Journal articles on the topic 'Germans – Europe, Eastern – History'
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1
NACHUM, IRIS, and SAGI SCHAEFER. "The Semantics of Political Integration: Public Debates about the Term ‘Expellees’ in Post-War Western Germany." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731700042x.
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In the immediate period following the Second World War the Western occupation zones of Germany received eight million ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe. Initially these newcomers were lumped in Western German discourse under the term ‘refugees’. Yet, within less than a decade, the term ‘expellees’ emerged as a more popular denotation. Scholarship has offered two explanations for this semantic change, emphasising the political influence of both the Allies and the ‘expellee’ leadership. This article presents a complementary reason for this discursive shift. We argue that ‘expellees’ marked the symbolic weight that the ethnic Germans offered as expulsion victims in order to balance out German guilt for Nazi crimes.
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Beer, Matthias. "Vertriebene und “Umsiedlerpolitik.” Integrationskonflikte in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft und die Assimilationsstrategien in der SBZ/DDR 1945-1961." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906370069.
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Among forced population transfers in the twentieth century, the expulsion of the German population from East Central Europe at the end of World War II was remarkable. More than twelve million Germans were expelled from the eastern parts of the German Reich and some eastern European states. These refugees arrived in a defeated, occupied, destroyed, and divided country. Initially, the percentage of expelled persons in the Soviet Occupation Zone was much higher than in the western zones. With almost 4.5 million individuals, the expellees made up twenty-four percent of the total population in the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1949. By contrast, western Germany had eight million expellees, who comprised roughly sixteen percent of the total population.
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Langenbacher, Eric. "Twenty-first Century Memory Regimes in Germany and Poland: An Analysis of Elite Discourses and Public Opinion." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260404.
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One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases.
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BURZLAFF, JAN. "CONFRONTING THE COMMUNAL GRAVE: A REASSESSMENT OF SOCIAL RELATIONS DURING THE HOLOCAUST IN EASTERN EUROPE." Historical Journal 63, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 1054–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000566.
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AbstractThis historiographical review focuses on the complex interactions between Nazi Germany, local populations, and east European Jews during the Holocaust. Braving fierce historical revisionism in eastern Europe and the Baltic states, recent studies have shifted the spotlight from Germans to Poles, Ukrainians, Russians, Lithuanians, and other ethnicities. As a result, the analytic categories with which most historians still work – notably ‘perpetrator/victim/bystander’ and ‘collaboration/resistance’ – have outlived their usefulness. A more complex picture of the Nazi-occupied territories in eastern Europe has emerged and now awaits new theoretical frameworks. This article argues that past paradigms blinded scholars to a range of groups lost in the cracks and to behaviours remaining outside the political sphere. Through four criteria that shed light on the social history of the Holocaust in eastern Europe, it draws connections between central and east European, German, Jewish, and Soviet histories, in order to engage with other fields and disciplines that examine modern mass violence and genocide. As Holocaust studies stands at a crossroads, only a transnational history including all ethnicities and deeper continuities, both temporal and geographical, will enhance our knowledge of how social relations shaped the very evolution of the Holocaust.
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Brinkmann, Tobias. "German Migrations: Between Blood and Soil." German Politics and Society 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385345.
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Dieter Gosewinkel, Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Die Nationalisierung der Staatsangehörigkeit vom Deutschen Bund bis zur Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001)Daniel Levy, Yfaat Weiss, ed., Challenging Ethnic Citizenship: German and Israeli Perspectives on Immigration (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Barbara Marshall, The New Germany and Migration in Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)Jan Motte, Rainer Ohliger, Anne von Oswald, ed., 50 Jahre Bundesrepublik – 50 Jahre Einwanderung: Nachkriegsgeschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (Frankfurt am Main/New York: Campus, 1999)David Rock and Stefan Wolff, ed., Coming Home to Germany? The Integration of Ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe in the Federal Republic since 1945 (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002)Stefan Wolff, ed., German Minorities in Europe: Ethnic Identity and Cultural Belonging (New York/Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000)
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PENNY, H. GLENN. "Ambiguities, Fractures and Myopic Histories: Recent work on German Minorities in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000544.
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Germans have long been part of the multi-ethnic and multicultural histories that shaped the territory between the Oder and the Urals. The presence of Germans, however, was seldom the same as ‘a German presence’ nor has it always been clear who the ‘Germans’ might be, or might have been. During the medieval period, for example, as Roger Bartlett and Karen Schönwälder reminded us more than a decade ago, a German in eastern Europe ‘might be one who came from a core German territory, spoke a Germanic language, or to whom German law applied; but none of these criteria was necessarily decisive or historically unambiguous’. That equivocality proved tenacious, and consequently the clichéd polarity of Teuton and Slav has frequently obscured the ‘fluidity of identity and multiplicity of interaction’ that remain ‘crucial’ to understanding the history of this region, where ‘impulses of culture, religion, political and economic interest, whether uniting or dividing, have often cut across linguistic or ethnic differences’.
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Swanson, John C. "Minority Building in the German Diaspora: The Hungarian-Germans." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (January 2005): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004872.
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Issues concerning the status and rights of ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe have become significant in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. A focus on co-nations in neighboring states, “others” in so-called nation-states, and questions of immigration dominate the media in many areas in Europe. Even though ethnic minorities and ethnic identity are part of modern conversation, the subject of ethnic minorities needs to receive serious scholarly attention to demonstrate its nuanced sense of meaning. Like nations, ethnic minorities are not static entities; they are not primordial. They are constructed or imagined in the same way nations are, even though there has been little scholarly attention devoted to minority building. In order to understand the complex meaning of an ethnic minority, one needs to view the creation of a minority—minority building—on different levels, and understand it as members of the minority understand it and as others perceive it.
