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Journal articles on the topic 'German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy'
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1
Flade, Falk. "Beyond socialist camaraderie. Cross-border railway between German Democratic Republic, Poland and Soviet Union (1950s–60s)." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619845339.
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In order to facilitate cross-border railway transport between socialist countries in Eastern Europe, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and later the Organisation for Cooperation of Railways were established in 1949 and 1956. Joint planning, standardisation and tariff policy were the main fields of cooperation. The paper focuses on the struggles between Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and Organisation for Cooperation of Railways member countries regarding transit tariffs for cross-border freight shipments. These struggles, dragging on for more than three decades, reveal the economic interests of individual member countries and the limitations of socialist foreign trade (and alleged friendship). This study argues that despite of political declarations and the establishment of socialist international organisations, the East European railways became a major bottleneck in intrabloc trade.
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Vahrenkamp, Richard. "The Dream of Large-Scale Truck Transport Enterprises — Outsourcing Experiments in the German Democratic Republic, 1957–80." Journal of Transport History 36, no. 1 (June 2015): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.36.1.2.
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Under state socialist economic policy, the concept of large-scale factories played an important role. The assumption was that large productivity gains would result from large-scale organisation and so large-scale concepts were also applied to the transport sector. Thirty years before Western management started outsourcing truck transportation from their factories, from 1957 state socialist traffic policy in the German Democratic Republic pulled truck fleets out of nationally owned enterprises, concentrating them into large and dedicated transport service enterprises. As this policy did not increase productivity, it was partly revised in the 1960s. The centralisation policy was unsuccessful because state-owned enterprises struggled against the state socialist transport department to keep the fleets they needed to conduct business. Conflicts between the state socialist ideology of centralisation and the operational needs of transportation within commerce, construction and industry took on many forms. For example the enterprises transferred only old trucks to the service companies. The paper shows that the theorem of the ‘economies of scale’ that was derived in the process industries does not apply in the transportation trade.
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Marcuse, Peter. "Letter From the German Democratic Republic." Monthly Review 42, no. 3 (July 4, 1990): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-042-03-1990-07_4.
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Tanneberger, Stephan. "Ethical Responsibility in the German Democratic Republic." Hastings Center Report 19, no. 4 (July 1989): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3562311.
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Harsch, Donna. "Medicalized Social Hygiene?: Tuberculosis Policy in the German Democratic Republic." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 86, no. 3 (2012): 394–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2012.0059.
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Buttner, Thomas, and Wolfgang Lutz. "Estimating Fertility Responses to Policy Measures in the German Democratic Republic." Population and Development Review 16, no. 3 (September 1990): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1972835.
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Boot, Pieter A. "East‐West trade and industrial policy: The case of the German democratic republic." Soviet Studies 39, no. 4 (October 1987): 651–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668138708411724.
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Ebeling, K., and P. Nischan. "Assessing the Effectiveness of a Cervical Cancer Screening Program in the German Democratic Republic." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 3, no. 1 (January 1987): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300011806.
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Debardeleben, Joan T. "Esoteric Policy Debate: Nuclear Safety Issues in the Soviet Union and German Democratic Republic." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (April 1985): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004178.
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At a time when the nuclear power industry in many Western countries faces political and economic obstacles to expansion, commitment to assertive development of nuclear power continues to intensify in the Soviet Union, as well as in most East European countries. Although in 1980 nuclear power provided only about 5·1 per cent of electrical generating capacity in the Soviet Union, the 11th Five Year Plan (1981–85) projected an increase to 14 per cent, or to approximately 38,000 MW (megawatts) of installed capacity. Although longer-run projections are less definite, it appears that by 1990 authorities hope to achieve between 80,000 and 90,000 MW of nuclear generating capacity. A similar commitment to nuclear power exists in most CMEA countries, particularly in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). As of 31 December 1982, the GDR's 1,830 MW of nuclear generating capacity was the highest in Eastern Europe (outside the Soviet Union), although Bulgaria has overtaken the GDR in terms of proportion of electrical capacity provided by nuclear power (16 per cent for Bulgaria and 11 per cent for the GDR in 1980). According to projections, Czechoslovakia should increase its nuclear capacity from 880 MW in 1980 to between 3,100 and 3,600 MW by 1985, while the GDR plans to raise its capacity to 2,270 MW.
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SCHOLZ, MICHAEL F. "East Germany's North European Policy prior to International Recognition of the German Democratic Republic." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (October 6, 2006): 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003547.
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The main aim of the GDR's foreign policy was to promote the survival and stabilisation of the SED dictatorship, and the so-called ‘worldwide revolution’, by seeking external recognition. After it was granted full sovereignty in 1954–5 the East German state carefully cultivated relations with Western countries. The Scandinavian countries received special attention on the basis of common history, natural economic and transport links, a close relationship with their respective communist parties and East German conformity to Soviet policy in the Baltic region. Up to the 1970s the GDR's main aim was to end its own international isolation. Despite a few spectacular successes, not even Sweden was won over and the final breakthrough did not come until the government of the FRG embarked on its new and successful Ostpolitik. In 1972–3 the Scandinavian countries were among the first officially to recognise the GDR.
