Relevant bibliographies by topics / German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy"

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Flade, Falk. "Beyond socialist camaraderie. Cross-border railway between German Democratic Republic, Poland and Soviet Union (1950s–60s)." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (May 9, 2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619845339.

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In order to facilitate cross-border railway transport between socialist countries in Eastern Europe, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and later the Organisation for Cooperation of Railways were established in 1949 and 1956. Joint planning, standardisation and tariff policy were the main fields of cooperation. The paper focuses on the struggles between Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and Organisation for Cooperation of Railways member countries regarding transit tariffs for cross-border freight shipments. These struggles, dragging on for more than three decades, reveal the economic interests of individual member countries and the limitations of socialist foreign trade (and alleged friendship). This study argues that despite of political declarations and the establishment of socialist international organisations, the East European railways became a major bottleneck in intrabloc trade.
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Vahrenkamp, Richard. "The Dream of Large-Scale Truck Transport Enterprises — Outsourcing Experiments in the German Democratic Republic, 1957–80." Journal of Transport History 36, no. 1 (June 2015): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.36.1.2.

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Under state socialist economic policy, the concept of large-scale factories played an important role. The assumption was that large productivity gains would result from large-scale organisation and so large-scale concepts were also applied to the transport sector. Thirty years before Western management started outsourcing truck transportation from their factories, from 1957 state socialist traffic policy in the German Democratic Republic pulled truck fleets out of nationally owned enterprises, concentrating them into large and dedicated transport service enterprises. As this policy did not increase productivity, it was partly revised in the 1960s. The centralisation policy was unsuccessful because state-owned enterprises struggled against the state socialist transport department to keep the fleets they needed to conduct business. Conflicts between the state socialist ideology of centralisation and the operational needs of transportation within commerce, construction and industry took on many forms. For example the enterprises transferred only old trucks to the service companies. The paper shows that the theorem of the ‘economies of scale’ that was derived in the process industries does not apply in the transportation trade.
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Marcuse, Peter. "Letter From the German Democratic Republic." Monthly Review 42, no. 3 (July 4, 1990): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-042-03-1990-07_4.

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Tanneberger, Stephan. "Ethical Responsibility in the German Democratic Republic." Hastings Center Report 19, no. 4 (July 1989): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3562311.

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Harsch, Donna. "Medicalized Social Hygiene?: Tuberculosis Policy in the German Democratic Republic." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 86, no. 3 (2012): 394–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2012.0059.

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Buttner, Thomas, and Wolfgang Lutz. "Estimating Fertility Responses to Policy Measures in the German Democratic Republic." Population and Development Review 16, no. 3 (September 1990): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1972835.

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Boot, Pieter A. "East‐West trade and industrial policy: The case of the German democratic republic." Soviet Studies 39, no. 4 (October 1987): 651–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668138708411724.

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Ebeling, K., and P. Nischan. "Assessing the Effectiveness of a Cervical Cancer Screening Program in the German Democratic Republic." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 3, no. 1 (January 1987): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300011806.

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Debardeleben, Joan T. "Esoteric Policy Debate: Nuclear Safety Issues in the Soviet Union and German Democratic Republic." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (April 1985): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004178.

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At a time when the nuclear power industry in many Western countries faces political and economic obstacles to expansion, commitment to assertive development of nuclear power continues to intensify in the Soviet Union, as well as in most East European countries. Although in 1980 nuclear power provided only about 5·1 per cent of electrical generating capacity in the Soviet Union, the 11th Five Year Plan (1981–85) projected an increase to 14 per cent, or to approximately 38,000 MW (megawatts) of installed capacity. Although longer-run projections are less definite, it appears that by 1990 authorities hope to achieve between 80,000 and 90,000 MW of nuclear generating capacity. A similar commitment to nuclear power exists in most CMEA countries, particularly in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). As of 31 December 1982, the GDR's 1,830 MW of nuclear generating capacity was the highest in Eastern Europe (outside the Soviet Union), although Bulgaria has overtaken the GDR in terms of proportion of electrical capacity provided by nuclear power (16 per cent for Bulgaria and 11 per cent for the GDR in 1980). According to projections, Czechoslovakia should increase its nuclear capacity from 880 MW in 1980 to between 3,100 and 3,600 MW by 1985, while the GDR plans to raise its capacity to 2,270 MW.
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SCHOLZ, MICHAEL F. "East Germany's North European Policy prior to International Recognition of the German Democratic Republic." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (October 6, 2006): 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003547.