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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Bryant, Chad. "Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?" Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000225.
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Germany and all things German have long been the primary concern ofCentral European History(CEH), yet the journal has also been intimately tied to the lands of the former Habsburg monarchy. As the editor stated in the first issue, published in March 1968,CEHemerged “in response to a widespread demand for an American journal devoted to the history of German-speaking Central Europe,” following the demise of theJournal of Central European Affairsin 1964. The Conference Group for Central European History sponsoredCEH, as well as the recently mintedAustrian History Yearbook(AHY). Robert A. Kann, the editor ofAHY, sat on the editorial board ofCEH, whose second issue featured a trenchant review by István Deák of Arthur J. May'sThe Passing of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914–1918. The third issue contained the articles “The Defeat of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the Balance of Power” by Kann, and Gerhard Weinberg's “The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the Balance of Power.” That same year,East European Quarterlypublished its first issue.
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Alvis, Robert E. "Holy Homeland: The Discourse of Place and Displacement among Silesian Catholics in Postwar West Germany." Church History 79, no. 4 (November 26, 2010): 827–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710001046.
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The author of the above quotation, Rudolf Jokiel, was one of over twelve million ethnic Germans expelled from their homes in Germany's eastern provinces (East Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenburg, and Silesia), the Sudetenland, and other pockets of Eastern Europe at the end of World War II and resettled within the country's truncated postwar borders. The expellees bitterly lamented their enforced exile, and many Christians within this population shared Jokiel's sentiments concerning the connection between faith and homeland. Those who settled in the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) developed an elaborate network of overlapping subcultures dedicated to preserving their memories of lost homelands and advocating for their right to return there. In the process, these lands came to acquire a distinctly religious aura, holy places that were integral to their spiritual well-being.
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Kelly-Holmes, Helen, and Veronica O'Regan. "“The spoilt children of Europe”." Journal of Language and Politics 3, no. 1 (May 27, 2004): 81–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.1.07kel.
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Ireland’s rejection of the Nice Treaty in a referendum in June 2001 led to intense media discourse about this “no” vote and speculation about the outcome of the second referendum to ratify the Treaty in October 2002. The German media, traditionally positive in their portrayal of Ireland, were particularly critical, with the Irish electorate being characterised as anti-Eastern enlargement and Ireland recast in the role of “bad” European. This study of German press coverage of the two referenda points to a consensus in the negative representation of Ireland across all strands of media opinions and ideologies. The corpus of texts analysed also highlights the construction of a “them and us” divide between a morally superior in-group (the Germans) and a defective out-group (the Irish). Whilst much of the reporting still takes place within a received map of meaning (Hall et al. 1978), the established reference points are now used to de-legitimise Ireland’s role and to reassert Germany’s position as a “big” country within Europe in order to restore normal power relations.
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Ahonen, Pertti. "Domestic Constraints on West German Ostpolitik: The Role of the Expellee Organizations in the Adenauer Era." Central European History 31, no. 1-2 (March 1998): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016034.
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TheOstpolitik of the early Federal Republic presents a puzzle: why did West Germany—a country that consistently denounced the brutal Eastern policies of the Third Reich and sought to present itself as a new, peace-loving entity—refuse to normalize its relations with most East European countries until the early 1970s? The existing literature has explained Bonn's behavior primarily with reference to foreign policy calculations, such as the need to isolate the GDR and its satellite allies and to avoid granting unilateral concessions to the Soviet bloc. Although such Staatsräson considerations were very significant for the Federal Republic's policymakers, they do not tell the whole story. Movement on Eastern policy was also significantly hindered by domestic factors, the most important of which was the influence of the Vertriebenenverbände—the pressure organizations purporting to represent the millions of Germans expelled from Eastern Europe in the aftermath of World War II. The role of these organizations has typically received passing reference in general studies of Ostpolitik, but the specialized literature on the topic has remained weak.
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Bade, Klaus J. "From Emigration to Immigration: The German Experience in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Central European History 28, no. 4 (December 1995): 507–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012292.
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United Germany has become more ethnically divers and, to a certain extent, more “multicultural” with a growing minority of immigrants and temporary migrants living within its borders. There are labor migrants from Southern and Eastern Europe with restricted work permits, immigrants coming out of the former “guest worker” population, and ethnic Germants from Eastern Europe as well as various groups of asylum seekers and other refugees.
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Nikiforov, Konstantin. "History of dissidence in Eastern Europe." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2022): 461–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.5.05.
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This is a review of the first Russian-language summary of the dissident movement in Eastern Europe and its role in the final collapse of the totalitarian system. The study covers eight countries of the region: Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, East Germany, Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia in the period from 1956 to 1989. Accordingly, the entire work is divided into eight essays. Each essay provides a brief historical overview and list of references, a chronicle of events, which reflects the facts related to the dissident movement. Finally, biographical articles about significant figures in the dissident movement in each of the countries mentioned are listed in alphabetical order. The definition of the term “dissident” remains debatable. The compilers of the Encyclopedia interpret it broadly. On the whole, the work fills in a noticeable gap that existed in historiography.
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Gajdis, Anna. "Sarmacja Johannesa Bobrowskiego (1917-1965) w perspektywie geopoetyki. Litewskie reminiscencje." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8463.