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Hollingum, Jack. "JBA trips the light fantastic." Assembly Automation 9, no. 2 (February 1, 1989): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb004260.
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AUTOMATED lamp manufacture is quite a large but specialised market which traditionally has been served by a small number of machine builders. The introduction of halogen lamps has brought some new manufacturing technology with it and has made it possible for some challengers to enter the market place. With the delivery of a complete system with eight linked sub‐assembly machines, together with four stand‐alone machines, John Brown Automation has clearly found a place in this market. The system has been supplied to an organisation in the German Democratic Republic.
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Koshevnikova, Ekaterina. "On Some Trends in the Language Policy in Federal Republic of Germany." Legal Linguistics, no. 19 (30) (April 1, 2021): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/leglin(2021)1902.
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This article briefly describes the current trends in language policy in the world on the example of the Federal Republic of Germany. The article gives definitions of the main categories that characterize the language policy, quotes from regulatory acts of Germany at both the federal and regional levels. According to generally accepted classifications, German language policy is defined as retrospective and democratic while its type as linguistic pluralism.
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Ostrowski, Marek. "Culture in the service of politics. The German question and relations between the German Democratic Republic and the Polish People’s Republic." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 58, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.58.21.
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The politics of memory and culture of the Polish People’s Republic alludes to Ideologiekritik in its idiosyncratic way characterized by Marxist utopianism. In reality, this leads to reversing this theory. The causes of fascism are seen in “German imperialism”. For political and strategic reasons the German Democratic Republic becomes one of the main partners of the Polish People’s Republic, with regard to which it is capable of accomplishing the guidelines of its policy in the cultural dimension. This is accompanied by an intensive cultural exchange between the two countries. In the language of official politics manifested, for instance, in the strategy of publishing houses of the Polish People’s Republic the culture of the two countries develop in a parallel fashion, which is an obvious product of the propaganda.
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Rumberg, Dirk W. W. "Glasnost in the GDR? the Impact of Gorbachev's Reform Policy On the German Democratic Republic." International Relations 9, no. 3 (April 1988): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788800900301.
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Węc, Janusz Józef. "Die Programmentwicklung und die Strategie der FDP in der Ostpolitik in den Jahren 1969-1974 im Lichte der neuen Quellen des Archivs des Deutschen Liberalismus." Politeja 17, no. 6(69) (October 1, 2020): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.69.06.
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The Program Evolution and the Strategy of the FDP in Ostpolitik in 1969- 1974 in the Light of New Resources of the Archive of German Liberalism
The main objective of the article is to analyze the program activities and the strategy of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) in the Eastern policy (Ostpolitik) of the Federal Republic of Germany in the years 1969-1974. The author has used in this work new resources from the archive of German Liberalism in Gummersbach, which is of great importance. This enabled him to present a new assessment of the influence of the FDP on the Eastern policy of the Federal Republic of Germany during the period presented.
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Berentsen, W. H. "Regional Planning in Central Europe: Austria, the Federal Republic of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, and Switzerland." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 3, no. 3 (September 1985): 319–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c030319.
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Koerner, U. "Policy Positions on in vitro Fertilization and Embryo Transfer in Human Individuals (German Democratic Republic, 1985)." Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 14, no. 3 (June 1, 1989): 355–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jmp/14.3.355.
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Saitz, Hermann H. "Erfurt city and traffic: an example of transport policy and planning in the German Democratic Republic." Transport Reviews 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01441648808716670.
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Ethnic Germans in Poland and the Czech Republic: A Comparative Evaluation*." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 2 (June 2005): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500088610.
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This paper seeks to analyze the nature of the German minorities in the Czech Republic and Poland. In order to achieve this goal, the relationship between Czechoslovakia/the Czech Republic and Poland with the Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany/FRG) forms an essential intellectual backdrop to our main theme. Reference to the Deutsche Demokratische Republik (German Democratic Republic/GDR) will be made as and where appropriate. As we shall see, tensions simmered between the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (Socialist Unity Party of Germany/SED) and the Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza Zjednoczona (Polish United Workers' Party/PZPR), and in reality relations between the two sides were poor. Reference will be made to wartime German occupation policy in both Poland and the Czech lands. Due attention will also be paid to the consequent expulsion of ethnic Germans from Poland and Czechoslovakia. However, due to limitations of space these themes, that have been exhaustively dealt with elsewhere, do not form part of our main focus of study.
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Ebeling, K., and P. Nischan. "Nonexperimental Evaluation of the Effectiveness of a Screening Program for Lung Cancer." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 8, no. 02 (March 1992): 245–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300013477.
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AbstractThe effectiveness of screening to control lung cancer was examined in the German Democratic Republic by analyzing data from a cancer registry and incidence and mortality rates for lung cancer relative to different screening policies, and by two case-control studies. Mortality from lung cancer did not appear to be affected by the screening programs studied. The high cost of mass screening, combined with uncertainty about the benefits of early treatment of lung cancer, outweigh the vague advantages of such screening.