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The main aim of the GDR's foreign policy was to promote the survival and stabilisation of the SED dictatorship, and the so-called ‘worldwide revolution’, by seeking external recognition. After it was granted full sovereignty in 1954–5 the East German state carefully cultivated relations with Western countries. The Scandinavian countries received special attention on the basis of common history, natural economic and transport links, a close relationship with their respective communist parties and East German conformity to Soviet policy in the Baltic region. Up to the 1970s the GDR's main aim was to end its own international isolation. Despite a few spectacular successes, not even Sweden was won over and the final breakthrough did not come until the government of the FRG embarked on its new and successful Ostpolitik. In 1972–3 the Scandinavian countries were among the first officially to recognise the GDR.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy"

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McDougall, Alan. "From Tag X to the Prague Spring : crisis points in the history of the Free German Youth (FDJ), 1952-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365533.

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Winrow, G. M. "The foreign policy of the German Democratic Republic in Africa." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234291.

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Megas, Achilleas. "Soviet policy towards the German Democratic Republic : domestic politics and the international system." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432394.

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Schulenberg, Jennifer Lina. "Neuenbundeslaender, the effects of state and policy reunification on the women and families in the former German Democratic Republic." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ51091.pdf.

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Williams, Nicholas J. "An ‘evil year in exile’? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.

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Entre fin août et début septembre 1939 entre 700 000 et un million de civils sont évacués de la Sarre, du Palatinat et du pays de Bade vers le centre de l’Allemagne. En Moselle et en Alsace, environ 600 000 civils sont transportés vers le sud-ouest. Cette mesure est le résultat d’un long développement, influencé par les guerres napoléoniennes et la Grande Guerre. Ce travail analyse les étapes qui aboutissent à ces évacuations dans le cadre de la défense passive pendant l’entre-deux-guerres en France et en Allemagne. Il étudie, principalement de manière comparative, l’exécution des évacuations dans les deux pays en se concentrant sur les exemples de la Moselle et de la Sarre. La totalisation de la guerre à travers l’érection de lignes fortifiées puis l’évacuation des civils apparaît alors être un phénomène indépendant des systèmes politiques et des cadres nationaux : elle est un phénomène transnational. De plus, certains aspects des mouvements de réfugiés ne peuvent être contrôlés par les États. C’est ainsi que des pillages sont observables des deux côtés de la frontière. Cependant, la Troisième République arrive, également grâce à ses expériences avec les réfugiés pendant la Grande Guerre, à mieux organiser et encadrer les réfugiés. Leur administration et le soutien qu’ils reçoivent sur place sont organisés d’une manière plus cohérente par rapport à l’Allemagne nationale-socialiste, où des prétentions idéologiques et la dualité entre les administrations civiles et le parti nazi empêchent l’exécution efficace du programme d’évacuation
Between the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
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Bouiller, Sophie. "Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.

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Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemande
This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
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Micke, Marina Kai-Ina. "'Wechselschritt zwischen Anpassung und aufrechtem Gang' : negotiating the tensions between literary ambition and political constraints at the Institut für Literatur 'Johannes R. Becher' Leipzig (1950-1990)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/wechselschritt-zwischen-anpassung-und-aufrechtem-gang-negotiating-the-tensions-between-literary-ambition-and-political-constraints-at-the-institut-fur-literatur-johannes-r-becher-leipzig-19501990(c259d032-f129-4373-a6ef-f8acaf48c4c0).html.