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The subject of the article is Sarmatia in the geopoetical perspective. Lithuanian reminiscences is Bobrowski’s literary output in the context of his concept of Sarmatia, with a special attention towards Lithuanian motives. The writer referred to the vast areas of Central and Eastern Europe from Berlin to the Urals as Sarmatia, and he defined his poetic task as the study of the Germans' transgressions against their eastern neighbours. According to geopoetics, Sarmatia is a place made up of personal experiences, feelings and emotions. Research on the autobiography conducted by M. Czermińska allows us to call it an autobiographical place created out of landscape, history and tradition. The writer himself described East Prussia as a place of childhood and happiness, but he also felt fulfilled as a wanderer on the great expanses of Eastern Europe.
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O’Neill, Onora. "Warum nach dreihundert Jahren immer noch Kant lesen?" Kant-Studien 108, no. 2 (June 15, 2017): 270–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kant-2017-0020.
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Abstract: This paper was presented at a symposium entitled “300 Years of Immanuel Kant – The Road to the Jubilee” (300 Jahre I. K. – der Weg zum Jubiläum), held on 6 June 2016 in Berlin. Professor Monika Rüttgers, Beauftragte der Bundesregierung Kultur und Medien (Federal Commissioner for Culture and Media), and the Bundesinstitut für Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa (Federal Institute for Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe) invited renowned Kant researchers and political representatives to speak on various themes at a meeting that demonstrated the importance and continued relevance of Kant’s thinking. The symposium launched a series of public events in preparation of Kant’s tercentenary in 2024.
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Süssner, Henning. "Still Yearning for the Lost Heimat? Ethnic German Expellees and the Politics of Belonging." German Politics and Society 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353258.
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As a result of Nazi race politics, World War II, and the restructuringof Europe in the postwar era, the painful experience of forced migrationbecame a reality in the lives of many Europeans. About 12 million1ethnic Germans shared the fate of being forced to leave theirancestral areas of settlement in Eastern and Eastern/Central Europebetween 1939 and 1948. These people were either forced to move“back to the Reich” by the Nazi government, fled from advancingenemy forces in 1944/45, or were forced out of their homes by Easternand Central European postwar governments.
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Knapton, Samantha K. "‘There is No Such Thing as an Unrepatriable Pole’: Polish Displaced Persons in the British Zone of Occupation in Germany." European History Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October 2020): 689–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420960379.
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A group of Polish displaced persons (DPs) was stranded in the British zone of occupation in 1945, a smaller part of a much broader population upheaval in Europe in the 1940s that included Nazi forced labour and resettlement plans, as well as the expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe. The relationship between British military officials, welfare workers and the Polish DPs within the British zone deteriorated quickly after German surrender. Using the issue of repatriation as a focal point, this article will explore the growing tensions between the British and Polish who had fought alongside one another and place these within the wider context of increasing East-West tensions in the immediate post-war world. As the British tendency to look upon the Polish DPs as a troublesome ‘nuisance’ can be viewed as a by-product of pressure on an economically weakened Britain straining to live up to its pre-war stature, in this context the need to help the very people who embodied the provocation for going to war became irrelevant.
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Dreves, Friedrich. "Życie codzienne ludności niemieckiej w stolicy Kraju Warty Poznaniu na podstawie dokumentów z wybranych archiwów." Przegląd Archiwalno-Historyczny 9 (2022): 99——116. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2391-890xpah.22.006.17218.
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W okresie II wojny światowej Poznań o zniemczonej nazwie Posen był stolicą wcielonego do Wielkiej Rzeszy Niemieckiej „wzorcowego okręgu” o nazwie Okręg Kraj Warty (Mustergau Wartheland). Ludność niemiecką w Poznaniu, której liczebność od czasu wybuchu wojny do 1944 r. wzrosła z 6 do 100 tys. osób, stanowiły heterogeniczne grupy takie jak: Niemcy z R zeszy, przesiedleńcy, głównie z państw bałtyckich, i tzw. Volksdeutsche. Ich życie codzienne w Poznaniu nie zostało dotychczas zbadane i opracowane, pomimo że aspekt ten stanowi interesujący temat historiograficzny. W celu jego rekonstrukcji nie należy powoływać się jedynie na bogate zasoby Archiwum Państwowego w Poznaniu i placówek Bundesarchiv, lecz uwzględnić w nich również inne, mocno rozproszone źródła. Są one przechowywane w licznych — wskazanych w tekście — niemieckich archiwach naukowych i bibliotekach, które nie zawsze specjalizują się w badaniach nad historią Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Daily lives of German people in Poznań, the capital of the Wartheland, based on documents from selected archives In the years of the Second World War, Poznań (Germanized name — Posen), was the capital of the “model administrative unit” called Mustergau Wartheland and incorporated into Nazi Germany. From the outbreak of the war, the number of Germans in Poznań grew: in 1939, there were 6,000 G ermans, and in 1944 — 100,000. They belonged to several heterogeneous groups such as: Germans from the Reich, displaced persons (mainly from the Baltic states), as well as the so-called Volksdeutsche. Their daily lives in Poznań have not been researched and described yet, even though this makes an interesting historiographical topic. In order to reconstruct them, one should not only refer to the rich resources of the State Archive in Poznań and the Bundesarchiv branches, but also include other, largely dispersed sources. These are stored in numerous German scientific archives and libraries (described in the article), which do not always specialize in studies on the history of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Cohen, Gary B. "John Connelly's Long March through East European History." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (April 6, 2021): 273–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000175.