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BERGER, STEFAN, and DARREN G. LILLEKER. "THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC DURING THE ERA OF NON-RECOGNITION, 1949–1973." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002443.
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The German Democratic Republic (GDR) became the focus of a recurrent and sometimes heated debate within the British Labour party before 1973. The official stance of the party followed an all-party consensus within parliament about the non-recognition of the second German state. Yet many on the left wing of the Labour party came, for various reasons, to perceive such an inflexible stance as governed not by reason but dictated by the West German government. Such ambivalence towards West Germany and the Adenauer government in particular led to ambiguities within the party's policy as a considerable minority, including some key figures within the party, offered alternative strategies for maintaining or improving relations with the GDR. The most radical alternative, official recognition of the GDR as a legal, political entity, was only propounded by a core of hard left campaigners both within and outside the party. This article examines why sections of the Labour left came to sympathize with the GDR and how successful it was in influencing official party policy during the whole period of non-recognition of the GDR between 1949 and 1973.
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Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.
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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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Towfigh, Emanuel. "Old Weimar Meets New Political Economy: Democratic Representation in the Party State." German Law Journal 13, no. 3 (March 2012): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020484.
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One of the prominent questions surrounding Weimar Theory of the State was that of the significance and influence of the political parties within the state. From the perspective of constitutional law, parties were as undesirable as they were an “inescapable” fact of modern statehood. They appeared to be an absolutely necessary consequence of the emancipation of all classes and social strata: Legitimation of state rule was no longer conceivable merely as a natural rule from above; on the other hand, there was no longer a unified bourgeoisie, and it thus seemed impossible for the political whole to be represented by people who felt beholden exclusively to the common weal. The homogeneous “people” had become a heterogeneous “mass.” The parties seemed to be a necessity, on the one hand, for active citizens to articulate themselves in the political system and, on the other hand, for state unity not to be torn apart by the power of a plurality of interests leaning in many different directions. Parties could therefore be conceived of as aprerequisitefor state organisation: The idea of the “party state” was born. One important protagonist in the discussion on the status of parties within the state structure was the constitutional legal scholar Gerhard Leibholz (1901–1982). In Weimar times, he was the most prominent representative of party state theory (Parteienstaatslehre), and as someone who “had somehow fallen between the eras,” he also actively shaped the party state of the Bonn Republic for over twenty years (1951–1971), as a judge at the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), by significantly influencing legislation on parliamentary, party, and electoral law. His persona was therefore a particularly important bridging link between the Weimar Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, and even today, his theses are highly topical: “Beyond all eras, Gerhard Leibholz stands for the great tradition of German constitutional theory.”
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Grossheim, Martin. "The Lao Động Party, Culture and the Campaign against “Modern Revisionism”." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 8, no. 1 (2012): 80–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2013.8.1.80.
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The article tries to make a contribution to the reassessment of the Second Indochina War and of the significance of culture in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam before and during the conflict. By making use of as-yet untapped sources from the German Democratic Republic archives, DRV periodicals and interviews with Vietnamese informants, I highlight the cultural dimension of the campaign against modern revisionism in 1964, and thus present the Lao Động leadership as an actor on the cultural front of the Vietnam conflict. Moreover, I show that even after the beginning of the war an anti-revisionist undercurrent in cultural policy persisted and that the anti-revisionist campaign in 1964 was closely related to the Anti-Party Revisionist Affair in 1967. The article also sheds light on the impact of the Sino-Soviet conflict on North Vietnam.
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Тюренкова, Дарья Олеговна. "IMAGE OF THE IDEAL WOMAN-CITIZEN OF THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC IN THE WOMEN'S PRESS." Тверского государственного университета. Серия: История, no. 3(55) (December 25, 2020): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vthistory/2020.3.117.
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Статья посвящена изучению характера трансляции норм, составляющих образ идеальной гражданки ГДР по материалам женской прессы. Произведён анализ четырёх женских журналов ГДР («DieFrauvonheute», «Für-dich», «Pramo», «Sibylle»), на его основе предпринята попытка выявить детали «собирательного образа» героини каждого из рассмотренных изданий с учётом как требуемого государством «образца», так и редакционной политики и запроса самих читательниц. Автором выявлены сферы реализации женщин, в рамках которых осуществлялась трансляция нормативного поведения в указанных журналах. Рассмотрены составляющие образа идеальной гражданки ГДР в области профессиональной реализации и участия в деятельности общественных организаций, в сфере семейных взаимоотношений - брака и материнства, а также в досуговых практиках. The article studies the specifics of broadcasting the norms that make up the image of the ideal woman-citizen of the GDR based on the materials of the women's press. The analysis of four women's magazines of the GDR («Die Frau von heute», «Für dich», «Pramo», «Sibylle») has been carried out. On the basis of the analysis, the details of the «collective image» of the heroine of each of the reviewed publications were revealed from the following angles: the «sample» required by the state, the goals of editorial policy, the request of the readers themselves. The author identified the spheres of realization of women, the broadcast of normative behavior within which was carried out in the indicated women's magazines. The components of the image of an ideal woman-citizen of the GDR in the field of professional implementation and participation in the activities of public organizations, in the field of family relationships - marriage and motherhood, as well as in leisure practices are considered.