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This thesis explores how the Institut für Literatur ‘Johannes R. Becher’, an East German institution for the training of writers, negotiated tensions that arose from the conflicting demands between literary and political values. The Institute had the objective to foster emerging literary talents according to the socialist ideal of a working writer, but often found students and staff drawn towards more autonomous literary values that were incompatible with the views of the East German Socialist Unity Party. As a result, the Institute’s practices fluctuated between toeing the party line and pursuing literary ambitions. An overview of the existing scholarship shows that the Institute and its function have been highly politicised and hardly subjected to analyses that allow for a more nuanced appraisal of its practices. As a result, the study of the Institut has not been able to transcend the binary differentiation between assent and dissent and the Institute is either presented as a liberal haven or an orthodox academy with little artistic value. This thesis addresses this issue by applying Bourdieu’s’ theory of cultural production, more specifically his notion of field, capital and habitus, to the study of the Becher Institute. Three case studies that form the core of this dissertation investigate how cultural capital in its institutionalised, embodied, and objectified form was accumulated, converted and exchanged by the Institute, how it tried to reconcile the tensions between cultural policy and creative aspirations and how these tensions affected the Institute’s common habitus. The first case study will show how the Institute’s founding shaped the institutionalised capital it represented and question the importance that has been attributed to prominent political figures during the founding process. The second case study examines the role of the lecturer and the influence their embodied capital had on the Institute. Two lecturers, working writer Werner Bräunig and poet Georg Maurer, and their representation of the Institute’s multiple habitus will be the focus of the analysis. The third and final case study is dedicated to objectified cultural capital in the form of the Institute’s publications during the 1970s. The Institute’s orthodox publications have so far been overlooked by scholars in favour of its more controversial literary output, which gives a misleading impression of the Institute’s literary output that I aim to amend. By developing a sociological framework for the study of the Institute, this thesis is able to investigate the Institute and its practices as a social and literary space under the watchful eye of the Socialist Unity Party, without denying its pedagogical and cultural dimensions. The findings will reveal a deeply conflicted institution that struggled throughout its existence to resolve the tensions between literary ambitions and political restraints as well as the contradictions within the literary field itself.
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Szobi, Pavel. "K ekonomickému a politickému vývoji Německé demokratické republiky v sedmdesátých letech 20. století." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-326704.

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To the Economic and Political Development of the German Democratic Republic in the 1970s (Pavel Szobi) Abstract The thesis deals with the economic development of the German Democratic Republic in the 1970s. It characterizes the basic elements of real socialism and implementation of the main SED strategy for the studied period - the so called Unity of Economic and Social Policy. It evaluates single aspects and the impact on the political stability of the regime. The thesis determines effects of energetic policy, external debt and lack of foreign currency on the national economy. The author does not consider the economic failures, but the dictatorship itself to be the main reason for the regime decay. Restriction of human and civil rights, together with comparing the standard of living with the Federal Republic of Germany led to the rise of social policy expenses and an extensive subvention of the so called consumer socialism. These courses of action enabled to stabilize the GDR temporarily; however, it also made the main defects of central planning more visible. Not only a modern consumer society failed to form, but even supplying population with random goods remained an issue which is well documented in the thesis on the example of the so called coffee crisis. The author comes to the conclusion that these...
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Malínek, Tomáš. "ČSSR ve východní politice SPD (1973 -1989)." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448631.

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This doctoral thesis deals with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and its foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia during the 1970s and 1980s. It aims not only to analyse the relationship between SPD and KSČ (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) but also the communication and cooperation between SPD, Czechoslovak dissidents and Czechoslovak political emigration. The main goal of the dissertation is to answer three basic questions: What were the goals of social democratic eastern policy (Ostpolitik) towards ČSSR? Were they achieved? Does the party changed its attitude towards Czechoslovakia after 1982, when it became an opposition party?
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Juneau, Jean-François. "Egon Bahr, l'Ostpolitik et la place de l'Allemagne dans un nouvel ordre européen, 1945-1975." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3271.