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John Connelly, a member of the history faculty at the University of California, Berkeley, for the last quarter century, has produced what will surely stand as a landmark among grand syntheses on the modern history of Eastern Europe. The book title uses the geographical designation favored during the Cold War, but the subject is more precisely East Central Europe, a term that Connelly uses interchangeably with Eastern Europe to designate the lands lying between Germany and Austria in the west and the former components of the Soviet Union to the east.
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Surman, Jan. "Imperial Science in Central and Eastern Europe." Histories 2, no. 3 (September 14, 2022): 352–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2030026.
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The history of imperial science has been a growing topic over recent decades. Overviews of the imperial history of science have rarely included the Russian, Habsburg, and German empires. The history of Central and Eastern Europe has embraced empire as an analytical and critical category only recently, having previously pursued national historiographies and romanticised versions of imperial pasts. This article highlights several key narratives of imperial sciences in Central and Eastern Europe that have appeared over the past twenty years, especially in anglophone literature. Interdependence between national and imperial institutions and biographies, the history of nature as an interplay of scales, and finally, the histories of imagining a path between imperialism and nationalism, demonstrate how the history of imperial science can become an important part of the discussion of Central European history from a global perspective, as well as how the history of science can be factored into the general history of this region. Finally, I argue that the imperial history of science can play an important role in re-thinking the post/decolonial history of Central and Eastern Europe, an issue that, since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, has become the centre of intellectual attention.
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Aron, Hadas. "Postcommunist Germany." German Politics and Society 41, no. 4 (December 1, 2023): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.
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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.
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Kettler, Mark T. "What did Paul Rohrbach Actually Learn in Africa? The Influence of Colonial Experience on a Publicist’s Imperial Fantasies in Eastern Europe*." German History 38, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa013.
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Abstract Paul Rohrbach was an influential publicist in Wilhelmine Germany. He also routinely used racial justifications to defend brutal policies for managing the indigenous populations of Germany’s African colonies. In recent years, scholars have interpreted Rohrbach’s promotion of colonialism as evidence that colonial ideas increasingly saturated German political and imperial discourse before and during the First World War. His work has thus been cited to support an emerging narrative of pathological continuity, which contends that Wilhelmine German imperialists reflexively drew upon colonial ideologies, experiences and models to inform increasingly repressive and violent plans to rule ethnically diverse space in Eastern Europe. This article argues that Paul Rohrbach has been misinterpreted. His career represents not the ease with which colonial ideas infiltrated German imperial discourse, but rather the severe reluctance of an ardent colonialist to employ colonial methods in European space. Drawing upon his writings on Africa and his discussions of German war aims in Eastern Europe during the First World War, this article demonstrates Rohrbach’s profound unwillingness to structure German imperial expansion in Russia’s Baltic provinces and Congress Poland according to colonial precedents. Differences in the perceived cultural and political sophistication of African, Baltic and Polish societies convinced Rohrbach that repressive and brutal colonial models of rule would be inefficient or counterproductive for achieving German objectives in Eastern Europe. Indeed, Rohrbach’s studies of colonialism actually reinforced his commitment to decentralization and respect for national diversity as essential instruments for governing politically sophisticated European societies. His experiences in Africa, in other words, steeled his confidence in multinational imperialism.
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Mádly, Loránd. "Die Deutschen im Banat, von der Kolonisation bis zur Integration in den rumänischen Staat Ein kurzer Rückblick." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 1 (July 4, 2023): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.1.01.
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In the historical process of expelling the Ottomans from Europe, Habsburg rule spread across Central and Eastern Europe. In the context of the somewhat later dominant views that guided pol itics, such as the Enlightenment or the populationist politics, the settlement of colonists became more and more important, also in Banat, a depopulated area during the Turkish wars, which was mainly used for defense purposes. Here, the new colonists, the new types of settlements and the industrial activities in a highly multicultural environment made Banat one of the most developed and industrialized regions of the Habsburg Monarchy. In the description of the settlement of Ger man population groups that took place in the 18th century, the example of the Transylvanian Sax ons is used first, who were settled very early on by the kings of Hungary on the eastern border of the kingdom in order to protect them and also to farm. Over time they have developed and always defended their own identity and dialect as well as their own laws and constitutional status. The settlement of the Banat Germans, which took place in several waves, is followed along the social, geographical, economic and last but not least demographic coordinates. Later, the constitutional status of Banat also changed, until this multicultural region became part of Greater Romania after the First World War. All these changes always brought new challenges for the Banat Germans, who had their own organizational forms at that time. Political activity in defense of collective rights continued throughout the interwar period, marked by political instability.
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Šoltés, Peter. "Nepochybne nikde nie je blahodarný vplyv nemeckej kultúry tak nápadne viditeľný, ako na týchto obyvateľoch Karpát. Národný charakter spišských Nemcov v štatistickej a topografickej literatúre 19. storočia." Kultúrne dejiny 14, Supplement (2023): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2023.14.supp.70-86.