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Dalton, Russell J., and Willy Jou. "Is There a Single German Party System?" German Politics and Society 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280203.
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Few aspects of politics have been as variable as partisan politics in the two decades since German unification. In the East, citizens had to learn about democratic electoral politics and the party system from an almost completely fresh start. In the West, voters experienced a changing partisan landscape and the shifting policy positions of the established parties as they confronted the challenges of unification. This article raises the question of whether there is one party system or two in the Federal Republic. We first describe the voting results since 1990, and examine the evolving links between social milieu and the parties. Then we consider whether citizens are developing affective party ties that reflect the institutionalization of a party system and voter choice. Although there are broad similarities between electoral politics in West and East, the differences have not substantially narrowed in the past two decades.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.
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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting that a unified Germany guarantee the finality of its eastern borders and remain committed to the West. This caution clearly demonstrated the apprehension on the part of U.S. policy-makers that nationalism and the push for national unity might prove stronger than the German commitment to NATO and the western alliance.
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Lamberti, Marjorie. "German Schoolteachers, National Socialism, and the Politics of Culture at the End of the Weimar Republic." Central European History 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916101750149130.
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In the Third Reich a high percentage of the civil servants in the cadres of functionaries of the National Socialist Party on the local and district levels were teachers. It is thus not surprising that some historians who studied the elementary school teaching profession in the Weimar Republic began their research with assumptions about the “ideological affinities” of teachers to fascism and discussed “the specific predispositions that made it easy for them to identify with National Socialism.” The German Teachers' Association, one scholar wrote, “proved to be more a precursor than an opponent of fascism.” At its national congress in May 1932, another historian related, the representatives of the chapters voted for a policy which, in effect, abandoned the democratic republic and “indirectly helped those political forces that would create a dictatorship in Germany within a year.” In 1932 and 1933, on the other hand, recruiters for the National Socialist Teachers’ League often complained about “hard and difficult soil” and “unpenetrable” regions.
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Herf, Jeffrey. "“At War with Israel”: East Germany’s Key Role in Soviet Policy in the Middle East." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 129–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00450.
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The Middle East was one of the crucial battlefields of the global Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West; it was also a region in which East Germany played a salient role in the Soviet bloc’s antagonism toward Israel. From 1953, when the German Democratic Republic (GDR) signed its first trade agreement with Egypt, until 1989, when the Communist regime in the GDR collapsed, East Germany opposed the state of Israel and supported Israel’s enemies in the Arab world, providing arms, training, and other support to countries and terrorist groups that sought to destroy Israel. From the mid-1960s until 1989, but especially from 1967 to the mid-1980s, both the Soviet Union and the GDR were in an undeclared state of war against Israel.
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Zmierczak, Maria. "Refleksje na temat książki Sebastiana Fikusa „Trudny spadek dysydentów III Rzeszy w Republice Federalnej Niemiec”." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.10.
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REFLECTIONS ON SEBASTIAN FIKUS’S TRUDNY SPADEK DYSYDENTÓW III RZESZY W REPUBLICE FEDERALNEJ NIEMIEC DIFFICULT LEGACY OF THE THIRD REICH’S DISSIDENTS IN FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANYThe reviewed book contains a description of state policy towards the German opponents of Hitler’s regime after the fall of the Third Reich. The death sentences of military courts, Volksgericht and special war courts were treated as legal and the victims and their descendants were not vindicated until 2009. It means that they figured as criminals for more than 50 years. The author suggests that this was connected mainly with economic reasons and the need to restore the national economy. The commentary of the reviewer underlines the importance of other aspects: on the one hand, it was not easy to declare that the Federal Republic of Germany is a new state and to break the continuity of state, especially in the face of the existing German Democratic Republic. On the other hand, it is not easy to declare that the law was not legal, and to punish judges or officers who had acted according to the legal prescriptions; not to mention the old sentence lex retro non agit.
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Tichenor, Kimba Allie. "Protecting Unborn Life in the Secular Age: The Catholic Church and the West German Abortion Debate, 1969–1989." Central European History 47, no. 3 (September 2014): 612–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001666.
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In 1969, the newly elected coalition government of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) in West Germany announced plans to reform Paragraph 218, the law that regulated women's access to abortion. This announcement prompted a public debate in West Germany on the state's obligation to protect unborn life—a debate that continues today in reunified Germany. Through an analysis of key events in that debate between 1969 and 1989, this article makes a twofold argument. First it argues that despite West Germany's increasingly secular orientation, the Catholic Church exercised significant political influence with respect to abortion policy throughout the history of the Federal Republic. Second, it argues that the West German Church's participation in these debates exposed deep rifts within the Catholic community, which, in turn, contributed to the formation of a smaller, more activist, and conservative Church. This smaller Church has achieved a remarkable degree of political success in reunified Germany by mobilizing its conservative core constituency, embracing new arguments, and pursuing issue-specific alliances.