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Cette thèse porte sur les conceptions d’Egon Bahr dans le domaine de la politique à l’Est (Ostpolitik) de la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) entre 1945 et 1975. L’analyse se concentre sur le lien entre l’Ostpolitik et l’idée que Bahr se fait de la place et du rôle de l’Allemagne en Europe. Plus précisément, cette étude veut cerner les buts poursuivis par Bahr dans le cadre de la politique orientale. La première partie traite du développement conceptuel de l’Ostpolitik (1945-1969), tandis que la seconde examine sa mise en application entre l’élection de Willy Brandt comme chancelier de la RFA et la conclusion des accords d’Helsinki (1969-1975). Les principales sources utilisées sont les écrits de Bahr ainsi que des documents inédits se trouvant dans divers centres d’archives non seulement en Allemagne, mais aussi aux États-Unis, en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Pour Bahr, l’Ostpolitik ne saurait se résumer à l’élimination des obstacles qui gênent la diplomatie ouest-allemande durant la guerre froide. Bahr poursuit plutôt un projet nationaliste ambitieux dans le contexte des relations avec le bloc soviétique : créer les conditions d’une redéfinition de la place de l’Allemagne en Europe. Pour lui, l’Ostpolitik constitue un instrument idéal pour faire de l’Allemagne la puissance prépondérante dans un nouvel ordre de paix européen. Trois éléments complémentaires participent à l’accomplissement de cette vision : 1) la consolidation de la paix et de la sécurité continentales; 2) la réunification allemande et 3) l’émancipation de la politique étrangère (ouest-)allemande. Cette thèse éclaire la pensée politique de Bahr et contribue à une meilleure compréhension de la signification de l’Ostpolitik dans le contexte plus large de la politique étrangère de la RFA. Les conceptions de Bahr sont uniques dans l’Allemagne de la guerre froide parce qu’elles sont centrées sur les notions de puissance, d’intérêt national et de « normalité ». En même temps, Bahr comprend que la coopération doit toujours rester l’instrument diplomatique privilégié des Allemands vu leur position géographique centrale. À travers le prisme des conceptions de son « architecte », l’Ostpolitik apparaît comme un véritable effort de réconciliation entre la paix en Europe et l’affirmation de l’influence allemande sur la scène internationale.
This thesis deals with Egon Bahr’s understanding of the Federal Republic of Germany’s (FRG) Eastern policy (Ostpolitik) between 1945 and 1975. The analysis is centered on the link between Ostpolitik and Bahr’s conception of Germany’s position and role in the European system. More precisely, this study aims at finding out which goals Bahr pursued in the context of Bonn’s Eastern policy. The first part of the thesis deals with the conceptual development of Ostpolitik (1945-1969). The second part takes a look at its implementation for the period between Willy Brandt’s election as West German Chancellor and the conclusion of the Helsinki Final Act (1969-1975). This thesis relies primarily on Bahr’s writings, including a vast number of unpublished sources, located mostly in German archives, but also in American, French and British archives. According to Bahr, Ostpolitik was not limited to the elimination of West Germany’s burdens in foreign policy during the Cold War. In fact, he pursued an ambitious, nationalistic project in the context of relations with the Soviet bloc. Bahr sought to create the necessary conditions for Germany to redefine its place in Europe. With Ostpolitik as his diplomatic instrument, his ultimate goal was to see Germany become the central power in a new European peace order. Three interrelated objectives formed the core of this vision: 1) the consolidation of peace and security on the continent; 2) German reunification and 3) the emancipation of (West) German foreign policy. This thesis sheds new light on Bahr’s political thought and contributes to a better understanding of Ostpolitik’s significance in the larger context of West German foreign policy. Bahr’s conceptions were unique in Cold War Germany because they were based on notions of power, the national interest and “normality”. At the same time, Bahr understood that Germans, because of their central geographic position, always had to rely on cooperation as the prime instrument of all their diplomatic initiatives. Through its “architect”, Ostpolitik appears as an effort at reconciliation between a peaceful Europe and the unhindered affirmation of German influence in world affairs.
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Books on the topic "German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy"

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Stoph, Willi. Speech by the chairman of the GDR Council of Ministers, Willi Stoph, in support of the Bill on the 1985 National Economic Plan: 1985 National Economic Plan Act adopted by the People's Chamber of the GDR on 30 November 1984. Berlin: Panorama DDR, 1985.

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Connections, effective purchasing power, and real product in the German Democratic Republic. Berlin: Osteuropa-Institut, 1985.

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Translation under state control: Books for young people in the German Democratic Republic. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Thomson-Wohlgemuth, Gaby. Translation under state control: Books for young people in the German Democratic Republic. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Neo-historical East Berlin: architecture and urban design in the German Democratic Republic. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2009.

