level, the Germans failed to become dominant they succeeded in virtually every other sphere.
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Linchenko, Andrei A., and Bella V. Gartwig. "Rediscovering Identity: Autobiographical Memory and Media Discourses of Russian-Germans in Germany and Russia." Changing Societies & Personalities 7, no. 2 (July 3, 2023): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2023.7.2.230.
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This paper compares the processes of rediscovering identity in autobiographical memory and media discourses of Russian-Germans living in Germany and in Russia. According to R. Brubaker, the Russian-Germans are viewed as a transnational group with a specific “hybrid identity”, whose identification varies depending on the cultural project, which they are involved in. In Germany and Russia, the boundaries of this identification are the politics of memory of the host society and the dominant narratives regarding this group as repatriates (Germany) and as a diaspora with its own culture (Russia). Our analysis, which was based on the methodology of the critical discourse analysis by S. Jäger, revealed that such a dominant narrative in Germany is the “narrative of return”. In Russia, however, there are two discursive threads: the image of Russian-Germans as a repressed group and the narrative about the outstanding role of Russian-Germans in the history of Russia. The curves of autobiographical and family narratives of the three generations of Russian-Germans in Russia and Germany were analyzed and compared according to the biographical method of F. Schütze. People aged 30–50 were the most open to the influence of collective “standardized” narratives both in Germany and in Russia. Despite the fact of living in Russia, those respondents who were preparing to repatriate to Germany actively reproduced the “return narrative” and used international mnemonic frameworks to structure their autobiographical and family story. Our study showed that the influence of the discursive media environment on the autobiographical and family memory of Russian-Germans living in Germany and Russia depends on the respondent’s individual life experience (the curve of their biography), age, and some peculiarities of their family history.
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Molnar, Christopher A. "Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany." Central European History 47, no. 1 (March 2014): 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891400065x.
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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach argue that “the question of race remained at the very center of social policy and collective imagination during the occupation years, as the Western Allies worked to democratize Germany, and during the Bonn Republic,” and they call for a new historiography that is more attentive to the category of race and the process of racialization in Germany and Europe after 1945. While this newfound emphasis on race in Germany's postwar history has been salutary, an approach that puts race and racialization at the center of German interactions with resident foreign populations runs the risk of sidelining the experiences of foreign groups that Germans did not view in primarily racial terms. Indeed, to a certain extent this has already occurred. By the mid-1980s, public and policy discourse on immigrants in West Germany came to focus overwhelmingly on Turks and the problems raised by their “alien” Islamic cultural practices. That West Germany's guest worker program had resulted in the permanent settlement of hundreds of thousands of Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Yugoslavs was largely forgotten. When historians, anthropologists, and scholars in other disciplines began taking more interest in Germany's migration history in recent decades, they too focused overwhelmingly on Turks. Only in recent years has the historiography of Germany's postwar migration history started to reflect the multinational character of Germany's immigrant population.
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Furmanik, Martin. "Spišskí Nemci v rokoch 1920 – 1937." Kultúrne dejiny 13, no. 2 (2022): 248–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.248-272.
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The study deals with various areas of life of Spiš Germans (Zipsers) during the period of the first Czechoslovak Republic, specifically between 1920 and 1937. The first part of the study discusses the political activities of Germans in Spiš. The greatest attention is paid to the Zipser German Party (Zipser deutsche Partei) and the Carpathian German Party (Karpatendeutsche Partei), because these parties were voted for by most Germans in Spiš. To a lesser extent, this part is devoted to other parties that the Germans from Spiš (Zipsers) voted for. Part of this section are tables showing which parties were voted for by the inhabitants of the Spiš municipalities with the largest proportion of German nationality. The next part of the article deals with religious life with an emphasis on conflicts between Slovaks and Germans regarding the language of religious services. The third part of the study is devoted to German education in Spiš. Attention is directed to preschools, elementary schools and secondary schools of Spiš Germans (Zipsers). There were also conflicts within the education system in connection with the teaching of language. The center of interest of the next part is the social life of Spiš Germans (Zipsers). This part of the study also discusses the tourist, sports and cultural activities of the Germans in Spiš. It points to diverse cultural activities from German theater performances, singing circles, through periodicals, printers to photo studios and museums. The final part of the paper analyzes the socioeconomic structure of the German population in Spiš based on the results of the population census in 1921. Within each part of the study, attention is paid, among other things, to the anti-state manifestations of the Spiš Germans (Zipsers) and the reactions of the Czechoslovak authorities to these manifestations.
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Partridge, Damani. "Daniel Joseph Walther,Creating Germans Abroad: Cultural Policies and National Identity in Namibia.Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505210198.
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Creating Germans Abroadis clearly inspired by the work of Benedict Anderson (1983) and written in the spirit of the work of Ann Stoler (1995; 2002). In this work, Walther suggests the idealization of the possibility of a German homeland outside of the European territory in colonial Southwest Africa. The emphasis on agriculture, climate, and landscape countered the increasing push towards industrialization in the Fatherland. Here, there was not just a nostalgic longing for an imagined German past that is pastoral as opposed to industrial (a longing used and manipulated by Nazi ideologues), but an actual place where the idealizedHeimat(homeland) could be realized in practice. The problem, however, became the presence of so many non-Germans, in this case not only “Black” Africans, but also “White” Afrikaners. In this sense, an appropriate title for the book might also be “Creating Germany Abroad.”
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Hansen, Michael A., and Jonathan Olsen. "Pulling up the Drawbridge." German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380205.
Full textAbstract:
The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.