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Allinson, Mark. "More from Less: Ideological Gambling with the Unity of Economic and Social Policy in Honecker's GDR." Central European History 45, no. 1 (March 2012): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911001002.
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In the numerous analyses of the economic failings of the German Democratic Republic, considerable attention and blame have attached to the extensive social policy program of Erich Honecker, leader of the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) after 1971. The “unity of economic and social policy” encompassed the GDR's entire political economy under Honecker. It was an attempt—a last-ditch attempt, as it transpired—to incentivize higher production, but also to fulfill the party's promise of higher living standards. In sum, the intention was to secure both the GDR's long-term economic viability and popular support via (modest) consumerism and an extensive program of social welfare measures. In so doing, the SED would prove the economic, social, and political theories that underpinned the whole ideology of “real existing socialism.”
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CHOUDHRY, SUJIT. "Resisting democratic backsliding: An essay on Weimar, self-enforcing constitutions, and the Frankfurt School." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 1 (March 2018): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000011.
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Abstract:What, if anything, can constitutions do to resist democratic backsliding? The collapse of the Weimar Republic has led scholars of comparative politics to conclude that constitutional forms and institutions can do little to resist the breakdown of democracy and the rise of autocracy. This paper offers a constitutionalist response. The outlines of that answer can be found in decades-old policy documents produced by a set of German émigré scholars during and in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War: Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer. The secret reports root constitutional stability in the creation of a framework for bounded partisan pluralist contestation among political parties that track the principal social and economic cleavages, and that is rooted within, and does not seek to overthrow, the underlying political economy. Second, the secret reports highlight the importance of constitutional design in creating a constitutional infrastructure for bounded pluralistic political contestation, especially with respect to the role of political parties. Third, the secret reports suggest a counter-narrative of the German Basic Law as creating a framework for political contestation that reinforces constitutional stability instead of undermining it.
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Gut, Paweł. "Ustawowe podstawy działania archiwów niemieckich. Federalne i krajowe ustawy archiwalne." Archeion, no. 121 (2020): 182–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.20.007.12964.
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Statutory grounds for the activity of German archives. Federal and national laws on archives Laws on archives lay down the purposes and tasks of archives. Modern archival legislation began to develop as early as at the time of the French Revolution. According to Elanie Goh, the development of archives and the enactment of archival law was either revolutionary or evolutionary. The federal political system of Germany is also reflected in its law on archives, in the organisation of archives, in record management and in its archival fonds. This results, for example, from the variety of archive traditions and from the past political systems in Germany, which is why the country archival legislation relies on both enactment trends. Up until the 1980s, the issue of archival fonds and archives in the Federal Republic of Germany, a democratic state, was not regulated by laws on archives (Archivgesetze) but by other regulations instead, usually administrative orders. This changed due to personal data protection and confidentiality legislation. The first domestic law on archives was adopted by Baden-Württemberg in 1987, and the federal act (Bundesarchivgesetz) was signed in January 1988. By 1997, all the states received archival legislation, which was either amended or re-enacted over the next two decades. A new federal law on archives was announced in 2017. German laws on archives are concise documents that address the main aspects of archival fonds, record management (also for electronic records) and archive organisation. Being so laconic, the legislation does not require vast modifications during the creation of other laws that influence archives (for example, personal data protection laws).
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Gut, Paweł. "Ustawowe podstawy działania archiwów niemieckich. Federalne i krajowe ustawy archiwalne." Archeion, no. 121 (2020): 182–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.20.007.12964.
Full textAbstract:
Statutory grounds for the activity of German archives. Federal and national laws on archives Laws on archives lay down the purposes and tasks of archives. Modern archival legislation began to develop as early as at the time of the French Revolution. According to Elanie Goh, the development of archives and the enactment of archival law was either revolutionary or evolutionary. The federal political system of Germany is also reflected in its law on archives, in the organisation of archives, in record management and in its archival fonds. This results, for example, from the variety of archive traditions and from the past political systems in Germany, which is why the country archival legislation relies on both enactment trends. Up until the 1980s, the issue of archival fonds and archives in the Federal Republic of Germany, a democratic state, was not regulated by laws on archives (Archivgesetze) but by other regulations instead, usually administrative orders. This changed due to personal data protection and confidentiality legislation. The first domestic law on archives was adopted by Baden-Württemberg in 1987, and the federal act (Bundesarchivgesetz) was signed in January 1988. By 1997, all the states received archival legislation, which was either amended or re-enacted over the next two decades. A new federal law on archives was announced in 2017. German laws on archives are concise documents that address the main aspects of archival fonds, record management (also for electronic records) and archive organisation. Being so laconic, the legislation does not require vast modifications during the creation of other laws that influence archives (for example, personal data protection laws).