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This study focuses on the relationship between the struggle for maintaining the privileges and rights of the free municipalities of the Spiš (Szepes, Zips) county, particularly the Province of 16 Spiš towns, in the first third of the 19th century on one hand and the literary activities of local intelligentsia on the other. As part of a deliberate strategy to eliminate the threat of losing their autonomy and becoming subject to the jurisdiction of the county administration, they constructed an image of Spiš as an exceptional region. The fact that the German-speaking population of Spiš was able to adapt to severe climatic and natural conditions and secure prosperity, education, and cultural dominance was explained in the contemporary intellectual discourse as stemming both from the privileges and rights they had preserved since the Middle Ages and their distinctive national character. In addition to traditional “German” virtues such as industriousness, diligence, a sense of order, and cleanliness, the character of the Spiš Germans was allegedly shaped by newly acquired qualities attributed to their Protestant heritage and adaptation to the environment. The stereotype of Germans as “Kulturträger” was strongly present and from the Enlightenment discourse of the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries it was translated into the historiography and ethnography of German settlement in Eastern Europe in the second half of the 19th century.
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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.
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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting that a unified Germany guarantee the finality of its eastern borders and remain committed to the West. This caution clearly demonstrated the apprehension on the part of U.S. policy-makers that nationalism and the push for national unity might prove stronger than the German commitment to NATO and the western alliance.
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Wood, Luke B. "German Hegemony? The Federal Republic of Germany in Post Cold War European Affairs." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370408.
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Germany’s increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin’s power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German “tandem” in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany.
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Halicka, Beata, and Johannes-Dieter Steinert. "Forced Labour of Polish and Soviet Children Under Nazi Occupation Discussion by Prof. Johannes-Dieter Steinert and Prof. Beata Halicka, 1 December 2022." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 41, no. 2 (December 10, 2023): 205–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sho.2023.41.2.010.
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The following conversation is an abridged transcript of a discussion that Prof. Dr. Beata Halicka (UAM) held with Prof. Dr. Johannes-Dieter Steinert of the University of Wolverhampton in the UK. It took place on December 1, 2022 and was the opening event of a conference entitled Little Workers: Child Labor in socio-cultural and economic perspectives throughout history. The conference was organized by the Department of Economic History, the Department of Eastern European History and the Research Unit of Cultural History and was held at the Faculty of History of Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan. Johannes-Dieter Steinert is a prominent specialist in the field of child forced laborers in National Socialist Germany and German occupied Eastern Europe. His books on the subject have been published in English, German and Polish.
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KAUFFMAN, JESSE. "The Unquiet Eastern Front: New Work on the Great War." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (July 13, 2017): 509–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000194.
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In the introduction to their excellent survey of the First World War in Central Europe, Our War (Nasza wojna), Polish historians Włodzimierz Borodziej and Maciej Górny begin by wondering why the name of Przasnysz, a small Polish town north of Warsaw, carries today no connotations of misery or horror. In late 1914 and early 1915, they note, the Germans and Russians fought several ferocious battles in its vicinity, battles that ultimately claimed hundreds of thousands of casualties. And yet its name never became a part of the shared historical memory of the First World War. Przasnysz and its battles are long forgotten, not only, as might be expected, in Belgium, France and Great Britain, but also in Germany, Russia and the rest of Poland. This, Borodziej and Górny note, is symptomatic of the hold that the war's Western Front has exercised for generations on the imaginations of scholars and the wider public alike – even within the states that now occupy the territory on which the titanic clashes of the Russian, Austrian and German empires claimed millions of lives. To schoolchildren in Warsaw no less than to scholars in Great Britain and the United States, the First World War is synonymous with the trenches of Belgium and France, and with the haunted names of Ypres, Passchendaele and Verdun. But the evidence of Nasza wojna and the other three books under review here suggests that the Eastern Front is finally emerging as a subject of scholarly and popular interest. Moreover, these books illustrate that careful study of that Front has the potential to deepen our understanding of the war's complex dynamics and their impact on the states and societies that grappled with them. The sweeping conquests and extended occupations of ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse populations; the migration of ethnic hostilities from the front lines to the home fronts of multinational states; the profound divide between urban and rural experiences of the war; the ways in which military institutions adapted to the industrialised brutality of modern warfare and the ways that venerable but sprawling imperial state systems tried to come to grips with the war's demands are just a few of the themes addressed by the books under review here. The history of the period, and of modern European history in general, stands to be greatly enriched by a renewed interest in ‘the forgotten Great War’.
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Zatlin, Jonathan R. "Unifying without Integrating: The East German Collapse and German Unity." Central European History 43, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000385.
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The demise of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) came as a surprise to most western observers. For historians of modern Europe, its disappearance remains remarkable for at least two reasons. First, East Germany has ceased to exist in an era when new states are constantly being born. Since the French Revolution unleashed the power of national self-determination as an ordering principle more than 200 years ago, new sovereign states have continued to emerge across the globe, whether through the breakup of multiethnic and colonial empires or the dissolution of pan-Slavic states in eastern Europe. Illiberal governments have been swept aside, often with the result that new states have been cast out of imperial entities by the centrifugal force of cultural attachment. In the history of European political sovereignty during the twentieth century, the particular has triumphed over the universal. Except in the case of the GDR. Against the tide of European history, the GDR has gone from sovereign state (East Germany) to regional designation (eastern Germany). In this sense, the story of the GDR's absorption by a larger polity is a tale of modern state-building told in reverse.
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Scott, Tom. "Scott, Tom, The Survival of Serfdom in Western Europe." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 136, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2019-0002.
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Summary Apart from the survival of serfdom in western Germany, the perpetuation of unfreedom elsewhere in western Europe has frequently been overlooked. Recent research on France, especially its eastern districts, has shown how specific forms of feudal dues, such as the heriot, evolved into a general status of subjection akin to citizenship, just as occurred in the west German lands. In Scandinavia, harsh forms of personal and tenurial unfreedom yielded over time to the state's need for a free peasantry bound only by its duty of military service. In the Mediterranean lands the spread of sharecropping could subject the peasantry to quasiservile dependence.