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Honecker, Erich. GDR matches words with deeds on disarmament. Berlin: Panorama, 1989.

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Environmental protection: Tasks and results : information from the German Democratic Republic. Berlin: Panorama DDR, 1985.

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Socialist Reformers and the Collapse of the German Democratic Republic. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Levy, Katja, Annette Zimmer, and Qingyu Ma, eds. Still a Century of Corporatism? Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748907404.

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Taking a public policy perspective, this book explores how local governments and societal organisations in Germany and China work together in order to solve the social problems they face. Against the backdrop of the migration movement to Europe in 2015/16 and the longer history of rural-to-urban migration since the 1980s in China, this comparative study explores the challenges which migration poses to local governments. Despite the fundamental differences in the political systems of the democratic, federal state of Germany and the authoritarian, socialist People's Republic of China, the authors found that governments and societal actors turn to similar solutions to problems related to the integration of migrants and that collaborative governance plays an important role in it.
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Science and technology policy and the organization of research in the German Democratic Republic. Berlin: Academy of Sciences of the GDR, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "German Democratic Republic; Organisation; Policy"

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Schmidt, Manfred G. "Social Policy in the German Democratic Republic." In The Rise and Fall of a Socialist Welfare State, 23–166. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22528-4_2.

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Moebius, Stephan. "Sociology in the German Democratic Republic." In Sociology in Germany, 123–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_5.

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AbstractIn the GDR (German Democratic Republic), sociology did not emerge until the 1960s. In 1963, the party program of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED, Socialist Unity Party of Germany, SUPG) explicitly called for the establishment of sociological research. GDR sociology developed under completely different conditions than in West Germany. It was overshadowed by Marxist-Leninist philosophy and political economy as well as instrumentalized by economic policy. Its focus was on the basic categories of work and production. The connection to economic policy and historical materialism promoted the tendency to economic reductionism in sociology. Sociology in the GDR was not based on the general tradition of sociology, which was understood as “bourgeois.” Besides Marx, the founding figures of sociology were avoided; not only were they seen as “bourgeois sociologists,” but many of them had also focused on meaningful action and the understanding of social processes rather than on the analysis of the laws of social development. Methodologically, the main focus was on quantitative methods. Sociology had the function of confirming the social laws whose theoretical interpretation was then reserved for historical materialism. It was not until the late 1980s that the situation changed somewhat and the relative autonomy of the social came increasingly into focus. This also led to first approaches to study the social position of women and gender relations. Overall, sociology in the GDR remained committed to a canonizing interpretation of Marxism-Leninism. In addition, it placed itself largely at the service of political power. Because of this its performance was limited enormously. Only when the social processes and dynamics could no longer be adequately described within the conventional ideological framework did certain changes occur.
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Dennis, Mike. "Family Policy and Family Function in the German Democratic Republic." In Social Transformation and the Family in Post-Communist Germany, 37–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333995334_3.

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Ahrens, Ralf. "Planning Priorities, Managing Shortages: Industrial Policy in the German Democratic Republic, from Stalinism to Welfare Dictatorship." In Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 300–320. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_14.

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Harsch, Donna. "Sex, Divorce, and Women’s Waged Work: Private Lives and State Policy in the Early German Democratic Republic." In Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe, 97–113. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101579_7.

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Olszewski, Michael W. "The Framework of Foreign Policy." In The German Democratic Republic, 179–98. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429047282-8.

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"UN Policy, German Democratic Republic." In A Concise Encyclopedia of the United Nations, 770–75. Brill | Nijhoff, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004180048.i-962.689.

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"Housing Policy in the German Democratic Republic Hanns Buchholz." In Housing Policies in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 344–72. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203169346-13.

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"Christian heritage in the art policy of the German Democratic Republic." In Communicating Religion and Atheism in Central and Eastern Europe, 175–88. De Gruyter, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110547085-009.

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Schulz, Eberhard. "Recent Changes in the Policy of the German Democratic Republic Towards the Federal Republic of Germany." In Continuity and Change in Soviet-East European Relations, 55–74. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044281-4.

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