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Cupers, Kenny. "The Cultural Center." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.4.464.
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The Cultural Center: Architecture as Cultural Policy in Postwar Europe examines how culture became an explicit domain of state policy in postwar Europe and why the modern architecture of cultural centers and culture halls became central to such policy. Kenny Cupers uses a variety of archival and primary sources to analyze maisons de la culture in France and Kulturpaläste or Kulturhäuser in the German Democratic Republic during the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on the roles of bureaucrats, policy makers, and designers, he reveals how architecture articulated cultural politics in which participation was harnessed to bolster the intervention of the state in everyday life—whether through unqualified support, as in France, or through often-oppressive regulation, as in the GDR. This premise is what shaped the design approaches of programmatic integration, polyvalence, and communication for new cultural institutions across the Cold War divide.
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Maulucci, Thomas W. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000302.
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The early career of Herbert Blankenhorn (1904–1991) illustrates important trends in the transition from Nazi Germany to the Federal Republic. During the 1930s and 1940s he served as a diplomat in the German Foreign Office and also joined the Nazi Party in 1938. After 1945 he would play a very public role in the creation of a new political culture in West Germany. Konrad Adenauer thought that the exceptional political sense of his young personal assistant, who also served as Secretary General of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the British Zone, helped him become chancellor of the Federal Republic in 1949. Through the mid-1950s Blankenhorn remained one of Adenauer's most intimate advisors, especially on matters concerning foreign policy. From late 1949 to mid-1950, he also oversaw the creation of what became the West German Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office), and thereafter he was the head of its Political Division and deputy to State Secretary Walter Hallstein until 1955. He went on to serve as West German ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (1955–1958), France (1958–1963), Italy (1963–1965), and the United Kingdom (1965–1970). After retiring from the diplomatic service in 1970, Blankenhorn functioned as the West German representative in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Executive Council until 1976.
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Zajas, Pawel. "South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (October 9, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.8324.
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The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.
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Oehlke, Paul. "The development of labor process policies in the Federal Republic of Germany." Concepts and Transformation 6, no. 2 (December 3, 2001): 109–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.6.2.03oeh.
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In the years following the Second World War, the West German market economy was to distinguish itself as a social alternative, superior to the real socialism as it existed in East Germany with all its economic weaknesses and democratic deficits. Within the context of this social competition, the crisis of Fordist mass production led to increasing attempts to humanize the workplace. The result in 1974 was that the social/liberal coalition government instigated labor policies that the subsequent Christian Democrat/liberal government continued. As the policies were translated into reality, a reform constellation was to crystallize — a network which, in the 1980s, was able to develop innovative concepts for the labor process. Over the next decade, it promoted extended concepts for production, service and employment which, however, eventually stagnated against the background of increasingly neoliberal strategies of rationalization and deregulation. These resulted in problems for employment and employment policy, the solution of which demands wide-ranging labor policies.
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Diec, Joachim. "The Hamburg Circle: A Thoroughly Structured Expression of the German Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic." Politeja 18, no. 3(72) (June 5, 2021): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.72.06.
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The members of the Hamburg Circle: W. Stapel (the leading figure), H. Bogner, A.E. Günther, G. Günther, are usually attributed to the ‘young conservative’ trend of the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic. The main platform of their expression was the Deutsches Volkstum, a monthly published in Hamburg between 1898 and 1938. The activists of the circle opposed the realities of the Weimar Republic, negating the foundations of a democratic and liberal society as it did not express the ‘national will’ of Germans. Their ideal was not exactly in the revival of monarchy but they proposed a national state which was supposed to promote the traditionally structured society. In the area of religious policy, Stapel and his colleagues aimed at a non-secular state with a form of traditionalistic church life in spite of the religious diversity in Germany. Christianity was not perceived from a purely spiritual perspective, but as a doctrine that should be a strong pillar of the state. The Hamburg Circle claimed that to achieve these goals Germans ought to reject liberalism and pacifism, which appeared to be a dangerous consequence of the ideological pressure from assimilated Jewry.
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Kelly, Elaine. "Performing Diplomatic Relations: Music and East German Foreign Policy in the Middle East during the Late 1960s." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 493–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.493.
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Music provided the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with a crucial international platform during the Cold War. Denied diplomatic recognition by most Western nations until the early 1970s, the state depended on artists to negotiate its image abroad and channeled considerable resources to this end. This article explores how the GDR tried to expedite diplomatic relations with Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon in the late 1960s through an intensive program of musical activity, which included attempts to send East German musical “experts” to Cairo and Damascus, and the organization of state-funded tours to the region by high-profile ensembles such as the Dresdner Philharmonie, the Rundfunk-Sinfonieorchester Leipzig, the Gewandhausorchester Leipzig, and the Deutsche Staatsoper. Examining variously the politics of cultural transfer that these activities entailed, the economics involved, and the power dynamics that played out in the relations between the GDR and Egypt, in particular, the article illuminates the way music diplomacy functioned between Cold War periphery states. Notably, cultural exchange between the GDR and the Arab nations was shaped as much by discourses of postcolonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism as it was by any binary opposition of Marxist-Leninism and capitalist democracy.