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Korb, Alexander. "DISSIMILATION, ASSIMILATION AND THE UNMIXING OF PEOPLES: GERMAN AND CROATIAN SCHOLARS WORKING TOWARDS A NEW ETHNO-POLITICAL ORDER, 1919–1945." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 24 (October 24, 2014): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440114000097.
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ABSTRACTThis paper deals with a transnational network of scholars and their demographic concepts of ethnic homogenisation of Europe. Focusing on the ethnographer Karl Christian von Loesch and the sociologist Max Hildebert Boehm, it sheds light on German supremacist scholarship and its international entanglements in the interwar years. Loesch and Boehm headed the Institute for Borderland and Foreign Studies in Berlin, where they developed concepts of a new European demographic order based on ethnic segregation, border shifts, assimilation and population transfers. They closely cooperated with non-German nationalists. Indeed, Loesch and Boehm had a big impact on non-Germans scholars, who studied at their institute and who would later try to apply similar concepts of ethnic homogenisation to their countries. By discussing the work of three of their students, Franz Ronneberger, Mladen Lorković and Fritz Valjavec, the paper presents a case of transnational cooperation between German and south-eastern European scholars. Using Croatia as an example, the paper demonstrates how these scholars worked towards nation-states freed of ethnic minorities. The Second World War would bring them into a position to try to implement their projects. Yet, the brutal dynamics of the war quickly altered the reality scholars had planned to design. The grand demographic schemes paved the way for ethnic cleansing, but had not much to do with the way they were carried out.
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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K. "Toeing the Line: Institutional Rules, Elites, and Party Discipline in Post-Wall Berlin." German Politics and Society 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486624.
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The fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet Bloc provided students of Germany and eastern Europe with unprecedented opportunities to investigate the attitudes and values of those socialized under communism. Extensive mass and elite opinion studies have documented that after decades of rule by an all-encompassing political party imposing iron discipline, eastern Europeans distrust political parties as well as party discipline. Students of eastern Germany have found similar patterns, both at the mass and elite levels. Eastern German politicians and their voters clearly are skeptical of strict party discipline and united in their belief that common interests should outweigh partisan concerns when legislation is made. These attitudes differ sharply from western German opinion, which is more supportive of both parties as a whole and party discipline in particular.
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Zahra, Tara. "“Prisoners of the Postwar”: Expellees, Displaced Persons, and Jews in Austria after World War II." Austrian History Yearbook 41 (April 2010): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809990142.
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In the aftermath of World War II, Austria once again achieved notoriety as a “prison of peoples.” In 1951, theOst-West Kurier, a newspaper in Essen, decried the degrading mistreatment of Austria's so-called “prisoners of the postwar.” Men, women, and children were wasting away in former concentration camps and were denied citizenship rights, the right to work or to travel freely, and basic social protections, the newspaper reported. These “prisoners” were not, however, former Jewish concentration camp inmates, prisoners of war (POWs), or displaced persons (DPs). They were German expellees from Eastern Europe—the very Germans on whose behalf the Nazi war for Lebensraum had allegedly been fought. “In the entire Western world, there is today no group of human beings who has been sentenced to live with so few rights as the so-called Volksdeutsche in Austria,” the newspaper's editors proclaimed:300,000 people, whose homes and property have been torn from them through the expulsions, all too often by their closest neighbors, endured a hard journey to Austria, where they believed upon arrival that it could be something like a greater Heimat for them. Because only three decades ago, they too were Austrians.
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Weber, Matthias. "Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa im deutsch-polnischen Diskurs. Über Asymmetrien des historischen Erinnerns." Germanica Wratislaviensia 141 (February 15, 2017): 399–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0435-5865.141.26.
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Der Beitrag befasst sich mit zwei Bereichen: der deutschen und polnischen Auseinandersetzung mit der gemeinsamen Vergangenheit ebenso wie mit der deutsch-polnischen Konfliktgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Er argumentiert für eine wechselseitige Abgleichung, Ergänzung und Vervollständigung der Geschichtsbilder, ohne zu versuchen, Vereinheitlichungen oder gar Standardisierungen vorzunehmen; dabei werden wissenschaftliche Fragen ebenso wie praktische Probleme der Gestaltung von kollektiver Erinnerung angesprochen.Culture and history of the Germans in Eastern Europein German-Polish debate. On the asymmetry of memoriesThis paper deals with both past and current German and Polish historical debate on the common past and experiences, and especially the history of conflict in the twentieth century. It argues for a reconciliation and the mutual completion of historical analysis and views of history. It argues likewise for contrasting approaches to become attuned to and supplement one another without seeking to standardize the consideration of historical issues. Perspectives of scholarly as well as of practical questions of memory are reflected.
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Spickermann, Roland. "Limits of nationalist mobilization: Bromberg/Bydgoszcz in theKaiserreich,1900–1918." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 925–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.616882.