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McSpadden, James. "“A New Way of Governing”: Heinrich Brüning, Rudolf Hilferding, and Cross-Party Cooperation during the Waning Years of the Weimar Republic, 1930–1932." Central European History 53, no. 3 (September 2020): 584–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000943.
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AbstractThis article examines the unexpected behind-the-scenes relationship between the conservative Catholic chancellor Heinrich Brüning and Marxist theorist Rudolf Hilferding. This relationship is the starting point to understand both the politics of toleration and the political and cultural ecosystem in which this friendship came about. The German Social Democratic Party's policy of tolerating Brüning's conservative minority cabinet was hotly contested and has been viewed skeptically by political historians ever since. This article analyzes the mechanics of toleration through Brüning and Hilferding's relationship and demonstrates how Hilferding became the indispensable intermediary between the German cabinet and the socialist party. Toleration was a replacement political process in a polarized climate. A behind-the-scenes informal coalition that included the socialists, as well as the conservative cabinet, muddled through governing and policymaking with backroom negotiations instead of parliamentary debate. Although it failed, toleration was a last-ditch political strategy trying to preserve the Weimar Republic.
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Hiepko, Kathrin A. "Where is the Hoechst Insulin?: The Role of Diabetics and Their Doctors as Consumers During the German Democratic Republic’s Autarkic Policy of ‘Making Free From Disturbance’, 1961–1966." Social History of Medicine 33, no. 3 (March 7, 2019): 924–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkz013.
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Summary This article examines the treatment of the chronic disease, diabetes mellitus, during and immediately after the German Democratic Republic (GDR)’s autarkic policy of Störfreimachung, literally translated as ‘making free from disturbance’. I look specifically at an insulin favoured by East German diabetes specialists and their patients delivered from the West German pharmaceutical company, Hoechst AG, and the consequences of preventing this insulin from being imported. By using insulin as a case study, a medication necessary for the survival of insulin-dependent diabetics, the article offers a close analysis of the complex relationship between ordinary citizens, medical professionals and the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) following the building of the Berlin Wall. I argue that the intense focus on the issue of consumption in the competition between the GDR and West Germany shaped both the attitude of the SED and those responding to the policy of Störfreimachung. The SED regime and leading health officials espoused a highly ‘productionist’ medical ethos that was somewhat at odds with their growing desire to meet increasing consumer demands. This collision opened up ideological contradictions, which provided an opportunity for those on the receiving end of the policy to discredit it, and, by extension, justify the continued use of their preferred choice of insulin from Hoechst. I draw, in particular, on patient Eingaben (petitions) and reports by district diabetologists in order to uncover this trend.
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Egamberdiev, Azamat. "PROBLEMS RELATED TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE JURISDICTION IN UZBEKISTAN." Administrative law and process, no. 2 (29) (2020): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2227-796x.2020.2.05.
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The article deals with the development of the system of judicial administrative control in the Republic of Uzbekistan in the context of the modernization of the post-Soviet Central Asian country under the rule of law. The author discusses the legal foundations of the Uzbek administrative judiciary and deals with the problems of developing basic legal terms as well as the fundamental principles of an administrative judicial process that meets the requirements of the rule of law. In addition, the author comments on the legal policy requirements for successful administrative reform in Uzbekistan. He points out the need to change the general legal awareness in his country and considers the current Uzbek legal protection system in need of improvement. In the author’s opinion, German experience in the field of legal protection should be taken into account when transforming Uzbekistan into a democratic constitutional state. In this context, he recommends close cooperation between Uzbek and German legal scholars and legal practitioners.
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Nefedov, Vyacheslav. "The influence of Soviet Union on the post-war culture development of Eastern Germany (1945–1949)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 178 (2019): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-178-175-181.
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The study of cultural problems in the countries of the socialist community has acquired considerable relevance in historical research recently. At the same time there are considerable gaps in the study of culture of German Democratic Republic. For the period from 1945 to 1949 it is especially true. Appeal to the sources of the Soviet period can make it partly up. Nevertheless, this is insufficient. A modern view of the culture of East Germany after Second World War is ne-cessary. The policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany at the socialist culture formation period is the subject of this research. The consideration of the influence of Soviet Union and ideas of Oc-tober Revolution on the postwar cultural development of East Germany (1945–1949) is the aim of this research. The realization of research tasks based on the using of Soviet and German books, newspapers and magazines is achieved. Sociopragmatic method, that allows to objectively investigate the processes in Soviet occupation zone of German is the main in this work. Social processes that occurred from 1945 to 1949 in East Germany are investigated. The degree of influence of Soviet Union and the ideas of October Revolution on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany is determined. The study of the Soviet influence on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany in the German society allowed to determinate its level as quite high. The study confirms the conclusions of researchers that party persons of SUPG sought to conduct cultural policy in East Germany based on the Soviet sample.
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Opiłowska, Elżbieta. "“The Miracle on the Oder”." East Central Europe 41, no. 2-3 (December 3, 2014): 204–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04103003.
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This article aims to analyze the impact of the policy of détente in the 1970s on the development of the German-Polish borderland and on grassroots cooperation. Opening the border for non-visa and non-passport traffic on 1 January 1972 was of great importance to mutual relations between the residents of the border regions. In the first period, German citizens used the opened border mainly for traveling to the so-called native land in order to look at their former households and houses, to “one more time cover the way back home from school.” The Polish, in turn, started shopping, mainly for children’s goods and food. It soon turned out that the German Democratic Republic had not been prepared for such a large number of Polish customers. Because of this conflicts arose and new prejudices appeared. Even so, for the first time since the war had ended the open border enabled direct contacts. New acquaintances were made. The number of Polish-German marriages significantly increased. Based on archive sources and written memoirs as well as narrative interviews this paper will investigate what influence this period had on the Polish-German relations in the border regions and how it is reflected in the memories of the border area residents.
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Kudriachenko, Аndriy. "The Peculiarities of Overcoming the Painful Nazi and Socialist Past in Contemporary Germany." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-43.
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The article analyses the components of overcoming the national socialist past of Germany and the totalitarian legacy of the socialist era, identifies four historical periods, displays the fundamental difference and common features in the approaches of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic to the study of the national socialist past, and outlines a system of measures for the formation of political culture in reunified Germany. Various components of the policy of clear distancing from the Hitler regime and integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as a way to establish modern democratic foundations of Germany’s development are considered. The article emphasizes the importance of the generational change and critical public study of the painful past and an important role of the establishment of a new political culture. The growing public interest and intensive public discussions in united Germany related to the formation of historical memory are pointed out. The importance and significance of studying the GDR’s past and overcoming differences between citizens of the Eastern and Western parts of reunified Germany are emphasized. The article also outlines new approaches and visions of self-identification of a state, society and citizens based on the so-called constitutional patriotism. The author emphasizes that the German society has established the idea that any positive historical myths cannot become a basis for the genuine development of a country and that an antidote to the repetition of the terrible pages of history is not relegating them to oblivion but immortal memory thereof. Such an approach included an appropriate set of sociopolitical and economic measures ranging from property restitution and lustration to the payment of monetary compensation to victims of the regime and creation of memorial complexes. The author hopes that overcoming the burdensome Nazi and totalitarian past will continue to serve as a powerful guarantee of the democratic progress of modern Germany. Keywords: FRG, GDR, historical memory, World War II, national tragedy, historical heritage.
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Welbel, Stanisław. "Käthe Kollwitz and Otto Nagel: Two Exhibitions of “Progressive Artists” at the Zachęta in the Framework of Cultural Cooperation with the German Democratic Republic." Ikonotheka 26 (June 26, 2017): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.1675.
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The essay focuses on a discussion of two exhibitions hosted at the Zachęta Central Bureau of Art Exhibitions in Warsaw that were organised in collaboration with the Committee for Cultural Cooperation with Foreign Countries. This Committee, which existed in the years 1950–1956, was an offi cial agency responsible for Poland’s cultural relations with foreign countries. Its programme refl ected the state policy and focused on cooperation with countries of the Eastern bloc. The events discussed in the essay were organised as part of the cooperation with the German Democratic Republic; they were solo exhibitions of the work of two German artists, Käthe Kollwitz in 1951 and Otto Nagel in 1955. They were linked by the person of the painter Otto Nagel, who, being the guardian of Kollwitz’s legacy, acted as the commissioner of her posthumous exhibition. The essay contains a critical analysis of the texts published in the catalogues and of other printed matter associated with the exhibitions as well as an analysis of related press reviews.
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Caestecker, Frank. "Red Aid, a Non-Accommodating NGO Challenging the Power of West-European States to Deny Protection to Undeserving Refugees, 1933–1935." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 2 (September 11, 2019): 304–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00502005.
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This article outlines how a refugee policy took shape in the liberal countries bordering Nazi Germany during the first half of the 1930s. In Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia and Switzerland, immigration policy had become much more restrictive by 1933 when the refugees from Germany applied for asylum and the necessity for a ‘side entrance’ for asylum seekers to these countries became apparent. The focus here is on the role of the Communist aid organisation, the Red Aid, in this endeavour. In comparison to the social-democratic aid organisations, the Red Aid was deficient, but most importantly it was an outsider to the political regime, while the Social-Democrats were part of the political regime. Still the authorities in all countries conceded by 1935 that German Communist refugees were more deserving than other unwanted immigrants who were expelled without much ado. This article argues that the campaigns of the Red Aid in the rather limited liberalisation of policy towards Communist refugees by 1935 did have some effect since their denouncement of the inhumane treatment of Communist refugees led these liberal polities to restrain themselves in their treatment of these most ‘undeserving’ of refugees.