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Discussions about ethnic mobilization in eastern Europe have emphasized efforts of nationalist leaders to demarcate their community from their neighbors in mixed areas where ethnic boundaries and identities were blurred. Demarcation became a common means of defining the community both geographically and culturally, a process which later facilitated the community's mobilization. In the German Empire, however, the Polish-German demarcation was already stark, since it mostly coincided with Catholic-Protestant demarcations. But while the Polish community mobilized quickly and showed great solidarity, the German community did not. Using the Bromberg/Bydgoszcz administrative district as a model, the article argues that the local German community's internal divisions limited its ability to mobilize. Germans agreed on the need for greater German community solidarity, but differed on conceptualizations of its ideal structure and form. Liberal nationalists, envisioning a more egalitarian community defined by a common ethnicity, fought with local conservatives, who were as intent on preserving their prominence within the community as they were on struggling with the Poles. Such divisions crippled local German mobilization on any scale comparable to their Polish neighbors, suggesting that an ethnic community's self-demarcation is necessary but not sufficient to ensure its mobilization.
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Gregor, Neil. "After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe, 1945–1990." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei419.
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DONERT, CELIA, EMILY GREBLE, and JESSICA WARDHAUGH. "New Scholarship on Central and Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (July 13, 2017): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000224.
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A steady stream of creative new scholarship on Central and Eastern Europe has been arriving at the desks of reviews editors in Contemporary European History. Commissioning and editing essays on this scholarship has persuasively demonstrated its wider importance, not least in challenging the ambiguous and arbitrary line that continues to divide European historiography between East and West. We have therefore taken the decision to present the following five articles collectively, as a means of reflecting on and interrogating assumptions in European historiography. Why do Germany and France still dominate narratives of the Great War? Can we speak of urban continuities and similarities across the socialist and capitalist spheres? How does studying food offer new insights on the global phenomenon of socialism and socialist production?
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MOTADEL, DAVID. "THE ‘MUSLIM QUESTION’ IN HITLER'S BALKANS." Historical Journal 56, no. 4 (October 30, 2013): 1007–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000204.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines Germany's efforts to instrumentalize Islam in the Balkans during the Second World War. As German troops became more involved in the region from early 1943 onwards, German officials began to engage with the Muslim population, promoting Germany as the protector of Islam in south-eastern Europe. Focusing on Bosnia, Herzegovina, and the Sandžak of Novi Pazar, the article explores the relations between German authorities and religious leaders on the ground and enquires into the ways in which German propagandists sought to employ religious rhetoric, terminology, and iconography for political and military ends. Interweaving religious history with the history of military conflict, the article contributes more generally to our understanding of the politics of religion in the Second World War.
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Wachsmann, N. "'Non-Germans' under the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe, with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939-1945." English Historical Review 119, no. 483 (September 1, 2004): 1008–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.483.1008.
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Astramowicz-Leyk, Teresa, Dominika Anna Rosłoń, and Yaryna Turchyn. "Роль Польщі у трансформації європейської східної політики після Холодної війни." Echa Przeszłości, no. XXII/1 (May 9, 2021): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/ep.6716.
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Poland’s eastern policy focused on three interrelated issues: Polish-German reconciliation; the recognition of the first declaration of independence of the Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania and their new borders, with emphasis on the strategic importance of these declarations for Polish sovereignty; and the attempts to establish strong relations with these countries. One of the goals of Poland’s eastern policy was to establish a free and democratic Poland in a democratic and peaceful Europe, and these efforts paved the way to reconciliation with Germany and Poland’s admission to the NATO and the European Union. Poland’s eastern policy before and after Poland’s accession to the EU was shaped by several factors. Firstly, Poland had to fulfil the requirements for EU membership, whereas the EU had to meet Poland’s demands. Secondly, Poland had made several attempts to initiate institutional changesin the EU before it became an EU Member State. Thirdly, Poland’s eastern policy was influenced by the Ukrainian political crisis of 2004 and its outcome, in particular Polish involvement in the Orange Revolution (2004) in the Ukraine. According to most Polish observers, the EU’s involvement in the Ukrainian crisis testified to the absence of a cohesive eastern policy in the EU.
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Cox, John. "Putting Eastern Europe Back Into Western Civilization." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 27, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.27.1.14-21.
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This essay offers a brief description of efforts by a specialist to rework courses for a general curriculum. Needless to say, this adaptation is a common concern for faculty at colleges and small universities. Where there is a strong core curriculum, professors are often called upon to teach surveys or other general courses that include but move well outside their specialties. My own graduate work was in East European history; my foreign research languages are Serbian, German, Slovene, and Hungarian; my visceral frames of reference for historical questions are quintessentially East European concepts such as nationalism, irredenta, great power hegemonism, lagging economic modernization, linguistic diversity, and cultural fault lines; my dissertation was a biography of a revisionist Yugoslav communist. But much of my time in our required freshmen classes is spent teaching a lot of different material, from Hatshepsut to Hiroshima. My colleagues have similar experiences. How do we adapt, and what constructive perspectives can a specialist bring to a general course?
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.
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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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Hummer, Kim E. "History of the Origin and Dispersal of White Pine Blister Rust." HortTechnology 10, no. 3 (January 2000): 515–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.10.3.515.
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The center of diversity for white pine blister rust (WPBR) (Cronartium ribicola J.C. Fischer) most likely stretches from central Siberia east of the Ural Mountains to Asia, possibly bounded by the Himalayas to the south. The alternate hosts for WPBR, Asian five-needled pines (Pinus L.) and Ribes L. native to that region have developed WPBR resistance. Because the dispersal of C. ribicola to Europe and North America occurred within the last several hundred years, the North American five-needled white pines, Pinus subsections, Strobus and Parya, had no previous selection pressure to develop resistance. Establishment of WPBR in North American resulted when plants were transported both ways across the Atlantic Ocean. In 1705, Lord Weymouth had white pine (P. strobis L.), also called weymouth pine in Europe, seed and seedlings brought to England. These trees were planted throughout eastern Europe. In the mid-1800s, WPBR outbreaks were reported in Ribes and then in white pines in eastern Europe. The pathogen may have been brought to Europe on an infected pine from Russia. In the late 1800s American nurserymen, unaware of the European rust incidence, imported many infected white pine seedlings from France and Germany for reforestation efforts. By 1914, rust-infected white pine nursery stock was imported into Connecticut, Indiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Vermont, and Wisconsin, and in the Canadian provinces of Ontario, Quebec, and British Columbia. The range of WPBR is established in eastern North America and the Pacific Northwest. New infection sites in Nevada, South Dakota, New Mexico and Colorado have been observed during the 1990s.
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Koranyi, James. "Merten, Ulrich. Forgotten Voices: The Expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe after World War II (review)." Slavonic and East European Review 93, no. 3 (July 2015): 582–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2015.0007.
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Kenney, Padraic. "Peripheral Vision: Social Science and the History of Communist Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001096.
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Ivan T. Berend, Central and Eastern Europe 1944–1993: Detour from the Periphery to the Periphery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 414 pp., $64.95 (hb), ISBN 0-521-55066-1, $24.95 (pb), ISBN 0-521-66352-0. Valerie Bunce, Subversive Institutions: The Design and Destruction of Socialism and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 206 pp., $54.95 (hb), ISBN 0-521-58449-3; $19.95 (pb), ISBN 0-521-58592-9. Helena Flam, Mosaic of Fear: Poland and East Germany Before 1989 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1998; distributed by Columbia University Press, New York), 283 pp., $50.00, ISBN 0-880-33406-1. Leszek Dziegiel, Paradise in a Concrete Cage: Daily Life in Communist Poland – An Ethnologist's View (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Arcana, 1998), 307 pp., ISBN 8-386-22517-3. András Gero and Iván Peto, Unfinished Socialism: Pictures From the Kádár Era (New York and Budapest: Central European University Press, 1999), 250 pp., $29.95, ISBN 9-639-11650-5.
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Nathans, Eli, and Diemut Majer. ""Non-Germans" under the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe, with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939-1945." American Journal of Legal History 47, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30039499.
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Bauerkämper, Arnd. "Not Dusk, but Dawn: The Cultural Turn and German Social History After 1990." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102003.
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This article focuses on the evolution of social history in pre- 1989 West Germany and the GDR and, on the basis of this overview, identifies new, innovative historiographical trends on (re-)writing social history in unified Germany. It is argued that, for many decades, West German historiography had been characterized by sharp debates between the more established advocates of investigations into social structures and processes, on the one hand, and the grass-roots historians of everyday life, on the other. Since the early 1990s, however, this antagonism has considerably receded in favour of synthetic perspectives. At the same time, interest in the history of East European states and regions has considerably increased. This article highlights these new analytical trends in recent German historiography by taking as example studies of the social history of the GDR. In the unified Germany, the history of the GDR has received particular attention. Access to new sources has also enabled historians to link the histories of Eastern and Western Europe, either by employing comparative perspectives or investigating cross-border entanglements.
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Eigler, Friederike. "Moving Forward: New Perspectives on German-Polish Relations in Contemporary Europe." German Politics and Society 31, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310401.
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Since the end of the Cold War and the reconfiguration of the map ofEurope, scholars across the disciplines have looked anew at the geopoliticaland geocultural dimensions of East Central Europe. Although geographicallyat the periphery of Eastern Europe, Germany and its changing discourseson the East have also become a subject of this reassessment inrecent years. Within this larger context, this special issue explores thefraught history of German-Polish border regions with a special focus oncontemporary literature and film.1 The contributions examine the representationof border regions in recent Polish and German literature (IreneSywenky, Claudia Winkler), filmic accounts of historical German and Polishlegacies within contemporary European contexts (Randall Halle, MeghanO’Dea), and the role of collective memory in contemporary German-Polishrelations (Karl Cordell). Bringing together scholars of Polish and Germanliterature and film, as well as political science, some of the contributionsalso ponder the advantages of regional and transnational approaches toissues that used to be discussed primarily within national parameters.
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Historein, Historein. "National History: Construct or/and Reality?" Historein 1 (May 1, 2000): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.128.
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<p>A workshop addressing the general theme “National History. Construct or/and Reality” was held at the European University Institute (Florence) on the 2nd and 3rd of May 1997. Professor Miroslav Hroch (European University Institute and University of Prague) organised and conducted this project which aimed at a comparative approach of the formation of national histories mostly within Central and Eastern Europe. The first two sessions (Friday, May 2nd, morning and afternoon) were devoted to the exploration of “The Concept of our National History”. The following scholars (according to the order of presentation) focused their analysis on certain cases of national histories:</p><p><strong>A. First session</strong></p><p>- Professor Otto Dann (University of Köln) - Germans.<br />- Professor Miroslav Hroch (EUI and University of Prague) and Dr. Jitka Maleckova (University of Prague) - Czechs.<br />- Professor Ottar Dahl (University of Oslo) - Norwegians.<br />- Professor Marjatta Hietala (University of Tampere) - Finns.</p><p><strong>B. Second session</strong></p><p>- Dr. Eva Ring Agh (University of Budapest) - Hungarians.<br />- Dr. Bronislav Hronec (University of Bratislava) - Slovaks.<br />- Dr. Effi Gazi (University of Crete) - Greeks.</p>